ARCHEOLOGY
AND THE 5IBLE
EQRGEA.BARrrON
XUiJua^Pv K^h ^'r\S\%h) \{,s-
t^^
,^M
A Hillside Strekt :
Roman' Jerusalem along which Jesus and the Disciples may well
HAVE walked i_aflcr Germer-Durand) .
—Frontispiece.
CHrrru 3Fuu& Book, No. IT
ARCHEOLOGY AND
THE BIBLE
BY
GEORGE A. BARTON, Ph. D., LL. D.
PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE AND SEMITIC LANGUAGES
IN BRYN MAWR COLLEGE; SOMETIME DIRECTOR OF THE
AMERICAN SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN JERUSALEM
PART I
THE BIBLE LANDS, THEIR EXPLORATION, AND THE RESULTANT
LIGHT ON THE BIBLE AND HISTORY
PART II
TRANSLATIONS OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS WTIICH CONFIRM OR
ILLUMINATE THF BIBLE
PHILADELPHIA
AMERICAN SUNDAY-SCHOOL UNION
1816 Chestnut Street
^
^
'i>
Copyright, igi6, by
American Sunday-School Union
All rights vested in and reserved by
American Sunday-School Union
First Edition, May, 1916.
Second Edition, June, 1917.
/
63S-
To
CAROLINE B. D. BARTON
Faithful Comrade in
the Campaign of Life
OOO'TOO
PREFACE
For a hundred years or* more the explorer and the excavator
have been busy in many parts of the world. They have brought
to light monuments and texts that have in many cases revolution-
ized our conceptions of history and have in other cases thrown
much new light on what was previously known.
In no part of the world have these labors been more fruitful than
in the lands of the Bible. In Egypt and Babylonia vistas of history
have been opened to view that were undreamed of before explora-
tion began. The same is true for that part of the history of Pales-
tine which antedates the coming of Israel. Information has also
been obtained which illumines later portions of the history, and
makes the Biblical narrative seem much more vivid. It is now
possible to make real to oneself the details of the life of the Biblical
heroes, and to understand the problems of their world as formerly
one could not do. Exploration has also brought to light many
inscriptions in the various countries that confirm or illuminate the
traditions, history, poetry, and prophecy of the Bible. The sands
of Egypt have even yielded us some reputed new sayings of our
Lord.
It is the purpose of this book to gather into one volume the most
valuable information of all sorts that the excavations in Bible lands
have afforded, and to put it in such form that it may be of service
to the pastor and Sunday-school teacher. An attempt has been
made so to present the material that one may not only have the
wealth of illumination for Biblical study that exploration has pro-
duced, but also that he may possess an outline of the history of the
exploration and of the countries sufficient to enable him to place
each item in its proper perspective. Whether in handling so large
a mass of data the writer has achieved his aim, the reader must
judge. The preparation of the volume was undertaken at the
request of the Board of Managers of the American Sunday-School
Union, for publication under the John C. Green Income Fund, —
a fund founded in 1877 "for the purpose of aiding ... in secur-
vi PREFACE
ing a Sunday-school literature of the highest order of merit . . .
by procuring works . . . germane to the objects of the Society."
The foundation requires that the manuscripts procured by the fund
shall become the exclusive property of the American Sunday-
School Union, and, that the selling price may be reduced, the
Society is prohibited from including the cost of the manuscript
in the price of the book.
This work is confined to those phases of archaeology upon which
light has been thrown by exploration. No attempt is made, for ex-
ample, to treat the constitution of the Hebrew family, or the dress
worn in ancient Palestine, for these are subjects to which explora-
tion has contributed no new knowledge.
The texts published in Part II have, with few exceptions, been
freshly translated by the writer especially for this work. This
is true of all except the majority of the Egv^ptian texts and two
Greek papyri which were not accessible in the original. Transla-
tions of these were taken from the works of well-known scholars,
to each of whom credit is given in connection with the passage
quoted from his work. The quotations of Palestinian place names
from the inscriptions of the Eg}^ptian kings, of which the writer has
made a special study, are based on his own translations of the
originals.
Aa archaeological fact, or a text brought to light by excavation,
is often of little significance apart from its interpretation, and the
interpretation of such data frequently varies according to the
point of view occupied by the interpreter. As stated in the fore-
word of Part II, it has been the writer's aim throughout to main-
tain a neutral attitude on controverted points.
Not the least service that archaeology has rendered has been the
presentation of a new background against which the inspiration of
the Biblical writers stands out in striking vividness. Often one
finds traditions in Babylonia identical with those embodied in the
Old Testament, but they are so narrated that no such conception of
God shmes through them as shines through the Biblical narrative.
Babylonians and Egyptians pour out their hearts in psalms with
something of the same fervor and pathos as the Hebrews, but no
such vital conception of God and his oneness gives shape to their
faith and brings the longed-for strength to the spirit. EgN^ptian
sages developed a social conscience comparable in many respects
with that of the Hebrew prophets, but they lacked the vital touch
PREFACE vii
of religious devotion which took the conceptions of the prophets out
of the realm of individual speculation and made them the working
ethics of a whole people. Archaeology thus reinforces to the modern
man with unmistakable emphasis the ancient words, "Men spake
from God, being moved by the Holy Spirit" (2 Peter 1 : 21).
The writer is under obligation to all his predecessors. Endeavor
has been made in the footnotes to acknowledge each individual
obligation. Lest any oversight may have occurred there, he would
here express both his indebtedness and his gratitude to all who by
their various explorations and studies have preceded him and been
his teachers.
Of these, Prof. R. A. Stewart Macalister should, perhaps, be
singled out for an especial word of gratitude, for in Chapters VI-XI
of Part I his work of excavation has been quoted more frequently
than any other. This apparent partiality is due to the fact that
Gezer was excavated more completely than any other Palestinian
site; that, because of its early and long-continued occupation in
ancient times, it reveals a great variety of civilizations; and that, in
The Excavation of Gezer, Prof. Macalister has presented the results
of his work with a completeness and a degree of intelligibility that
no other excavator in Palestine has approached. He has made his
work a model of what such a publication should be, and has thereby
made us all his debtors.
Especial thanks are due to Dr. George B. Gordon, Director of the
University Museum, Philadelphia, for his kindness in furnishing an
advance copy of the proof-sheets of Volume X of the Publications
of the Babylonian Section of the museum, from which the material
embodied in Chapter VIII of Part II was translated, and to Prof.
Morris Jastrow, Jr., and Dr. Edward Chiera for the benefit of their
fresh collation of the text. This was of considerable importance,
since Dr. Langdon's copy of large portions of it had been made
from photographs, rather than from the original tablet. The
writer is also indebted to Prof. W. R. Arnold, of Andover Theo-
logical Seminary, for helpful suggestions concerning the interpreta-
tion of a passage in the temple-papyrus from Elephantine which
has hitherto baffled translators. Thanks are also due to the fol-
lowing authors and publishers for permission to reproduce illus-
trations contained in books written or published by them: The
Palestine Exploration Fund, for permission relating to Warren's
Jerusalem; Bliss and Macalister's Excavations in Palestine, 1898-
viii PREFACE
1900; Macalister's Excavation of Gezer, and Peters and Thiersch's
Painted Tombs of Marissa; Rev. Prof. C. J. Ball, of Oxford, Light
from the East; J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, Koldewey's
Das Wieder Erstehende Babylon; Dr. I. Benzinger and Herr Paul
Siebeck, Hebraische Archdologie; Monsieur J. Gabalda, Vincent's
Jerusalem; Prof. A. T. Clay, of Yale, Light on the Old Testament
from Babel; Prof. Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins, The Psalms in
his Sacred Books of the Old Testament; Rev. J. P. Peters and G. P.
Putnam's Sons, Peters' Nippur; Prof. C. C. Torrey, of Yale,
Journal of the American Oriental Society; George H. Doran Co.,
Ramsay's Le//er5 to the Seven Churches of Asia; Dr. Mitchell Carroll,
American Journal of ArchcBology and Art and Archceology; Rev. A.
E. Breen, Diary of My Life in the Holy Land; Thomas Nelson and
Sons, The Illustrated Teachers' Bible; and to Ferris and Leach, for
permission to use again a number of photographs published in
the writer's A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands. Dr. R. E. Briin-
now not only granted permission to reproduce illustrations from
Briinnow and Domaszewski's Provincia Arabia, but generously
loaned the original photographs and drawings. Prof. Harold N.
Fowler, Editor of the American Journal of Archceology, also kindly
loaned an original photograph of the excavation at Sardis. The
source of each illustration, when not the writer's own, is indicated
in the list of illustrations by mentioning the name of the author
of the book or article from which it is taken.
Grateful acknowledgment should also be made to Rev. Edwin
Wilbur Rice, D. D., Litt. D., Honorary Editor of the Publications
of the American Sunday-School Union, who carefully read the book
in manuscript and made many valuable criticisms and suggestions.
The table of contents and the chapter-headings were prepared
by James McConaughy, Litt. D., Editor of the Publications of the
American Sunday-School Union; the indices, by A. J. R. Schu-
maker, M. A., Assistant Editor. The writer is grateful to them,
not only for this service, but for many helpful criticisms and cour-
tesies while the book has been passing through the press. Valuable
suggestions have also been made by Mrs. Barton, who has carefully
read the proofs. Miss Bertha V. Dreisbach has given intelligent
and painstaking service in preparing the manuscript for the press,
and in proof-reading; Mr. V. Winfield Challenger and Miss Laura
G. Leach have rendered a like valuable service in assembling and
arranging the illustrations.
PREFACE ix
The quotations of Scripture passages throughout are from the
American Standard Revised Version.
If this volume should bring to some remote worker or secluded
young person a tithe of the inspiration and joy that such a book
would have brought the writer in the rural home of his boyhood, he
would ask no higher reward for the labor it has cost.
George A. Barton.
Bryn Mawr, Pa.
May. 1916.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
It is gratifying to know that this book has been found useful
by so many students of the Bible and that a second edition is
necessary. Minor errors, especially typographical, have been
corrected throughout the volume. The chief feature of this
edition is the addition of an Appendix, in which will be found
some material that has come to light in the last year, and one or
two items that were overlooked when the first edition was written.
George A. Barton.
Bryn Mawr, Pa.
June, 1917.
CONTENTS
PART I
Page
List of Illustrations 1
Table of Signs 9
Introduction 11
Chapter
I. Egypt 17
The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. Egyptian Dis-
coveries. Decipherment. Chronology. OutUne of the History.
Egyptian Discoveries which bear on the Bible.
II. Babylonia and Assyiua 40
The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. The Discovery
of Antiquities. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions. Chro-
nology. Outline of the History. Discoveries which illumine the
Bible.
III. The Hittites 68
A Forgotten Empire. Hittite Monuments. Hittite De-
cipherment. Hittite History.
N/ IV. Palestine and Its Exploration 83
The Land. Early Exploration. Early American Explora-
tions. Palestine Exploration Fund. The German Palestine
Society. The American School at Jerusalem. Samaria. Par-
ker's Excavations at Jerusalem. Latest Excavations.
V V. Outline of Palestine's Arch^ological History 103
The Early Stone Age. The Late Stone Age. The Amorites.
The Canaanites. Egj^Dtian Domination. The Philistines.
The Hebrews. Philistine Civilization. The Hebrew King-
doms. The Exile and After. The Coming of Rome. Later
History.
VI. The Cities of Palestine 123
Their Sites. The Walls. The Stone Work. Houses. Palaces.
Foundation Sacrifices. City Gates. Water Supply.
VII. Roads and Agriculture 132
\/ VIII. Pottery 141
Importance of Pottery. Pre-Semitic Pottery. First Semitic
Pottery to 1800 B. c. Pottery of Second Semitic Period. Third
Semitic Period. Israelitish or Fourth Semitic Period. Hellen-
istic Period.
IX. Utensils and Personal Ornaments 149
xi
xu
CONTENTS
Chapter Pack
X. Measures, Weights, and Money 158
Measures. Weights. Inscribed Weights. Money.
XI. High Places and Temples 167
A Sanctuary of the Pre-Semitic Cave-Dwellers. A Rock-Altar
at Megiddo. A Rock-Altar at Jerusalem. High Place at Tell
es-Safi. High Place at Gezer. At Taanach. High Places at
Petra. A Supposed Philistine Temple. At Megiddo. The
Temple to Augustus at Samaria.
XII. The Tombs of P.\lestixe 179
Burning the Dead. Cave Burials. Cistern Burial. Burial
under IMenhirs. Earth-Graves. Rock-Hewn Shaft Tombs.
Doorway Tombs. Tombs with a RoUing-Stone.
XIII. Jerusalem 185
Situation. Gihon. Cave-Dwellers. The El-Amarna Period.
Jebusite Jerusalem. The City of David. Solomon's Jerusalem.
From Solomon to Hezekiah. Hezekiah. From Hezekiah to the
Exile. The Destruction of 586 b. c. The Second Teniple.
Nehemiah and the Walls. Late Persian and Early Greek Periods.
In the Time of the INIaccabees. Asmona;an Jerusalem. Herod
the Great. The Pool of Bethesda. Gethsemane. Calvary.
Agrippa I and the Third Wall.
XIV. The Decapolis 213
Origin. Damascus. Scythopolis. Cities East of the Sea of
Galilee. Gadara. Pella and Dion. Gerasa. Philadelphia.
Jesus in the Decapolis.
XV. Athens, Corinth, and the Churches of Asia 219
PART II
Chapter P*"^^
I. An Epic of the Creation which Circulated in Babylon and
Assyria in the Seventh Century b. c 235
Text of the Epic. Comparison of the Epic with the First
Chapter of Genesis. The Epic and Other Parts of the Bible.
II. Another Account of the Creation Found at Babylon 255
Text of the Account. Comparison of it with Genesis 2.
III. The Babylonian Sabbath 258
Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit. A Day called Shabatum.
A Day in Some Tablets at Yale.
IV. The Legen-d of Adapa ant) the Fall of Man 260
Comparison with Genesis 3. The Adapa Myth.
V. The Patriarchs before the Flood .• 264
Babylonian Long-Lived Kings. Comparison with Genesis 5.
Comparison with Genesis 4. Comparison with, the List of
Berossos.
CONTENTS xiii
Chapter Page
VI. A Babylonian Account of the Flood, from a Tablet Writ-
ten AT Nineveh in the Seventh Century b. c 273
Translation of the Text. Comparison with Genesis 6-9.
Another Babylonian Version.
VII. An Account of the Creation and Flood, from a Tablet
Written at Nippur BEFoiiE 2000 b. c 278
Translation. Comparison with the Other Version.
VIII. An Account of the Origin of a City and the Beginning
of Agriculture, from a Tablet Written at Nippur
BEFORE 2000 b. c 283
Translation. Comparison with Biblical Material.
IX. Abraham and Archeology 290
Abraham hired an Ox. Abraham leased a Farm. Abra-
ham paid his Rent. Wlio was this Abraham? Travel
between Babylonia and Palestine. Hammurapi, King of the
Westland. Kadur-Mabug. Kings supposed by some to be
those of Genesis 14.
X. Jacob and Joseph 299
Appearances of these Names in Babylonian and Egyptian
Records. "The Tale of the Two Brothers"; its Bearing on
the Story of Joseph in Genesis. Letters to a Ruler like
Joseph. The Seven Years of Famine. Inscription showing
Preparation for Famine.
XL Palestine in the Patriarchal Age 307
The Tale of Sinuhe. Communication between Egypt and
Palestine.
XII. Moses and the Exodus 310
The Legend of Sargon of Agade; its Resemblance to the
Story of Moses. The Pillar ofMerneptah; the Only Appear-
ance of the Name "Israel" outside of the Bible.
XIII. The Code of Hammurapi and the Pentateuch 313
The Text of the Code; Resemblance to and Contrast with the
Mosaic Code. The Mosaic Code not borrowed from the
Babylonian; Different Underlying Conceptions.
XIV. An Alleged Parallel to Leviticus— a Carthaginian Law
Concerning Sacrifices 342
The Text of the Carthaginian Law. Comparison with the
Levitical Law.
XV. Some Letters from Palestine 344
Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal. Of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem.
Their Light on Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian
Domination of Palestine.
XVI. Documents from the Time of Israel's Judges 352
Report of Wenamon. Its Illustration of Certain Points of
Biblical History about the Time of Deborah or Gideon. Refer-
ence to the Philistines.
CONTENTS
Chapter Page
XVII. Arch^ological Light on the Books of Kings 358
Gudea and Cedar-Wood for his Palace. The Eponym
Canon. The Seal of Shema. Shishak's List of Conquered
Asiatic Cities. Ashumasirpal's Description of his E.xpedition
to Mediterranean Lands. Shalmaneser Ill's Claims regard-
ing Tribute from the Kings of Israel. The Moabite Stone.
Adadnirari IV's Mention of the "Land of Omri." Inscription
describing Tiglathpileser IV's Campaign. Sargon's Con-
quests. Sennacherib's Western Campaigns. The Siloam
Inscription. Esarhaddon's List of Conquered Kings. Ashur-
banipal's Assyrian Campaign. Necho of Egypt. Nebuchad-
rezzar II. Evil-Merodach. Discoveries in Sheba.
XVIII. The End of the Babylonian Exile 382
Inscriptions of Nabuna'id; their Bearing on Biblical State-
ments regarding Belshazzar. . Account of the Capture of
Babylon bearing on the Book of Daniel. Inscription of Cyrus
bearing on the Capture of Babylon. Cyrus's Permission for
the Return to Jerusalem.
XIX.
XX.
A Jewish Colony in Egypt during the Time of Nehemiah .
Papyri Witness to the Existence of a Colony at Elephantine.
Translation of a Petition relating to their Temple. Reply
of Persian Governor. Historical Bearings of these Docu-
ments. A Letter relating to the Passover. A Letter show-
ing that the Jews were Unpopular at Elephantine.
387
392
A BABYLO^^AN Job
Translation of a Poem relating to the Aflaictions of a
Good Man. Comparison with the Book of Job. A Fragment
of Another Similar Poem.
XXI. Psalms from Babylonia and Eg\tt 398
Character of their Psalms. Babylonian Prayers to the
Goddess Ishtar. Comparison with the Psalter. A Babylo-
nian Hymn to the Moon-God. A Babylonian Hymn to Bel.
An Egyptian Hymn to the Sun-God. Is the H>Tnn Monothe-
istic? An Eg>i)tian Hymn in Praise of Aton. Comparison
with the Psalter.
XXII. Parallels to Proverbs and Ecclesiastes 407
The Nature of the Book of Proverbs and the Parallels.
Babylonian Proverbs from the Library of Ashurbanipal.
Precepts from the Library of Ashurbanipal. Comparison with
the Bible. Egyptian Precepts of Ptahhotep. Comparison
with the Bible. Parallel to Ecclesiastes from the Gilgamesh
Epic.
XXIII. Egyptian Parallels to the Song of Songs 413
Nature of the Song of Songs. Translation of Some Egj^ptian
Love-Poems. Comparison with Biblical Passages.
XXIV. Illustrations of Passages in the Prophets 417
Uniqueness of the Prophetic Books. An Assyrian Pro-
phetic Vision. Comparison with the Bible. The Egyptian
CONTENTS
XXVI.
Social Conscience. Tale of the Eloquent Peasant. Compari-
son with the Bible. An Ideal King; Extract from the Admo-
nitions of Ipuwer. Comparison with Messianic Expectations.
Sheol. Ishtar's Descent to the Underworld. Comparison
with Prophetic Passages. A Lamentation for Tammuz.
XXV. Reputed Sayings of Jesus Found in Egypt 428
Early Collections of the Words of Jesus. Translation of
Sayings found in 1897. Comments. Translation of a Leaf
found in 1904. Comments. Opinions as to these Sayings.
Arch^ological Light on the Enrolment of Quirinius ... 432
Translation of a Papyrus showing that in the Second Cen-
tury Enrolment was made Every Fourteen Years. Com-
ments. Translation referring to an Enrolment in the Reign of
Nero. Fragment from the Reign of Tiberius. Enrolments
probably inaugurated by Augustus. Document showing that
People went to their own towns for Enrolment. Inscrip-
tion supposed to refer to Quirinius. Inscription from Asia
Minor referring to Quirinius. Discussion. Conclusions.
Arch^ological Light on the Acts and Epistles 438
The Politarchs of Thessalonica. An Altar to Unknown
Gods. An Inscription from Delphi and the Date of Paul's
Contact with Gallio. Some Epistles from Egypt. Inscrip-
tions mentioning Aretas, King of Arabia.
XXVII.
Appendix.
445
Discoveries at Carchemish. Hrozny's Decipherment of
Hittite. Discoveries at Jerusalem and Balata. A New
Babylonian Account of the Creation of Man. Reports of
Commanders of Egyptian Frontier- Fortresses Relating to the
Entrance of Asiatics into Egypt in Time of Famine. Sup-
posed Trace of the Ten Lost Tribes in Mesopotamia.
Index of Scripture Passages 453
Index '*^^
Illustrations: Plates 1-114.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
A Hillside Street in Roman Jerusalem along which Jesus and the _
Disciples may well have walked Frontispiece.
FIGURE P^^^^
1 Syrian Traders in Egypt, from a Tomb at Bern Hasan {after Ball) . .
2 Crown of Lower Egypt
3 Crown of Upper Egypt
4 Crown of United Egypt
5 Sphinx and Pyramid of Khafre
6 Pyramids of Khufu and Khafre 2
7 Step Pyramid of Zoser 2
8 Body from a Pre-dynastic Tomb ^
9 Head of the Mummy of Ramses II ^
10 A Store-Chamber at Pithora {after Naville) 4
11 Ancient and Modern Brick-Making {after Petrie) 4
12 Plan of City and Temple of Leontopolis {after Petrie) 5
13 A Passover-Oven {after Petrie) 5
14 The Rosetta Stone {after Thomas Nelson and Sons) 6
15 The " Israel" Inscription of Merneptah 6
16 Mounds of NuEfar {after Clay) 7
17 Excavation at Nuffar {after Clay) 7
18 Gate of Ishtar, Babylon {after Koldewey) 8
19 Phalanx of Soldiers from Eannatum's " Stele of Vultures" 8
20 Inscribed Column from Persepolis 9
21 Silver Vase of Entemena 9
22 Mound of Birs Nimrud {after Peters) 9
23 Hittite Gates at Boghaz Koi {after Puckstein) 10
24 Hittite Types from Egyptian Monuments {after Carstang) 10
25 A Hittite King {after Puckstein) 1 1
26 The Boss of Tarkondemos 1 1
27 The Seal of Shema, Servant of Jeroboam 11
28 Tell el-Hesy after Excavation 12
29 The Site of the Old Testament Jericho 12
30 Excavation of Gezer 1-^
31 Remains of a Colonnaded Street at Samaria 13
32 Excavation at Tell Hum 14
33 Egyptians Attacking a Palestinian City {after Perrot and Chipic:) . . 14
34 Israelitish Jericho {after Sellin) 15
35 Israelitish Houses at Jericho {after Sellin) 15
36 PhiUstines from the Palace of Ramses III 16
1
2 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Plate
37 Canaanitish Fortress at Jericho {after Sell in) 16
38 Inscribed Disc from Phaestos (one-fourth actual size) 17
39 Gebel Fureidis 17
40 Bastion for the Protection of an Inserted Tower {after Macalister).. . 18
41 Remains of Walls of Megiddo {after Schumacher) IS
42 Walls of Buildings at Samaria {after Reisner) 19
43 Specimens of Stone- Work at Gezer {after Macalister) 19
44 Building-Bricks from Gezer {after Macalister) 19
45 Plan of Palace at Taanach {after Scllin) 20
46 The Great City Wall at Gezer {after Macalister) 20
47 Israelitish Houses at Gezer 21
48 Specimens of Mosaic Floors {after Macalister) 21
49 A Doorway at Gezer {after Macalister) 22
50 Door-Sockets from Gezer {after Macalister) 22
51 Supposed House of Hiel, Jericho {after Scllin) 23
52 Foundation of the Palace of Omri, Samaria {after Reisner) 23
53 Hebrew Palace at Megiddo {after Schmnucher) 23
54 Plan of the ]\Iaccaba;an Castle at Gezer {after Macalister) 24
55 Stone- Work of the Maccabaean Castle {after Macalister) 24
56 A Foundation-Deposit, Gezer {after Macalister) 24
57 A City Gate at Megiddo {after Schumacher) 25
58 The South Gate at Gezer {after Macalister) 25
59 The South Gate at Beth-shemesh {after Mackenzie) 25
60 Entrance to the Underground Tunnel at Gezer {after Macalister) .... 26
61 The North Gate at Gezer {after Macalister) 26
62 Plans of the Underground Tunnel at Gezer {after Macalister) 27
63 Plan of Underground Tunnel at Gibeon {after A bel) 28
64 One of Solomon's Pools 28
65 Post of City Gate, Samaria {after Reisner) 29
66 Part of City Wall and Gate, Samaria {after Reisner) 29
67 Road South of Gerizim iO
68 Lines of Roman Roads at Tell el-Ful 30
69 Roman Road North of Amman 30
70 A Granary at Gezer {after Macalister) 31
71 Some Roman ]\Iile-Stones 31
72 Plan of a Granarj' at Gezer {aft^r Macalister) 31
73 A Hoe {after Macalister) 32
74 An Egj-ptian Reaping {after Wreszinski) 32
75 A Sickle {after Wreszijiski) ' 32
76 Plowshares from Megiddo {after Schmnacher) 2>2
77 Eg>-ptian Plowing {after Wilkinson) 33
78 A Modern Threshing-Floor ^i
79 Egyptians Threshing and Winno\raig {after Wilkinson) 33
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 3
Figure Plate
80 Egyptian Threshing-Sledge {after Wilkinson) 3>i
81 A Saddle-Quern from Megiddo {after Schumacher) 34
82 A Rotary-Quern {after Macalistcr) 34
83 A Mortar and Pestle {after Macalisler) 34
84 Two Women Grinding at a Mill {after Schumacher) 34
85 An Ancient Olive-Press {after Macalister) 35
86 A Modern Olive-Press {after Macalister) 35
87 A Wine Vat {after Macalister) 36
88 An OUve-Press at Work {after Macalister) 36
89 Cows' Horns from Gezer {after Macalistcr) 37
90 Animals' Heads from Gezer {after Macalister) 37
91 A Horse's Bit from Gezer {after Macalister) 37
92 Drawings of Horses from Gezer {after Macalister) 37
93 A Clay Bird from Gezer {after Macalister) 38
94 A Cock from Marissa {after Peters and Thiersch) 38
95 A Bee-Hive from Gezer {after Macalister) 38
96 Pre-Seniitic Jars {after Macalister) 39
97 Pre-Scmitic Pottery {after Macalister) 39
98 Four Pitchers from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalister) 39
99 Three Pitchers from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalister) .... 39
1 00 A Jar from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalister) 39
101 Jugs from the Second Semitic Stratum {after Macalister) 40
1 02 A Jug from the Second Semitic Stratum {after Macalister) 40
103 A Jar from the Second Semitic Stratum {after Macalister) 40
104 Some Fine Pottery from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalisler) 41
105 "Ear" and " Button " Jar-Handles {after Macalister) 41
106 A "Pillar" Handle {after Macalister) 41
107 A Flat-bottomed Jug {after Macalister) 41
108 A Painted Philistine Vase from Beth-shemesh {after Mackenzie).. . 42
109 War-Scene on Potsherd from Megiddo {after Schumacher) 42
110 Jars of Third Semitic Stratum from Beth-shemesh {after Mackenzie) 42
111 Hebrew Pottery from Megiddo {after Schumacher) 42
112 Hebrew Jars and Pitchers from Jericho {after Sellin) 43
1 13 Hebrew Pitchers and Bowls from Jericho {after Sellin) 43
114 A Funnel from Gezer {after Macalister) 44
115 A Potter's Seal from Gezer {after Macalister) 44
116 An Inscribed Hebrew Jar-Stamp from the Shephelah {after Bliss and
Macalister) 44
117 Hebrew Pottery from Gezer {after Macalister) 44
118 A Scarab used as a Jar-Stamp {after Macalister) 45
119 A Jar-Handle Stamped with a Scarab {after Macalister) 45
120 A Jar with Tapering Base from Gezer {after Macalister) 45
121 Hellenistic Filter from Gezer {after Macalister) 45
4 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Pi^te
122 Hellenistic Pottery from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 45
123 Hellenistic Strainer from Gezer {after Macalister) 46
1 24 Roman Pots from Gezer {after Macalister) 46
125 Hellenistic Jar from Gezer {after Macalister) 46
126 A Lamp of the First Semitic Period, Megiddo {after Schumacher) .... 46
127 Lamps from the Second Semitic Period, Gezer {after Macalister) .... 47
128 Lamps from the Israelitish Period, Gezer {after Macalister) 47
129 A Byzantine Lamp from Jericho {after Sellin) 47
130 A Lamp bearing a Christian Legend {after Macalister) 47
131 Hellenistic Lamps from Gezer {after* Macalister) 48
132 Hebrew Lamps from Jericho {after Sellin) 48
133 Ovens found at Gezer {after Macalister) 49
134 A Baking-Tray from Gezer {after Macalister) 49
135 Bronze Dishes from Gezer {after Macalister) 49
136 Shell Spoons from Gezer {after Macalister) 49
137 Silver Dishes from a Philistine Grave at Gezer {after Macalister) 50
138 Glass Ointment Vessels from Gezer {after Macalister) 50
139 Feeding-Bottles (?), Gezer {after Macalislcr) 51
140 Forks from Gezer {after Macalister) 51
141 Philistine Silver Ladle, Gezer {after Macalister) 51
142 Bronze Needles and Pins from Gezer {after Macalister) 51
143 Bone Needles from Gezer {after Macalister) 52
144 Modern Woman Spinning 52
145 Spindle Whorls from Gezer {after Macalister) 52
146 A Large Key from Gezer {after Macalister) 52
147 A Smaller Key from Gezer {after Macalister) ^'^
148 Lamp-Stands from Megiddo {after Schumacher) 53
149 Flint Knives from Jericho {after Sellin) ^^
150 Iron Knives from Gezer {after Macalister) 54
151 Bronze Knives from Gezer {after Macalister) 54
152 A Chisel from Gezer {after Macalister) 55
153 A File from Gezer {after Macalister) 55
154 A Cone of Fhnt for making Knives, Gezer {after Macalister) 55
155 A Bronze Hammer-Head, Gezer {after Macalister) 55
156 A Fish-Hook, Gezer {after Macalister) 55
157 A Bone Awl-Handle from Gezer {after Macalister) 55
158 Whetstones from Jericho {after Sellin) 55
159 Nails from Gezer {after Macalister) 55
160 Axe-IIeads from Gezer {after Macalister) 56
161 Caqjenters' Tools from Gezer {after Macalister) 56
162 A Scimitar from Gezer {after Macalister) 57
163 Impression of a Basket on Mud, Gezer {after Macalister) 57
164 Flint Arrow-IIeads from Gezer {after Macalister) 57
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure P^*^^
165 Bronze Arrow-Heads from Gezer {after Macdister) 57
166 Bronze Swords from Gezer {after Macalister) 58
167 Bronze Spear-Heads, Gezer {after Macalister) 58
168 A Pipe from Gezer {after Macalister) 59
169 An Egyptian Harp {after Haupt) 59
170 An Assyrian Upright Harp {after Haupt) 59
171 An Assyrian Horizontal Harp {after Haupt) 59
172 A Babylonian Harp {after Haupt) 59
173 Jewish Harps on Coins of Bar Cocheba, 132-135 a. d. {after Madden) 59
174 Assyrian Dulcimer {after Haupt) -"''^
175 Seals from Gezer {after Macalister) (^
176 A Comb from Gezer {after Macalister) 60
177 Toys from Gezer {after Macalister) 60
178 Styli from Gezer {after Macalister) 60
179 Children's Rattles from Gezer {after Macalister) 60
180 A Perfume-Box, Gezer {after Macalister) 61
181 A Necklace from Gezer {after Macalister) • • ■ • 61
182 Bracelets from Gezer {after Macalister) 61
183 Spatulas from Gezer {after Macalister) 61
184 Rings from Gezer {after Macalister) 61
185 Supposed Hebrew Measures from Jerusalem {after Gcrmer-Durand) . . 62
186 A Neseph Weight ^^
187 A Payim Weight belonging to Haverford College 63
188 A Beqa Weight {after Torrey) 63
189 A "Daric" of Darius {after Benzinger) 63
190 A Tetradrachma of Alexander the Great {after Benzijiger) 63
191 A Coin of Ptolemy Lagi {after Benzinger) 63
192 Half-Shekel of Simon the Maccabee {after Benzinger) 64
193 A Coin of John Hyrcanus {after Madden) 64
194 Tetradrachma of Lysimachus 64
195 A Coin of Augustus ^
196 A Denarius of Tiberius ^^
197 A Coin of Claudius ^"^
198 A Coin of Herod the Great ^
199 A Roman Quadrans (?) ^
200 A Com of Herod Agrippa I ^^
201 A Shekel of the Revolt of a. d. 70 64
202 Cave-Dwellers' Place of Sacrifice, Gezer {after Macalister) 65
203 Plan of Caves at Semitic High Place, Gezer {after Macalister) 65
204 "Pillars" of the High Place at Gezer 65
205 Rock-Altar at Megiddo {after Schumacher) 66
206 The "Beth-el" of Gezer {after Macalister) 66
207 The Supposed Serpent-Pen at Gezer {after Macalister) 66
6 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Plate
208 The Rock-Altar at Jerusalem {after Dalman) 67
209 The Laver at Gezer {after Macalister) 67
210 The Terra-cotta Altar from Taanach {after Sell in) 68
211 Supposed High Place at Taanach {after Scllin) 68
212 High Place at Tell es-Safi {after Bliss and Macalister) 69
213 Libation Bowl from Taanach {after Sell in) 69
214 hxi Astarte Plaque from Gezer {after Macalister) 69
215 Plan of the High Place at Petra {after Briinnow) 70
216 Plan of Herod's Temple at Samaria {after Lyon) 70
217 The Altar at Petra {after Briinnoiv) 71
218 The " Round Altar" at Petra {after Briinnow) 71
219 Supposed "Pillars" at Petra {after Briinnoiv) 71
219a A Brazen Serpent from Gezer {after Macalister) 72
220 Plan of Supposed Semitic Temple at Gezer {after Macalister) 72
221 Walls of Herod's Temple, Samaria {after Reisner) 72
222 "Pillars" of a Supposed Temple, Gezer {after Macalister) 7,3
223 Chapel of the Palace at IMegiddo {after Schumacher) 73
224 Voluted Capital (probably Philistine) from Megiddo(a//cr SckumacJicr) 74
225 Incense-Burner from Megiddo {after Schumacher) 74
226 Philistine Graves, Gezer {after Macalister) 75
227 A Rock-hewn Tomb at Siloam {after Benzinger) 75
228 A Shaft-Tomb {after Bliss and Macalister) 75
229 A Cistern-Burial at Gezer {after Macalister) 75
230 A Columbarium at Petra {after Dalman) 76
231 Entrance to the Tomb of the Judges 76
232 A Sunken-Door Tomb {after Mitt. u. Nach. d. Deidsch. Paldstina-
Vereins) ' '
233 Kokim in the Tomb of the Judges 77
234 Plan of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa {after Peters and Thiersch) . . 78
235 A Cross-Section of the Tomb of the Judges 78
236 Architectural Decoration of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa {after
Peters and Thiersch) 79
237 Plan of the Upper Floor of the Tomb of the Judges 79
238 A Tomb with a Rolling-Stone at Beit Jibrm {after MouUon) 80
239 Interior of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa {after Peters and
Thiersch) 80
240 The Hills and Valleys of Jerusalem {after Vincent) 81
241 Underground Jebusite Tunnel at Gihon, Jerusalem {after Vincent).. . 82
242 Maudsley's Scarp, Jerusalem 82
243 Plan of Solomon's Buildings, Jerusalem {after Stadr) 83
244 Phoenician Quarry-Marks, Jerusalem {after Warren) 83
245 Shaft at the Southeast Corner of the Temple Area {after Warren) ... 84
246 Examining Ajicient Walls in an Underground Tunnel {after Warren). 84
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 7
Figure P^-^te
247 Front Views of Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 85
248 Side Views of Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 85
249 Plan of Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 86
250 The Seven-branched Lamp-Stand from the Arch of Titus 86
251 The Brazen Laver cf Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 87
252 A Portable Laver of Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 87
253 Stone-Work of a Wall of Jerusalem built in the Fifth Century a. d... 88
254 Stone-Work in Nehemiah's Wall, Jerusalem 88
255 Restoration of the Asmonaean Bridge over the Tyropoeon Valley
{after Hanauer) °^
256 Front of " David's Tower" (Herod's Palace) Today {after Breen).. . . 89
257 Reconstruction of Herod's Temple {after Caldecott) 90
258 "Solomon's Stables" ^^
259 One of the Supposed Pools of Bethesda {after Hanauer) 91
260 Front of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher 91
261 "Gordon's Calvary," looking toward Jerusalem {after Breen) 92
262 " Gordon's Calvary," from the City Wall {after Breen) 92
263 Outside of "Gordon's Holy Sepulcher" {after Breen) 93
264 Inside of " Gordon's Holy Sepulcher" {after Breen) 93
265 The Barada (Abana), Damascus 94
266 The Street Called Straight, Damascus 94
267 Palace at Kanatha {after Briinnou) 95
268 Circular Forum and Colonnaded Street, Gerasa 95
269 Temple of the Sun, Gerasa 96
270 Site of Rabbah x\mmon 96
271 Theater at Amman (Palestinian Philadelphia) 97
272 Roman Forum at Athens 97
273 Mars' Hill, Athens 98
274 Fountain in the Agora, Corinth 98
275 Lintel of Jewish Synagogue, Corinth {after Richardson) 99
276 Lechseum Road, Corinth {after Richardson) 99
277 Parthenon, Athens, from the East 100
278 Mam Street at Ephesus 100
279 Site of the Temple of Diana, EjAesus, in 1902 101
280 The Theater, Ephesus 101
281 The Amphitheater, Ephesus 102
282 The Stadium, Ephesus 102
283 -Pergamum {after Ramsay) 103
284 The Acropolis and partly Excavated Temple, Sardis {after Butler). 103
285 Excavated Temple, Sardis, looking toward the Hermus Valley {after
Butler) • • 104
286 A Christian Church at Sardis {after Butler) 105
287 Smyrna {after Ramsay) 105
8 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Plate
288 A Ruin at Laodicea (after Ramsay) 106
289 A Bridge over the Jordan on the Line of a Roman Road 106
290 Fragment of a Creation-Tablet 107
291 Assyrian Sacred Tree ConventionaHzed 107
292 Hammurapi Receiving the Laws from the Sun-God 107
293 The So-called Adam and Eve Seal 107
294 A Tablet from Nippur, Relating the Beginnings of Irrigation and
Agriculture (after Langdon) 108
295 Top of the Black Obehsk of Shalmaneser 108
296 Jehu of Israel Doing Homage to Shalmaneser 108
297 The Siloam Inscription 109
298 Sennacherib Receiving Tribute at Lachish (after Ball) 109
299 An Altar to Unknown Gods (after Deissmann) 110
300 The Moabite Stone 110
301 Papyrus Containing Sayings of Jesus (after GrenfcU and Hunt) Ill
MAPS
Map of Egypt to First Cataract Facing page 18
Map of the Ancient World Facing page 40
Map of Palestine Facing page 104
Plate
Map of Jerusalem in the Time of the Jebusites and David 112
Map of Solomon's Jerusalem 112
Map of Jerusalem from Hezekiah to the Exile 113
Map of Nehemiah's Jerusalem 113
Map of Asmonaean Jerusalem 114
Map of Herodian Jerusalem 114
EXPLANATION OF SIGNS
§ = section.
ibid. = the same.
op. cit. = work cited.
f. = and following page. :
ff. = and following pages,
cf. = compare.
V. = verse,
col. = column,
p. = page.
[ ] in translations of tablets indicate words supplied wherp not de-
cipherable.
in translations of tablets indicate missing line or words which can-
not be supplied.
INTRODUCTION
One who would write on archaeology and the Bible must at the
outset define the scope of his undertaking, for the word archaeology
conveys different meanings to different people. Judgments also
differ as to how things ancient can best serve the interests of the
Biblical student. To many the word archaeology calls up visions
of ancient pottery, jewelry, swords, utensils, etc., which are valued
as objects of curiosity simply because they are old. Others, when
they think of archaeology, call to mind excavations, in which the
walls of ancient temples and cities are laid bare, so that we may see
how men lived in other days. To such, archaeology is identical with
antiquarianism. A book on archaeology and the Bible written from
this point of view would confine itself to the way in which texts of
Scripture are illustrated or illumined by antiquarian objects.
To still others the word archaeology calls up ancient tablets or
papyri, inscribed with hieroglyphics or some other strange charac-
ters, from which the initiated can decipher texts that prove the
truth of one's views of Scripture. According to this view, archae-
ology is the science of ancient documents, and a book dealing with
archaeology and the Bible should confine itself to the discussion of
documents which confirm or illustrate the Biblical text.
Those who hold either of these views of archaeology will find
in this book much that will accord with their expectations, but
much also that will seem to them irrelevant. In Part I, Chapters
IV, VI-XII deal with antiquities, their discovery, and the light
which these shed upon the inspired page, for antiquarianism is a
part of archaeology. Portions of Part I are devoted to the dis-
covery of inscribed objects; in Part II the reader will find a full
presentation of the bearing of these upon the different parts of the
Sacred Volume. Those who hold the second of the views men-
tioned above will not, therefore, be disappointed.
Neither of the views mentioned corresponds, however, with the
limits of archaeology. Archaeology is "that branch of knowledge
which takes cognizance of past civilizations, and investigates their
11
12 INTRODUCTION
history in all fields, by means of the remains of art, architecture,
monuments, inscriptions, literature, language, implements, cus-
toms, and all other examples which have sur\dved."^ This defini-
tion is accepted by the writer of this work and has guided him in the
preparation of the following pages. It has, of course, been impos-
sible in one volume to deal adequately with the antiquities and the
ancient documents and to treat fully the history of the civilizations
of the Biblical countries, but an endeavor has been made to place
the reader in possession of an intelligent point of view with reference
to these things. As the physical structure of a country determines
to a large degree the nature of its buildings, the utensils employed
by its inhabitants, their writing materials, and their relations with
other peoples, — as well as the way the objects were preserved from
ancient to modern times, — brief descriptions of the physical fea-
tures of Eg^'pt, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, the three most
prominent of Biblical countries, have been introduced.
Our knowledge of the early histopy^ of Egypt and Babylonia has
come almost wholly from archaeological exploration; it has seemed
fitting, therefore, to introduce in Part I, Chapter I, § 6, and Chapter
II, § 6, brief sketches of the history of these countries. This ap-
peared all the more necessary since the inhabitants of these two
covmtries worked out, in advance of any other peoples, the initial
problems of civilization. Palestine borrowed from them both, so
that it is impossible to understand the history and archaeology
of Palestine apart from Eg\^tian and Bab3donian antecedents.
Whenever it is possible the reader should supplement these sketches
by reference to the larger works cited in the notes.
Similarly in Part I, Chapter V, an outline of the history of Pales-
tine from the earliest times is presented. To some this may seem
unnecessary, since centuries of that history passed before the
Hebrew people came to the country, but it is hoped that every
reader will be glad to know the various vicissitudes through which
passed the land that was chosen by God as the home of the religious
leaders of the human race. This histor}^ also gives emphasis to the
promise "to give thee great and goodly cities, which thou buildedst
not, and houses full of all good things, which thou filledst not, and
cisterns hewn out, which thou hewedst not, vineyards and olive-
trees, which thou plantedst not" (Deut. 6 : 10, 11).
Some, too, may be surprised that the chronologies of Egypt and
^Century Dictionary, edition of 1903, \ol. I, p. 293.
INTRODUCTION 13
Babylonia and Assyria should be treated as fully as they are in
Part I, Chapter I, § 5, and Chapter II, § 5, but in the writer's view
this treatment was necessary and appropriate for several reasons:
(1) The data on which these chronologies are built up are for the
most part the fruits of archseological research. (2) They are our
only means of measuring the antiquity of civilization, since the
Bible itself affords no continuous system of chronology.^ If the
student of the Bible is to have any intelligent idea of what "the
fulness of time" (Gal. 4 : 4) means, he should know what the sources
of our chronology are and how they are rightly used. (3) Such a
presentation seemed all the more necessary because in many books,
especially those of some English Egyptologists, the materials are
employed uncritically, and civilization is made to appear much older
than it really is.
To accomplish all these aims the writer has adopted the following
plan: In three chapters the archaeology, history, and civilization of
Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria, and the Hittites are briefly treated,
together with the discoveries which especially interest the Biblical
student. These are the three great civilizations which preceded the
Israelitish. A much more detailed treatment is given to Palestine, to
which Chapters IV-XIV of Part I are devoted. In the last chapter
of Part I an attempt has been made to present the discoveries in
Greece and Asia Minor which throw light on the New Testament.
In Part II the texts, Babylonian, Assyrian, Egyptian, Hebrew,
Moabitish, Phoenician, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin, which bear on
the Bible, are translated. They are arranged in the order of the
Biblical books which they illuminate. Each translation is accom-
panied by a brief discussion in which its chief bearing on the Bible is
pointed out.
In conclusion it may not be out of place to offer a word of guid-
ance to two or three classes of readers. Those who are not inter-
ested in the history of Babylonia and Egypt, but wish simply to
know what has been discovered in those countries which throws
light on the Scriptures, should turn at once to Part I, Chapter I, § 7,
and Chapter II, § 7, and to the translations of the various texts in
Part II. A reader that is interested especially in Palestine, rather
than in the ancient civilizations to which the Hebrews were indebted,
should begin Part I at Chapter IV. Possibly after he has read that
'The chronology of Archbishop Usher, printed in the marRin of many Bibles, is not a part
of the Biblical text, but a collection of seventeenth century calculations and guesses.
14 INTRODUCTION
which the Holy Land has contributed to the understanding of the
Bible, he may be ready to give a little attention to such outlying
peoples as the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Hittites. In that case
he will turn back and read Chapters I~III.
Pastors or Sunday-school teachers who wish to employ the book
as a tool by means of which to study certain texts or lessons should
follow a different course. These will be able with the aid of the full
index of Scripture references to turn at once to all the material
bearing on the passage in question. If the use of this index does
not afford all the information desired, reference should then be made
to the analytical table of contents at the beginning, or to the
index of subjects at the end, or to both.
It is the writer's hope that, in addition to its use as a book of refer-
ence for the elucidation or illustration of individual texts, there may
be some who will enjoy reading the whole work, and who will find,
as he himself has found, that every scrap of knowledge of ancient
life in Bible lands serves to make the Bible story and the lives of
Biblical characters so much more real, or puts them or their words
in a perspective so much more clear, that the eternal message comes
with new power and can be transmitted with greater efficiency.
PART I
THE BIBLE LANDS, THEIR EXPLORATION,
AND THE RESULTANT LIGHT ON THE
BIBLE AND HISTORY
ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
CHAPTER I
EGYPT
The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. Egyptian Discoveries. De-
cipherment. Chronology. Outline of the History: The pre-dynastic period.
The archaic period. The old kingdom. The first period of disintegration. The
middle kingdom. Second period of disintegration. The empire period. The period
of foreign dynasties. The lower empire. The Persian period. The Ptolemaic period.
The Roman period. Egyptian Discoveries Which Bear on the Bible: Texts
bearing on the story of Joseph. The Invasion of Egypt by the Hyksos. The El-
Amarna letters. Period of the Oppression and the Exodus. Campaign of Sheslionk I.
Papyri discovered at Elephantine. The palace of Hophra. The castle at Tahpanhes.
The Jewish temple at Leontopolis. Papyri from Oxyrhynchus. Discoveries in Nubia.
1. The Land. — Egypt is in many ways unique among the
countries of the world. One of these unique features is its form.
If we omit the Delta, it has but one dimension, — length. From
Cairo to the First Cataract is a distance of 583 miles, while the
breadth of the valley, including the barren lands on each side of
it, varies from 121 to 31 miles. If we include Nubia to the Fourth
Cataract, which the Egyptians ultimately conquered, the length
is much greater, being about 1,100 miles. In Nubia the banks
are much more precipitous, the valley varying from 5 to 9| miles.
The verdant portion is, however, often not more than a mile in
width.
This land is flanked on each side by extensive barren deserts
on which there is almost no rainfall. Egypt itself would be a part
of this desert, were it not for the overflow of the Nile. This
overflow is caused by the peculiar formation of this marvelous
river.
The upper part of the Nile consists of two main branches, called,
respectively, the White and the Blue Nile. The White Nile rises
3 degrees south of the equator, some 4,000 miles south of the
Mediterranean, to the south of Lake Victoria Nyanza. This
region is watered by tropical rains, which fall almost daily. This
17
18 ARCR^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
steady water supply gives to the Nile its constant volume. At
Khartum, 1,350 miles from the Mediterranean in a direct line,
and 1,650 miles as the river winds, the White Nile is joined by the
Blue Nile. This branch of the river drains a large part of Abys-
sinia, an upland and mountainous region which has a dry and a
rainy season. In the dry season this stream dwindles almost to
nothing; in the rainy season it is a turbid mountain torrent, which
rushes impetuously onward, laden with loose soil from all the land
which it drains. For this reason it is called the Blue, i. e., the
Dark or Turbid, Nile.
At a distance of 140 miles north of the union of the two Niles
the river receives its only other tributary, the Atbara, which also
flows in from the eastern side. The Atbara, like the Blue Nile,
is an insignificant stream except in the rainy season, when it is a
torrent.
It is the variation of the water supply from the Blue Nile and
Atbara which causes the overflow of the river in Eg^pt. At the
beginning of June the river begins slowly to swell; between the
15th and the 20th of July the increase becomes very rapid; toward
the end of September the water ceases to rise and remains at the
same height for twenty to thirty days. In October it rises again,
attaining its greatest height. It then decreases, and in January,
February, and March the fields gradually dry off. This overflow
prepares the soil of Egypt for cultivation, first by softening it and
then by fertilizing it. It was easy, under these conditions, to
develop agriculture there.
Indeed, the width of productive Eg^-pt is determined by the
lateral extent of this overflow. For the last 1,500 miles of its
course the Nile receives no tributary. It plows its way through
regions of desert which, but for the Nile itself, are unbroken.
At sLx points, beginning at Khartum and ending at Assuan, the
river makes its way over granite ridges, through which it has never
succeeded in cutting a smooth channel. These are called the
Cataracts. As civilized man discovered these from the north,
that at Assuan is known as the First Cataract, and that at Khartum
as the Sixth. The calendar of ancient Egypt was shaped in part
by the Nile. The year was divided into three seasons of four
months each. Beginning with the rise of the water about July 19th,
there was the season of the inundation, which was followed by
four months of winter and four months of summer.
Map of Egypt.
EGYPT 19
In late geologic time all Egypt north of Cairo was a bay of the
Mediterranean. In the course of the centuries the sea has been
driven out by deposits of detritus brought down by the Nile.
As the mud was deposited in this level region, the water continued
to make its way through it here and there. Several mouths were
kept open, and thus the Delta was formed. This Delta is called
Lower Egypt. Upper Eg^q^t extends from Cairo to the First
Cataract; Nubia, from the First Cataract to the Sixth.
2. The Preservation of Antiquities. — Rain in Egypt is very,
very rare. One might almost say that it never rains. ' The
country lies in a latitude so far south that frost is rarely known.
These two conditions have united to preserve the ruins of many
ancient buildings in both Eg>^t and Nubia in a state of perfec-
tion which is rare in other countries. It was the custom of the
ancient Egyptians to bury their dead in the dry land beyond the
reach of the Nile's overflow. Like many other peoples, they
placed in the tombs of their dead many objects used by the de-
parted in life. Further, their peculiar beliefs concerning im-
mortality led them to mummify the bodies of the departed; i. e.,
they fortified them against decay. Thus archaeological objects
have been preserved in Egypt in an abundance and a perfection
without parallel. So many of these are massive temples of stone,
which, through all the ages, have stood unconcealed as silent wit-
nesses of a past greatness, that from Cairo to the First Cataract
Egypt is one great archaeological museum.
3. Egyptian Discoveries. — Although many Egyptian antiqui-
ties have always been visible, they attracted little attention
until modern times. Egyptian temple walls are covered with
hieroglyphic writing, but the art of reading it had long been lost.
Coptic, a language descended from the ancient Egyptian, was
still preserved as the sacred language of the Egyptian Church, as
Latin is the ecclesiastical language of Roman Catholics, but no
one realized that Coptic was simply late Eg>^tian.
In the seventeenth century European travelers began to bring
home Egyptian antiquities. In 1683 a specimen of Eg^-ptian art
was presented to the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. In the
eighteenth century R. Pococke (1704-1765) and F. L. Norden
(1704-1742) described a number of Egyptian ruins and identified
a number of the sites mentioned by classical authors. Pococke
was an Englishman and Norden a Dane. Others, like the ex-
20 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
plorer Bruce, who was seeking the sources of the Nile (1768-1773),
participated to some extent in the work.
No systematic examination of the antiquities was made, how-
ever, until the time of Napoleon I. When Napoleon invaded
Egypt in 1798, he was accompanied by an army of eminent schol-
ars and artists, nearly a hundred strong, and although in the
settlement with England, which followed in 1802, the French
were compelled to surrender their archaeological treasures to
Great Britain, they were permitted to publish the results of their
observations and explorations. The publication of these ad-
vanced slowly, but between 1809 and 1822 the great work, con-
sisting of one volume of introduction, three volimies of plates,
and three volumes of texts, was given to the world. In these
volumes the antiquities from the First Cataract to Alexandria
were systematically described, and many of them were repro-
duced in magnificent water-color illustrations. As the nine-
teenth century progressed, additional discoveries were made,
partly by the labors of such scientists as Lepsius and Mariette,
and partly through the rifling of tombs by natives, who often sold
their finds to Europeans. Since Egypt passed under English
control, exploration has been fostered by the government, and
English, French, German, Italian, and American explorers have
taken part m it. The tombs of many of the ancient Pharaohs,
the mummies of a considerable number of them, all sorts of im-
plements and household furniture, have been discovered, as well
as a great variety of historical, literary, religious, and business
documents.
Within the last twenty years a series of tombs of a previously
unknown t}^e has been discovered. The bodies buried in these
tombs did not lie on the back as the ordinary Egxptian mummy
does, but on the side, with the knees drawn up to the chin. It
was at first thought that these tombs were the work of a new race
of men who had invaded Egypt at some time in the historical
period, but further study indicates that they are the tombs of the
early Egyptians from whom the Egyptians known to history were
descended.
4. Decipherment. — One of the objects found by the French
at the time of Napoleon's expedition was the "Rosetta Stone,"
so called because found at Rosetta {Ar-Rashid), a town near the
mouth of the westernmost of the large branches of the Nile. This
EGYPT 21
stone was set up about 200 b. c. by some priests, who expressed,
through the mscription which it bore, their thanks to the young
king, Ptolemy V, because certain taxes formerly imposed on them
had been remitted. The inscription was written in three kinds
of writing — hierogl>phic Egyptian (picture-writing), demotic
Egyptian (developed from picture-writing), and Greek; (see Fig.
14). It was among the objects which the English took in 1802,
and had been placed in the British Museum. Although the Greek
portion of the inscription could be easily read, the attempts of
various scholars, through a period of twenty years, had succeeded
m establishing the values of only a few characters of the Egyptian.
In 1818 Jean Francois Champollion, a French scholar, who before
this had busied himself with the study of Coptic and Egyptian
geography, began the study of the Rosetta Stone. He assumed
that the language of the upper registers must be an older form
of the Coptic tongue. By a most painstaking comparison of the
characters in the upper registers with the Coptic equivalents of
the words in the lower or Greek register, he succeeded in deciph-
ering the long-forgotten writing of ancient Egypt. He published
his discovery in 1822. Thus the door to the historical and literary
treasures of ancient Egypt was unlocked, and from that time to
this the study of Egyptian inscriptions and documents has gone
steadily forward. Many universities now maintain chairs of
Egyptology. The ability to read Egyptian has opened up vistas
of history of which men had hitherto no conception.
5. Chronology. — We are dependent for our main outline of
Egyptian chronology upon the work of Manetho, an Egyptian
priest, who lived about 250 b. c, and wrote a chronicle of his
native land in the Greek language. He grouped the kings of
Egypt from the time of Menes (or Mena) to the conquest of
Alexander the Great (332 b. c.) into thirty-one dynasties. Man-
etho's dynasties enable scholars to determine the relative order of
the kings, and thus form the backbone of our chronology. Around
his statements the discoveries of the excavators and explorers are
grouped. Manetho's work has not, however, come down to us.
We know it only through quotations in the Chronographiai of
Julius Africanus (221 a. d.) and the Chronicon of Eusebius of
Cesarea (265-340 a. d.). The number of years assigned to each
king, and consequently the length of time covered by the dynas-
ties, differ in these two copies, so that, while the work of Manetho
22 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
forms the backbone of our chronology, it gives us no absolutely
reliable chronology. It is for this reason that the chronological
schemes of modern scholars have differed so widely.
Another source of chronological information is the so-called
"Palermo Stone," which is preserved in the Museum of Palermo,
Sicily. This stone is a hard diorite, and is but a fragment of the
original. It was inscribed about the middle of the fifth dynasty,
and originally contamed a list of the kings of Egypt from a time
long before Mena to the middle of the fifth dynasty. Though
now but a fragment, it is still of great value for the period which
it covers. In addition to this, we also have the King List of
Karnak, set up by Thothmes III, of the eighteenth dynasty, the
King List of Abydos, inscribed by Seti I and Ramses II, of the
nineteenth dynasty, and the King List of Sakkarah, inscribed by
Ramses 11. As these are all simply selections from the list of
the predecessors of their authors, they are of secondary importance.
The "Turin Papyrus" would be of value chronologically, but for
its unfortunate history. This papyrus originally contained the
most complete list of Eg}^tian kings that has come down to us,
with the exception of Manetho's chronology. It formed part of
the collection of M. Drovetti, the French Consul-General in
Egypt. The collection was offered to the French government
in 1818, but was finally purchased by the king of Sardinia. When
the collection arrived in Turin, it was found that this papyrus was
broken into small fragments in the bottom of the box in which it
had been shipped. The fragments were afterward (1824) examined
by Champollion the younger, who discovered their true char-
acter. In 1826 another Egyptologist went to Turin and joined
the fragments; but the science of Eg\'ptology was then in its
infancy, and he in his ignorance joined pieces which did not natu-
rally belong together. For this reason it is only occasionally that
the document yields us any chronological data.
The greatest aid in fixing Eg>T3tian chronology is the "Sothic
Cycle." At an early date the Egjq^tians adopted a calendar
which made up a year of 365 days. Their year originally began
when the rapid rising of the Nile coincided with the rising of the
star Sirius, called by them Sothis. These events coincided on
July 19th. As their calendar made no allowance for leap year,
in four years their new yenr began a day too soon, in eight years
two days too soon, and so on. In 1,460 years (/. c, 365 X 4) their
EGYPT 23
New Year's Day would make a complete circuit of the year. These
periods of 1 ,460 years are called Sothic Cycles. Censorinus, in Chap-
ters XVIII and XXI of his De Die Natali, written in 238 a. d.,
tells us that a new Sothic cycle began at some time between 140
and 144 a. d. If a new cycle began in 140 a. d., the previous one
began in 1320 b. c; the one before that, in 2780 b. c; and the one
before that,— if they had their calendar so early,— in 4240 b. c.
Reisner holds that the Egyptians adopted their calendar in 2780
b. c, but Meyer and Breasted hold that it is unthinkable that they
should have been without a calendar until that time, as by that
date the civilization of the pyramid builders was at its height;
they accordingly maintain that the Eg>T3tian calendar was adopted
in 4240 b. c.
An illustration will show how the Sothic cycle helps in deter-
mining dates. A priest in the 120th year of the twelfth dynasty
wrote a letter to his subordinates, to inform them that the rising
of Sothis would occur on the fifteenth day of the eighth month.
As there were thirty days in each month, the year diverged at this
time 225 days. This date, then, was just 900 years after the be-
ginning of the cycle in 2780 b. c; i. e., the letter was written in the
year 1880 b. c. It proves that the twelfth dynasty began in
2000 b. c, and fixes for us all the dates of that dynasty. The
calendar in the so-called Papyrus Ebcrs shows that in the tenth
year of Amenophis I, of the eighteenth dynasty, the divergence
had increased to 308 days. This must have been 1,232 years
after the beginning of the cycle, which was the year 1548 b. c.
Data gained from these sources are supplemented by what is called
dead reckoning; i. e., by adding together all the specific dates of
the length of reigns which are given in the mscriptions, and test-
ing them by collateral references. Meyer and Breasted have
worked out the chronology from these data in this way. Meyer
places the accession of Mena at 3200 b. c, while Breasted places
it at 3400 B. c. This difference is slight when compared with the
differences in the chronologies of the older Eg}^tologists.
6. Outline of History.^— The history of Egypt, as it concerns
our subject, extends over a period of five thousand years. It falls
into twelve periods:
'For fuller accounts of the history of Egypt, see Breasted's History of the Ancient Egyptians,
New York, Scribner's, igo8; or Breasted's History of Egypt, second edition, igog, New York,
Scribner's.
24 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
(1) The Pre-Dynastic Period, which we suppose extended from
about 5000 b. c, or earlier, until about 3400 b. c, is the period
before that covered by Manetho's dynasties. At the beginning of
this period Eg}^pt was divided into 42 districts, which the Egyp-
tians called spt or lisp, and which the Greeks afterwards called
nonies. Each nome was occupied by a different tribe, which at
the first lived in isolation from the other tribes. Each tribe had
its god, to which an animal was sacred. This condition prevailed
for so many centuries that the customs of this time became per-
manently fixed. The sacredness of these animals continued right
down to Roman times. During this period the dead were buried
on their sides with the knees drawn up to the chin; (see Fig. 8).
The Egj'ptians of this period lived partly by hunting, partly by
fishing, and partly by agriculture. From objects found in their
tombs we ' infer that they used stone implements, wore a great
many beads, made implements and combs of bone, made
decorated pottery, constructed boats for use on the Nile and
fitted sails to them, and each tribe had its own standard or
emblem. Of course, during the centuries when Eg^-pt was so
politically divided there were many wars between nome and
nome.
After some centuries, through the conquest of one nome by
another, these 42 nomes were consolidated into two kingdoms.
The 20 nomes of the Delta formed the kingdom of Lower Egypt;
the 22 nomes, which were ranged along the Nile from Cairo to the
First Cataract, formed the kingdom of Upper Egypt. The symbol
of Upper Egypt was a papyrus plant; that of Lower Egypt, the
bee. The crown of Upper Egj-pt was a kind of tall helmet; that
of Lower Eg^pt, a diadem of openwork; (see Figs. 2, 3, and 4).
At what period this union of the nomes into two kmgdoms
occurred, we can only conjecture. Probably it was as early as
4200 or 4300 b. c. At all events, the two kingdoms existed sepa-
rately for so long a time that their memory was ever afterward
preserv'ed. To ' the end of Egyptian history the kings bore the
title, "king of Upper EgN^st and Lower Egvpt." Even in the
Hebrew of the Old Testament the name for Eg}q3t is literally
"The two Eg3^ts." In this long pre-dynastic period the people
were gradually emerging from savagery toward civilization.
They were solving the initial problems of civilized life. According
to Meyer and Breasted the people of Lower Eg>-pt had progressed
EGYPT 25
far enough before 4200 b. C. to invent a calendar which approxi-
mately coincided with the solar year.
(2) The Archaic Period.— Th^ history of united Egypt begins
with the reign of Menes or Mena, who in some way, whether by
conquest or marriage is uncertain, united the two crowns. He
came from the nome of This, of which the city of Abydos, sacred
to the worship of Osiris, was the chief town. He and his suc-
cessors continued to administer the two parts of Egypt as separate
countries. Mena founded the first dynasty, and the second dy-
nasty seems to have been connected with his house; it was, at all
events, from the nome of This. These two dynasties ruled Egypt
for 420 years, from 3400 to 2980 b. c. This is known as the
archaic period of Egyptian history. Men were, during this time,
gradually developing the art of expressing thought by means of
picture-writing. At some time durmg the first dynasty the
Egyptians began to work the turquoise mines in the Wady Mag-
hara in the penmsula of Sinai. The tombs of this period were
low, flat houses of brick. The Arabs call them mastahas or
"benches." During the second dynasty the Egyptians began to
conceive of their gods in human form. They preserved the
continuity of the earlier animal and bird forms by putting the old
heads on human bodies.
(3) The Old Kingdom embraces dynasties three to six, and ex-
tended from 2980 to 2475 b. c, a period of more than 500 years.
During the third and fourth dynasties the power of the kmg was
supreme and the first great culmination of Egypt's civilization
occurred. It was in this period that the pyramids developed.
Zoser, the first king of the third dynasty, built as his tomb the
so-called Step Pyramid; (see Fig. 7). It consists of five stages
which vary from 29| to 36 feet in height. It is not, therefore,
a true pyramid. At the base it is 352 X 396 feet. Seneferu, the
last king of the third dynasty, built a similar tomb, but, as he
made the stages lower and more numerous, it approached more
nearly the pyramidal form.
Khufu or Cheops, the founder of the fourth dynasty, improving
upon the work of his predecessors, constructed the first real pyra-
mid and the greatest of them all. The blocks with which he built
were about three feet high, and he made a step with each course
of stones. A covering, which has now been removed, was originally
placed over the whole, thus securing a perfect pyramidal form.
26 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
This pyramid is now 750 (originally 768) feet on each side, and
451 (originally 482) feet high. It contains some 2,300,000 blocks
of stone, each weighing on the average two and a half tons; (see
Fig. 6). The stone was quarried from the Mokattam hills on the
other side of the Nile, more than twelve miles away.
Khafre, the next king but one after Khufu, built the second
pyramid, which is almost as high as that of Kliufu, being 447^
feet, but measures on the sides but 690| feet. Within and under
the pyramids are the tomb chambers. Khafre also carved out
of the native rock, not far from these two pyramids, the great
Sphinx, the head of which bore a portrait of himself. From the
top of the head to the pavement under the paws is 66 feet; the
breadth of the face is 13 feet 8 inches, and the other parts are in
proportion. Near the Sphinx stands a temple, built of polished
granite, which is connected by an underground passage with the
pyramid of Khafre. All these are silent but eloquent witnesses
to the skill of the Egv^Dtians of this period in stone work, and to
the absolute power of the Pharaoh; (see Figs. 5 and 6).
Menkaure, the next king, constructed a smaller pyramid, the
side of its base being 356| feet and its height 204 (originally 219)
feet. Either his power was less or the resources of the kingdom
were becoming exhausted. Though the pyramidal form of tombs
continued for several centuries, no others were ever built that
approached these in size.
The fifth dynasty was founded by a priest of On. During its
rule the power of the king was not so absolute, and a powerful
nobility began to develop. These nobles had themselves buried
in tombs of the old mastaba tj^pe, and adorned the walls with
pictures of the industries which were carried on upon their country
estates. One of the most famous of these is the tomb of a certain
Ti, from the pictures in which much has been learned of the various
industries of ancient Egypt.
By the time of the sixth dynasty a strong nobility had been
developed in the different nomes, so that the monarchy was
thoroughly feudal. The absolute power that the kings of the first
four dynasties had exercised had passed away. During the sixth
dynasty the conquest of northern Nubia was begun, an expedition
was sent to the far-away land of Punt, a country far to the south.
It was probably the region on both sides of the straits of Bab-el-
Mandeb, comprising southwestern Arabia and Somaliland. An
EGYPT 27
expedition was also sent over sea to Palestine, to chastise the in-
habitants of the southern portion of that country for invading
Egypt. The capital of Egypt during the whole of the Old Kingdom
was Memphis. The city thus gained a prominence which made it
ever afterward famous. In early times it had been called the
White Wall, but after the sixth dynasty it was called Men-nofer,
of which Memphis (Hosea 9:6) is a corruption. It is in the Old
Testament more often called Noph, a corruption of the last part
of the name. (See Isa. 19 : 13; Jer. 2 : 16; 44 : 1; 46 : 14, 19; Ezek.
30:13, 16.)
(4) The First Period of Disintegration covers dynasties seven to
ten of Manetho's list, a period lasting from 2475 to 2160 b. c. At
the beginning of this period the powerful nobles m the different
nomes seem, many of them, to have set up each a government of
his own. Thus Egypt was once more resolved into many con-
tending kingdoms. Through a cycle of 2,500 years a w^hole circle
of political evolution had been completed. Starting with 42 chiefs
or kinglets, the country had first become two kingdoms, then one
kingdom. In this struggle the local nobility had been eliminated.
Through nine hundred years the central monarchy was supreme,
then slowly a new nobility developed, which finally overthrew the
kingdom and once more made Egypt a group of weak and con-
tending states.
During the last two hundred and fifty years of this period of
darkness we gain some glimpses of a feudal monarchy which had
its residence at Heracleopolis in central Egypt and controlled a
good part of the land with varying degrees of success. These
kings were apparently the ninth and tenth dynasties of INlanetho.
(5) The Middle Kingdom. — About 2160 b. c. an eleventh dynasty
arose and began to struggle for the supremacy, finally achieving it.
This family belonged to the nome of Thebes, which had hitherto
been of no particular importance. It now became the seat of
government, and remained for 1,500 years one of the most im-
portant cities of Egypt.
About the year 2000 this dynasty was followed by the twelfth,
a powerful line of kings which ruled from 2000 to 1788 b. c. This
was the period of the great Middle Kingdom. The nobles were
still strong, and the monarchy was thoroughly feudal in its organ-
ization. Three of these monarchs bore the name Sesostris. They
raised Egypt to a high degree of prosperity and power. Trade
28 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
with Punt was resumed, Nubia was conquered to the Second
Cataract, which was made the southern frontier of the reakn, the
mines of Sinai were worked, and one of the kings, Amenemhet HI,
built a large temple there, at a point now called Sarbut el-Khadem.
This temple was explored a few years ago by Petrie.
Trade with Palestine and Syria flourished during this period. A
noble of middle Eg}pt pictured in his tomb some of those who
came to trade with him. 'WTien the pictures were first discovered,
it was thought that they were the sons of Jacob, come to buy corn
in Eg>T3t; (see Fig. 1).
Sesostris III invaded Palestine before 1850 b. c. and captured a
city which was apparently Shechem, though the spelling of the
name is peculiar. The kings of this period were buried in tombs
of pyramidal form, though the pyramids were not large. One of
them built a great administration building at Hawara, which was
known to the Greeks as the Labyrinth and was regarded as one of
the wonders of the world.
During this and the preceding period a social conscience was
developed in Egypt which found expression in a remarkable litera-
ture. Extracts from two examples of this, "The Eloquent
Peasant" and "The Admonitions of Ipuwer," are published in
Part II, p. 418, ff., 421, ff.
(6) Second Period of Disintegration. — The thirteenth dynasty,
which began in 1788 b. c, had not been long upon the throne, when
powerful rebellions again broke up the kingdom. Petty kinglets
ruled once more in many parts of the land. These kings comprise
Manetho's thirteenth and fourteenth dynasties. The land, dis-
united, became an easy prey to an invader. Such an invader
came. For more than 3,000 years Eg>'pt, protected by her deserts,
had lived her life unmolested. The uncivilized Nubians on the
south, the Lybians on the west of the Delta, and the uncivilized
tribes of Sinai had been easily held in check. But now a powerful
invader came from Asia with a well organized, though barbaric
army. They conquered EgN^^t and imposed upon her two dynas-
ties of kings, who ruled for about a hundred years, until they were
driven out about 1580 b. c. These kings were INIanetho's fifteenth
and sixteenth dynasties. He calls them Hyksos, which has been
held to mean "Shepherd Kings," but which probably meant
"Ruler of Countries." They have been generally believed to be
Semitic, though some scholars now think they may have been of
EGYPT 29
Hittite origin. In any event, large numbers of Semites came to
Egypt with them, and left many Semitic names in the Delta.
Some of these will be discussed below. This invasion broke up
Egypt's splendid isolation and brought her into the current of world
events, from which she was never afterward to free herself.
(7) The Empire Period. — At some time before 1600 b. c. a
seventeenth dynasty arose at Thebes and began the struggle to ex-
pel the foreign kings. This was not accomplished until the founder
of the eighteenth dynasty, Amosis I (1580-1577), achieved it. In
order to secure freedom from invasion the kings of this dynasty were
compelled to follow the invaders into Asia, and in time Thothmes
III (1501-1447) conquered Palestme, Phoenicia, and Syria to
the Euphrates, and organized it into a compact empire, which
held together until about 1360. The kings of this dynasty also
carried the conquest of Nubia to Napata, at the Fourth Cataract.
They worked the mines of Sinai, traded with Punt, and inaugu-
rated the "empire period," which lasted in reahty till well into the
twentieth dynasty, about 1165, and which, for convenience, we
count as extending to the fall of the twenty-first dynasty in 945 b. c.
The foreign conquests brought many immigrants to Egypt and
also took many Egyptians for longer or shorter periods to foreign
lands. Egyptian customs in dress as well as the Egyptian language
changed rapidly during this time. The Asiatic conquests of
Thothmes III brought Egypt into relations with Asiatic kings, and
in time his successors, Amenophis III and Amenophis IV, had an
interesting exchange of letters with kings of Babylon, Assyria,
Mitanni, and Alashia (or Cyprus), as well as with Egyptian vice-
roys in Syria and Palestme. Some of these letters are translated
in Part 11, p. 344, ff.
Amenophis IV made the first attempt known in history to estab-
lish a monotheistic religion. Although it was unsuccessful, it pro-
duced a beautiful hymn, which is translated in Part II, p. 403, ff.
The kings of this period were buried in tombs of a new type. These
were excavated out of the solid rock, cut deep into the mountain-
side. They were all in the famous Valley of the Tombs of the
Kings back of Thebes.
The nineteenth dynasty succeeded the eighteenth about 1350
B. c. During a period of weakness between the two, the Asiatic
dominions had been lost. These were in large part reconquered by
Seti I and Ramses II. The last-mentioned king ruled 67 years,
30 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
from 1292 to 1225 b. c. He did much building in all parts of
Egypt and Nubia. Among his enterprises were the cities of Pithom
and Raamses in the Delta. He has long been thought to have been
the Pharaoh who oppressed the Hebrews. Early in his reign he
fought with the Hittites, but afterward made a treaty of peace
with their king and married his daughter. The text of this treaty
has been presers'ed. It is the earliest extant international treaty,
and it contained an extradition clause, though this applied to
political offenders only. (For head of Ramses, see Fig. 9.)
Merneptah, the son and successor of Ramses II, has been sup-
posed to be the Pharaoh of the Exodus. His hjnin of victor}- over
his enemies is translated in Part II, p. 311,
In the reign of Ramses III, of the twentieth dynasty (1198-1167
B. c), the Philistines and other tribes, coming from across the sea,
from Crete and Asia Mmor, invaded Egx-pt. Repulsed by him,
they invaded Palestine, where they secured a foothold. Ramses
IV, his successor, was the last Pharaoh to work the mines in Sinai.
By the reign of Ramses IX (1142-1123 B.C.), Eg\-pt'5 Asiatic empire
was gone and her prosperity had so declined that the natives of
Thebes took to robbing the tombs of kings for a living. The
records of the trials of some of these have survdved. In the reign
of Ramses XII (1118-1090 b. c), Wenamon made his famous ex-
pedition to Phoenicia, a part of which is narrated in Part II, p. 352, ff .
The twenty-first dynasty (1090-945 b. c.) was a line of weak
monarchs, who simply held Eg}qDt together. During their rule
David built up Israel's empire. One of them, either 3iamon or
Pesibkhenno II, was the Pharaoh whose daughter Solomon married.
(See 1 Kings 3 :l,f.; 9:16.)
(8) The Period of Foreign Dynasties (945-663 b. c). — During
the time of the twenty-first d3'nasty the Lybians, who for centuries
had made unsuccessful attempts to invade Eg^-pt, settled in large
numbers in different parts of the country, and adopted Eg^-ptian
customs, while some of them became wealthy and powerful. In
945 B. c. one of these, named Sheshonk, founded the twenty-second
dynasty. This king is the Shishak of the Bible. It was he who
gave asylum to Jeroboam, when he fled from Solomon (1 Kings
11 :40), and who in the days of Rehoboam invaded Palestine.
(See 1 Kings 14 : 25-28.) The dynasty founded by Shishak lasted
for two hundred years. During the first century of this time it was
very flourishing. One of its kings, Osorkon II, was apparently an
EGYPT 31
ally of Ahab; at all events, a vase bearing Osorkon's name was found
at Samaria in Ahab's palace. This dynasty made its capital at
Bubastis in the Eg}q^tian Delta, called Pi-beseth in Ezekiel 30 : 17.
During the last century of this dynasty's rule Nubia, which had
been for many centuries under Egyptian sway, gained her inde-
pendence under a powerful dynasty which made Napata, at the
Fourth Cataract, its capital. In 745 b. c. the twenty-second
dynasty was succeeded by the twenty-third, which held a precari-
ous existence until 718, when it was succeeded by the one king of
the twenty-fourth. Egypt was during this period in great disorder,
and in 712 the Nubian kings swept down from the south and con-
quered the country, establishing the twenty-fifth dynasty. The con-
trol thus passed from the Lybians to the Nubians. Tirhakah, the
third king of this dynasty, took part in the wars against Sennacherib
in Palestine. (See 2 Kings 19 : 9; Isa. 37 : 9, and Part II, p. 375, ff.)
In 670 Esarhaddon, King of Assyria, invaded Egypt, defeated
Tirhakah and made all the Delta as far as Memphis an Assyrian
province. Some years later, when Tanut-amon, the successor of
Tirhakah, endeavored to regain the Delta, Assurbanipal, of Assyria,
marched up the Nile, took Thebes, that for 1,500 years had been
mistress of Egypt, and during much of that time mistress of a large
part of the then known world, and barbarously sacked it. This
was in 661 b. c. This event made a great impression on surrounding
nations. It is referred to in Nahum 3 : 8, where Thebes is called
No-amon, or the city of the god Amon.
(9) The Lower Empire is the name given by scholars to the
period of the twenty-sixth dynasty, 663-525 b. c. This dynasty
was founded by Psammetik I, who became the viceroy of Egypt
under Assurbanipal, of Assyria, in 663 b. c. Psammetik was
descended from a native Egyptian family of the city of Sais in the
western Delta, and a number of his ancestors had been prominent
in the history of Egypt during the preceding century. At first he
was a vassal of Assyria, but soon troubles in the eastern part of the
Assyrian dominions enabled him to make Egypt independent.
The Egyptians, finding themselves once more free under a native
dynasty, experienced a great revival of national feeling. Every-
thing Eg\'ptian interested them. They looked with particular
affection upon the age of the pyramid builders, who lived more than
two thousand years before them. They revived old names and old
titles, and emulated the art of the olden days. They manifested
32 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
such vigor and originality withal, that the art of the lower empire
rivals that of the best periods of Eg\^tian history.
Necho, the son and successor of Psammetichus, endeavored, as
Assyria was declining to her fall, to regain an Asiatic empire.
Josiah, of Judah, who sought to thwart him, was defeated by Necho
and killed at the battle of Megiddo in 608 b. c. (2 Kings 23 : 29).
Necho afterward deposed Jehoahaz and took him captive to
Egjpt (2 Kings 23 : 34). Four years later, when Necho made a
second campaign into Asia, he was defeated by Nebuchadrezzar
at Charchemish on the Euphrates, and compelled to hastily retreat
to Eg^-pt, hotly pursued by the Babylonians. Jeremiah, who per-
haps caught sight of the rapidly moving armies from the Judasan
hills, has given a vivid account of the flight in Jeremiah 46. Jere-
miah considered this event so important that he began then to com-
mit his prophecies to writing. (See Jeremiah 36.) After this
Necho devoted himself to the internal government of Egypt,
though he became the patron of an enterprise for the circumnaviga-
tion of Africa, which was carried out by some Phoenicians. (See
Herodotus, IV, 42.) Hophra, a later king of this dynasty (588-569
B. c), in order to gain influence in Asia, tempted King Zedekiah
to rebel against Babylon, and thus lured the little state of Judah
to its destruction. During the reign of Hophra's successor, Amo-
sis II, Cyrus the Great founded the Persian empire, and in 525 b. c.
Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, overthrew the twenty-sixth dynasty,
and made Eg^pt a Persian province.
(10) The Persian Period. — Cambyses, after conquering Eg}'pt,
attempted in vain to conquer Nubia. The Nubian monarchs at
this time moved their capital from Napata, at the Fourth Cataract,
to Meroe, at the Sixth Cataract. Darius (521-485 b. c.) ruled
Egypt with great wisdom and tact, but under his successors there
were frequent rebellions. Finally, in 406 B.C., the Eg^-ptians actu-
ally gained their independence, which they maintained until 342
B. c. During this period three native dynasties, the twenty-eighth,
the twenty-ninth, and the thirtieth, successively occupied the
throne. Manetho counts the Persians as the twenty-seventh
dynasty. In 342 b. c. the Persians reconquered the country and
held it for ten years until it was taken by Alexander the Great.
This ten years of Persian rule constitutes Manetho's thirty-first
dynasty.
(11) The Ptolemaic Period (332-31 b. c). — For eleven years
EGYPT 33
Egypt formed a part of Alexander's empire. Upon his death, in
323 B. c, it fell to the control of his general, Ptolemy Lagi, who
founded a line of Ptolemies that ruled until overthrown by Augustus
in 31 B. c. With the accession of the Ptolemies many Greeks settled
in Egypt ; Greek became one of the languages of commerce, and had
a considerable influence in transforming the Egyptian language into
Coptic. Until the year 198 b. c. the Ptolemies controlled Pales-
tine. Philadelphus, the second of the line, rebuilt in the Greek
style the city of Rabbah Ammon east of the Jordan, and named it
Philadelphia. He, like his father, encouraged many Jews to settle
in Alexandria, and, according to tradition, became the patron of the
translation of the Old Testament Scriptures into Greek. At all
events, the Pentateuch was translated in his time, and the trans-
lation of the other books followed. This translation is known as
the "Septuagint" because of the legend that Ptolemy Philadelphus
set 72 men to translate it. By the beginning of the Christian era
there were so many Jews in Alexandria that it had become a second
Judah.
(12) The Roman Period. — The Romans, upon conquering Egypt,
disturbed in no way the internal affairs of the country. They gave
it good government and fostered its internal institutions. Many
old Egyptian customs persisted among the people ; it is in regard to
some of these that discoveries of interest to Biblical scholars have
been made. From tombs and the places in the dry sands of the
desert, where waste-baskets were emptied, many records have been
discovered, some of which are translated in Part II, p. 432,ff.,440,f .
Meantime, a state had developed out of the old monarchy of
Nubia, described above, which was ruled by a woman, whose
official title was Candace. It was an officer of hers to whom Philip
preached, as described in Acts 8 : 27-39. Recent excavations in
Nubia have recovered some of the art of these people, who became
Christian in the second or third century, as well as some inscrip-
tions of theirs in a script that is not yet deciphered.
7. Egyptian Discoveries which Bear on the Bible:
(1) Texts Bearing on the Story of Joseph. — A mmiber of texts
from the Middle Kingdom and other periods present features simi-
lar to parts of the story of Joseph and afford somewhat faint paral-
lels to certain conceptions of the Hebrew Prophets. These are
translated in Part II, p. 300, ff., and p. 418, ff.
The name of Joseph's wife, Asenath (in Egyptian As-Neit,
34 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
''favorite of the goddess Neith") , occurs from the eighteenth dynasty
onward. Such names as Potiphar, the master of Joseph (Gen.
39:1), and Potiphera, Joseph's father-in-law (Gen. 41 :45), in
Egyptian Pedefre, "he whom the god Re gives," as well as the name
given to Joseph, Zaphenath-paneah (Gen. 41 :45), in Egx^Dtian
De-pmUe-eJ- onkh, "the god speaks and he lives," are common in
Egypt from the beginning of the twenty-second dynasty, 945 b. c.
(2) The Invasion of Egypt by the Hyksos. — This took many
Semites to Eg}'pt. The very name Hyksos is held by Breasted to
mean "ruler of countries." It was probably a title by which these
kings called themselves, for they evidently ruled a considerable
portion of western Asia, as well as Egypt. "Ruler of countries"
is just the Semitic-Babylonian and Assyrian shar-matdti, a title
which Mesopotamian kings gave to themselves through much of
their history. It had been employed by the Simierians before
them, being the familiar Sumerian lugal kurkurra, "king of
countries." .If the Hyksos were Amorites, kinsmen of theirs had
ruled in Babylonia long before their invasion of Eg^^^t, and that
these may have been Amorites is indicated by the name Jacob-her,
which was borne by one of their kings. This is an Egx^ptian form
of the Babylonian Yagub-ilu, or Jacob-el, an Amorite name found
on business documents in Babylonia three or four hundred years
earlier. In the time of Thothmes III this name was, Thotlimes
tells us, borne by a Palestinian city, to which it had apparently
been given by some Amorite from Babylonia. WTiether the
Hyksos were Amorites or not, a number of Semitic names were
given to places in Lower Egypt at the time of their occupation.
Such was the name Magdol, or Migdol. The Egv'ptian name of
Tanis was Zar, which Brugsch claims as Semitic. Thakut, an old
name of Pithom, is the same as the Semitic Succoth, "booths."
In the winter of 1905-1906 Petrie, excavating at Tell el-Ye-
hudiyeh,^ about 20 miles north of Cairo, discovered what he believes
to have been one of the original encampments of the Hyksos in
'Egypt. This encampment consisted of a large space, averaging
about 1,500 feet in each direction, surrounded by a wall of sloping
sand and mud. This wall, varying from 80 to 140 feet wide at the
top and from 130 to 200 feet wide at the bottom, presented on the
outer side a long slope, and is quite unlike any structure of the
native Egyptians. From the nature of the wall and the small
' See Pctric, Hyksos and the Israelite Cities, London, 1906.
EGYPT 35
objects found near it, Petrie infers that it was the rampart of a
people who defended themselves with bows and arrows. A ceme-
tery of the same level yielded to the explorer a considerable amount
of black pottery, not at all like pottery of native Eg^^ptian manu-
facture, and a number of crude scarabs. These objects Petrie
believes are products of the art of the Hyksos before they had been
in Egypt long enough to adopt Egyptian civilization. In 1912
Petrie discovered a similar Hyksos camp at the site of Heliopolis,
the Biblical On.
It has been held by many that Abraham, Joseph, and Jacob all
went to Egypt during the reign of the Hyksos dynasty. It would
be natural for Semites to enter such a country, if it were ruled by a
dynasty of the same blood as themselves. Egypt has, however,
furnished no positive archaeological evidence of this view. The
Semitic names just alluded to, which are sometimes cited as evi-
dence of it, in reality only prove that many Semites came with the
Hyksos. They make it probable, indeed, that some of the Hyksos
were Semites, but give us no positive evidence concerning the
patriarchs. On the other hand, nothing has been discovered in
Egypt to disprove this view.
(3) The El-Amarna Letters.— In the winter of 1887-1888 a native
Egyptian woman, according to one account, accidentally discovered
some clay tablets in the soil at Tell el-Amarna, about 200 miles
south of Cairo on the east bank of the Nile. She is said to have sold
her rights in the discovery for about 50 cents. It was thus that
nearly four hundred clay tablets, inscribed in the Babylonian lan-
guage and characters, which opened an entirely unknown vista in
the history of Palestine and the surrounding countries, were found.
These were letters written to Kings Arhenophis III and Amenophis
IV, of the eighteenth dynasty. (See § 6 (7).) Seven of them
were written by Ebed-hepa, King of Jerusalem, about 1360 b. c,
and give us a glimpse of that city more than 350 years before
David conquered it for Israel. Others of the letters came from
other cities of Palestine and Phoenicia, and reveal to us through
contemporary documents the conditions there in the patriarchal
age. Some of these are translated in Part II, p. 344, ff.
(4) Period of the Oppression and the Exodus. — The statement in
Exodus 1:11 that the Pharaoh who oppressed the Egv-ptians built
the store-cities of Pithom and Raamses, indicates that this Pharaoh
was Ramses II, for Naville, who excavated the site of Pithom
36 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
(Eg\'ptian Pi-tum, "House of the god Turn") in 1883, found much
work of Ramses II there, including colossal statues of this king,
and also found no evidence that there had been any town of im-
portance on the site before.^ The name of the other city, Raamses,
also points to the same king, since Ramses I, the only other king of
the name Egv^Dt had known, reigned less than two years — a time
insufficient for the building of a city. The Bible evidently refers,
then, to Ramses II. Concerning Ramses II and his reign much is
now known, as has been pointed out in § 6 (7); (see Fig. 10).
All through the nmeteenth dynasty peoples from Syria were
employed by the kings on public works. Among these was a
people called 'prw = Aperu or Apuri, which some have thought to be
Hebrews. Whether the Hebrews are really mentioned in this way
is doubted by others, for references to the 'prcv do not cease at the
time the Exodus of Israel must have occurred. They were em-
ployed by Ramses IV, of the twentieth dynasty, as late as 1165 b. c.
Much has been learned from archaeology' about Eg>^tian brick-
making, and it corresponds to the description of it given in Exodus.
We have pictures of men at the work. No one thought of burning
bricks in Eg\^t. The clay was moulded and dried in the sun.
Straw was mixed with the clay to increase its adhesive quality.
Naville says that some of the corners of some of the buildings at
Pithom were actually built of bricks without straw. (See Exod.
5 :7-18; and Fig. 11.)
The name Pithom continued as one of the names of this store-
city or fortress until at least 250 b. c, for it is found on a pillar
which Ptolemy Philadelphus set up there, but side by side with
this name the place, all through its history, bore the name Thakut,
which is philologically the Egyptian equivalent of the Hebrew
Succoth. As this was the first station of the Hebrews when they
left Eg>TDt (Exod. 12 : 37; 13 : 20; Num. 33 : 5, 6), Naville holds
that the Hebrews, after leaving the land of Goshen, must have
passed out on the south side of the Isthmus of Suez.
Petrie believes that in the winter of 1905-1906 he discovered the
city of Raamses^ at Tell el-Retabeh, eight miles west of the site of
Pithom, on the Wady Tumilat. The objects found here show
that the site was occupied in the time of the Old Kingdom and on-
ward, but as Ramses II and Ramses III both set up here statues
> See Naville, The Store-City of Pllhom mil the Route of the Exodus, 4th ed., London, 1903.
» See Petrie, Ilyksos and tite Israelite Cities, p. 28. (.
EGYPT 37
of themselves, and erected important buildings, and as the location
is the only one that fulfils the conditions of the city Raamses,
Petrie feels confident that this was the site. This view receives
some confirmation from the title of an officer who served here under
Ramses III, and who is called: "Chief archer, keeper of the gran-
aries, keeper of the palace; chief archer, keeper of the granaries of
Arabia (or Syria)."
Merneptah, who is generally supposed to have been the Pharaoh
under whom the Exodus occurred, was not drowned in the Red Sea,
as some have wrongly inferred from Exod. 14 : 23-28, but was duly
buried like his predecessors. His mummy has been found and is
now in the Gizeh Museum at Cairo.
Merneptah in the fifth year of his reign set up a hymn of victory
on a pillar in a temple erected by his father, Ramses II. This
hjonn, discovered by Petrie in 1896, is famous as the only writing
outside the Bible that mentions Israel by name. A part of it is
translated in Part II, p. 311, where its bearing on the Exodus is
discussed; (see Fig. 15).
(5) Campaign of Sheshonk I. — The record on a wall of the
temple of Karnak in Egypt by Sheshonk I, the Shishak of 1 Kings
14 : 25, of his campaign in Palestine, confirms the statement of
Kings and puts the whole campaign in a new perspective. It is
treated in detail in Part II, p. 359, f.
(6) Papyri Discovered at Elephantine. — In recent years papyri
discovered at Elephantine, an island in the First Cataract, reveal
the existence of a Jewish colony there, which had a Jewish temple
on the island. This colony was established there at some time
during the twenty-sLxth dynasty, and was thus one of the earliest
of those Jewish settlements in foreign countries which formed the
dispersion. A number of the records of these papyri, which relate
the fortunes of this temple, the relations of this colony to their
Egyptian neighbors and their knowledge of the law, are translated
in Part II, p. 387, ff. The origin of the colony is also discussed
there.
(7) The Palace of Hophra. — Hophra, of the twenty-sLxth dynasty,
was, as noted in § 6 (9), the king who lured Judah to her ruin.
Petrie in 1907 discovered his palace at Memphis. The discovery
makes Hophra seem a little more real.^
(8) The Castle at Tahpanhes. — We learn from Jer. 43 : 7, 8 ar.d
1 See Petrie, The Palace of Apries, London, 1909.
38 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
44 : 1 that, after the destruction of Jerusalem, Jeremiah with many
other Jews fled to Tahpanhes in Eg^^jt and established a Jewish,
colony there. Jeremiah, as a s\'Tnbolical act, was directed to hide
some stones in the cement of the tiled area of the court of Pharaoh's
house there ( Jer. 43 : 8) . Tahpanhes was the Daphne of the
Greeks. It was on the site of the modern Tell Defenneh. This
was in ancient times the easternmost city of the northern Delta.
A hundred and fifty miles of desert stretched away to the east of
it, until one came to the gardens of Gaza in Palestine. Petrie ex-
cavated Tell Defenneh in 1883-1884, and discovered the large
castle there, which is probably the building in which Jeremiah
buried his stones. This was the last act of Jeremiah's life of which
we have any record. He was then an old man and apparently died
soon afterward, probably at Tahpanhes, certainly in Eg\pt.
(9) The Jewish Temple at LeontopoUs. — Josephus tells us twice,
once in his A nliquities of the Jrd's, Book XIII, Chapter III, and again
in his Wars of the Jews, Book VII, Chapter X, that, when Jonathan,
the Maccabee, was made high priest of the Jews, about 153 b. c,
Onias, the son of Onias III, the deposed high priest, went to
Egypt and obtained a grant of land and permission to build a
Jewish temple. This land was in the region of the city of Bubastis,
the nome where the cat goddess was sacred, and was accordingly
called by the Greeks Leontopolis. There were at this time about
as many Jews in Eg\T3t as in Palestine, and doubtless Ptolemy VII
thought to keep them more loyal by granting them a temple. He
gave to Onias the revenues of a considerable territory for the sup-
port of the temple. Josephus tells us that Onias urged as a reason
for the construction of this temple that it would be in fuhihnent of
the prophecy in Isa. 19 : 19-22. Josephus goes on to say that
this temple was built as an exact reproduction of the temple at
Jerusalem and that it continued to exist as a place of worship until
after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, when troubles caused
by Jewish zealots led the Roman government to close the temple
at Leontopolis and discontinue its worship; (see P'ig. 12).
The site of this temple was at Tell el-Yehudiyeh, the "Tell of
the Jewess," about 20 miles north of Cairo. This tell was excavated
by Petrie in 1905-1906. He found there remains of the Jewish
temple, which fully confirm the statements of Josephus. Not only
the temple, but the form of the Jewish settlement, was made as
far as possible a replica of the city of Jerusalem. One of the
EGYPT 39
most interesting discoveries was a series of ovens for the roasting
of Paschal lambs. Others of a similar character were found higher
up in the mound, but this first series was most numerous. Petrie
infers that the temple was dedicated by a great Passover Feast, to
which Jews came in large numbers from throughout Egypt ;^ (see
Fig. 13).
(10) Papyri from Oxyrhynchus.— About 123 miles south of Cairo
and nine miles to the west of the Nile lies the town of Behnesa,
which the Greeks called Oxyrhynchus, from a sharp-nosed fish which
was sacred there. Since 1897 Grenfell and Hunt, two English ex-
plorers, have been season after season exploring the rubbish heaps
of the old town. The inhabitants committed the contents of their
waste-baskets to the sands, and on account of the dry climate
these have never decayed. Here were found the "Sayings of Jesus,"
some of the documents concerning the Roman census, and some of
the letters translated in Part II, pp. 432, ff ., 440, ff., as well as many
remains of the works of classical authors. Similar documents have
been found in other parts of Egypt, but no other site has yielded as
^any as Oxyrhynchus.
(11) Discoveries in Nubia. — During the winter of 1908-1909
[aclver explored at Karanog in Nubia for the University of
[Pennsylvania. He found in a cemetery many remains of the
[civilization of the Christian Nubians. They still called their
hqueen Candace (see Acts 8 :27), fed her on milk, and regarded
obesity as an attribute of royalty. More will be known of the
NuHfans of this period when the inscriptions discovered at Karanog
and at Shablul, deciphered by Mr. Griffith, have been more com-
pletely studied. The explorations of the English at Meroe have
afforded a connected view of the development of this Nubian civili-
zation. They found there the remains of an early period extending
from about 650-400 b. c, which was followed by about a century
when the royal residence was elsewhere, a middle period from 300
to 1 B. c, during the latter part of which Hellenic influences were
felt, and a late period, from 1 to 350 a. d., during which Roman
forms of art penetrated the country.-
1 See Petrie, Eyksos and the Israelite Cities, p. 191, ff.
2 See Annals of Archceology and Anthropology, VII, Liverpool, 1914, pp. 1-10.
CHAPTER II
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA
The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. The Discovery of Antiquities:
By Benjamin of Tudela. By Rich. By Botta and Place. By Layard. By Loftus
and Rawlinson. By Oppert and Rassam. By George Smith. By Sarzec. By Peters,
Ward, and Haynes. By Koldeway. By Andrae. By de Morgan. By Harper and Banks.
By Genouillac. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions: By Niebuhr. By Grote-
fend, De Sacy, and Rawlinson. Babylonian column. Babylonian-Semitic. Chro-
nology. Outline of the History: The prehistoric period. Sumerians. The Pre-
Babylonian period. " Stele of the Vultures." The early Babylonian period. Kassites.
Pashe dynasty. The early Assyrian period. The second Assyrian period. The Xeo-
Babylonian period. The Persian period. The Greek and Parthian periods. Dis-
coveries ^VHicH Illumine the Bible.
1. The Land. — The Mesopotamian Valley, as the great region
watered by the Tigris and the Euphrates Rivers is called, in many
respects resembles Eg>-pt, although in other respects it differs
strikingly from Eg^-pt. The country is like Eg}'pt in that it is
formed by rivers; it differs from Egx-pt in that it has two rivers
instead of one. In late geologic time the Persian Gulf extended
far up toward the Mediterranean. All of what was Babylonia has
been formed by detritus (silt) brought down by the Tigris and the
Euphrates. The process of forming land is still going on. At the
head of the Persian Gulf about seventy feet a year is still formed
in this way, or a mile in about seventy-five years.
Both the Tigris and the Euphrates rise in the mountainous re-
gions of Armenia, on opposite sides of the same range of mountains.
The melting of the snows on these mountains gives both rivers,
like the Nile, a period of overflow. As the source of the Tigris is
on the south side of the mountains, it begins to rise first. Its rise
begins about the first of JMarch, its overflow is at its height in
May, and the water recedes in June or July. The Euphrates
begins to rise about the middle of March, continues to rise until
June, and does not recede to its ordinary level until September.
The soil thus formed is of rich materials, and the retreating flood
leaves it each year well watered and softened for agriculture. Here,
as in Egypt, one of the earliest civilizations of the world developed.
40
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 41
It was quite independent of that in Egypt, and consequently dif-
fered from the Egyptian in many respects. Unlike Egypt, Baby-
lonia had a rainy season; nevertheless she was mainly dependent
upon the overflow of the rivers for her irrigation and her fertility.
As she possessed two rivers, her breadth was greater than that of
Egypt, but she lacked the contiguity of protecting deserts, such as
Eg>'pt possessed. All through her history her fertile plains at-
tracted the mountain dwellers of the East and the peoples of the
West. Subject to frequent invasion by these. Babylonia had no
long peaceful development such as Egypt enjoyed before the
Hyksos invasion. From before the beginning of written history
race mingled with race in this great valley, invasions were fre-
quent, and the construction of permanent empires difficult.
The breadth of the Mesopotamian Valley affected also the
building materials and the character of the art. Stone was much
more difficult to obtain than in Egypt. Clay only was abun-
dant. All buildings were consequently of brick. These structures
were far less enduring than those in Egj'pt; their upper parts
have disintegrated and buried the lower portions. Babylonian
ruins are accordingly all under ground. The abundant clay was
also used by the Babylonians as writing material. When baked,
it proved far more enduring than the Egyptian papyrus. Thus,
notwithstanding the general similarities which the Mesopotamian
Valley presents to Egypt, its differences profoundly affected
Babylonian history and Babylonian art.
2. The Preservation of Antiquities.^ — Babylonian cities were
usually built on terraces of brick. The walls of the cities and
their buildings were constructed of the same material. Refuse
from the houses in these towns was always thrown out into the
streets, so that, as the centuries passed, the streets were gradu-
ally elevated. The walls of the brick houses gradually became
unstable in the lapse of time, and as the houses were repaired they
were brought up to the level of the street. Consequently even in
peaceful times the mounds on which the cities were built gradually
grew higher. Most of these cities were at various times destroyed
in warfare. Sometimes all the houses would be partially demolished
and the site would be for a time practically uninhabited. When
at length the place was repeopled, the top of the mound would be
smoothed off and taken as the base of a new city. In this way
through the many centuries of Babylonian history the sites of her i
42 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
cities have become great mounds. When these cities finally fell
into ruin, the clay of the upper part of the walls gradually disin-
tegrated in the weather and formed a coating of earth over the
whole, which preserved the foundations of the walls both of cities
and houses, as well as the inscribed clay, stone tablets, and the
works of art buried underneath.
Connected with each Babylonian and Assyrian temple was a
kind of staged tower, shaped in a general way like the stepped
pyramid of Zoser at Sakkarah in Eg\^t. The Babylonians called
these towxrs Ziggurats. As the bricks of these towers decayed,
they formed in connection with the city mound a kind of hillock
or peak, which varied in accordance with the height of the tower.
The ruin of the Ziggurat at Birs Nimrud, the ancient Borsippa, is
one of the most imposing to be seen in ancient Babylonia; it was
long thought to be the original of the Tower of Babel (Gen. 11 : 9).
It thus came about that no ancient temple of Babylonia, like some
of those in Egypt, has remained above ground. Explorers have
had to dig to discover antiquities; (see Fig. 22).
3. The Discovery of Antiquities: By Benjamin oj Tudela. —
The first man from western Europe who traveled through Baby-
lonia and Assyria and noted their ruins was a Jew, Benjamin of
Tudela, in the kingdom of Navarre. Leaving home about 1160
A. D., he traveled through Palestine, crossed the desert by way of
Tadmor, visited Mosul opposite ancient Nineveh, and went south-
ward to the site of Babylon. He also saw the ruin of Birs Nimrud,
and believed it to be the Tower of Babel. Between the sixteenth
and eighteenth centuries many other travelers visited the Mesopo-
tamian Valley and described what they saw. Some of these,
toward the close of the eighteenth century, described curious in-
scriptions which they had seen there on bricks. This information
led the British East India Company in 1797 to instruct its resident
at Bussorah, in southern Babylonia, to try to secure some of these
inscriptions. This he did, and early in 1801 the first case of in-
scribed bricks arrived at the East India House in London, where
they are still preserved.
By Rich. — Early in the nineteenth century Claude James Rich
became resident of the East India Company at Bagdad. In his
travels through the region he visited the mounds of Hillah (Baby-
lon), Kouyunjik (Nineveh), and others, where he made some slight
excavations, and found many inscriptions. The smaller ones he
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 43
added to his collection, but many of them were of too monumental
a character to be removed. Through these efforts a wide-spread
interest was aroused.
By Botta and Place. — In 1842 the French government created a
vice-consulate at Mosul, opposite the site of ancient Nineveh, and
appomted to the position Paul Emil Botta, who had served as
French consul at Alexandria in Eg>T3t. Botta's mission w^as made
in part archaeological. In December, 1842, Botta began diggmg
in the mound of Kouyunjik, the site of ancient Nineveh. Here he
worked for three months. As he found only a few inscribed bricks
and the fragments of some bas-reliefs, he became discouraged, and
changed the field of his operations to a mound called Khorsabad,
situated about fourteen miles to the northeast of Kouyunjik.
Here he discovered a palace filled with interesting inscribed bas-
reliefs made of alabaster, as well as a city about a mile in cir-
cumference. Under the corners of the palace and under the city
gates were many inscribed cylinders of clay. This proved to be
the palace and city built by Sargon, King of Assyria (722-705 b. c),
as his new capital. He named it Dur-Sharrulvin, or Sargonsburgh.
His name had so entirely disappeared from ancient literature that
only one reference to him has survived, that in Isaiah 20 : 1, but
here was his palace arising from the dust together with abundant
annals of his reign. (See Part II, p. 369, ff.)
Botta and his successor, Victor Place, excavated intermittently
at Khorsabad for ten years, uncovering the palace and making a
plan of it, excavating the city walls and gates, studying the drain-
age of the ancient town, and fully describing the whole. Although
a part of the antiquities found were lost in the Tigris by the wreck
of a raft on which they were being floated down the river, a large
collection reached France, where they are preserved in the Louvre.
By Layard. — The success of Botta fired the enthusiasm of Austen
Henry Layard, a young Englishman of Huguenot descent, who
began to excavate in 1845 at Nimrud, a mound further down the
Tigris than Mosul, and the site of the Biblical Calah (Gen. 10 : 11).
His money was at first furnished by a few friends, but as he soon
discovered a royal palace there similar to the one Botta had un-
earthed at Khorsabad, the trustees of the British Museum com-
missioned him to excavate for them. He thus continued the work
intermittently until 1849. During this time he spent most of
his energy upon the mound of Kouyunjik, where he discovered
44 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
another royal palace. This palace proved to be the work of Sen-
nacherib, the son of Sargon (named in 2 Kmgs 18 : 13; Isa. 36),
who built the one at Khorsabad, while the palace at Calah was, in
its final form, the work of Esarhaddon, the son of Sennacherib.
(See 2 Kings 19 : 37.) The palace at Nineveh had in turn been
repaired by Esarhaddon's son, Assurbanipal.
By Lojtus and Rawlinson. — As these excavations progressed,
others were stimulated to make mmor explorations. Thus in 1850
William Kennett Loftus carried on small excavations at the mound
of Warka, the site of the Biblical Erech (Gen. 10 : 10), in south-
ern Babylonia, from which he recovered important antiquities.
From 1851-1855 the oversight of English excavations was entrusted
to Sir Henry C. Rawlmson, the British consul-general at Bagdad.
Under his direction J. E. Taylor, British vice-consul at Bassorah,
made an excavation at the mound of ISlugheir, the site of Ur of
the Chaldees, where he unearthed important inscriptions. At the
same time Loftus was travelmg about Babylonia collecting an-
tiquities.
By Op pert and Rassam.—ln 1852 a French expedition under the
direction of Jules Oppert reached Babylonia. Oppert made im-
portant excavations at Hillah, the site of the city of Babylon, and
at Birs Nimrud, the ancient Borsippa. In 1852 Hormuzd Rassam,
who had been one of Layard's helpers, continued under Rawlinson's
direction the excavation at Nineveh. This work continued until
1854; Rassam had the good fortune to find, in a part of the mound
previously untouched, still another palace. This was the palace
of Assurbanipal, the last of Assyria's great kmgs, who ruled from
668 to 626 B. c, and who collected here a great library. This
library Rassam discovered, and as it contamed every variety of
Babylonian and Assyrian literature, including dictionaries and
grammatical exercises, it was one of the most important archaeo-
logical discoveries ever made. During the last part of the time
Rassam was succeeded by Loftus. Finally, in the autumn of 1854,
Rawlinson hunself undertook an excavation at Birs Nimrud, and
unearthed some important inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar II,
King of Babylon, 604-562 b. c. (See 2 Kings 24, 25.)
After this the interest in excavation waned for a time, while
scholars were busy reading the tablets already found.
By George Smith.— In December, 1872, George Smith, an em-
ployee of the British Museum, announced that among the tablets
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 45
from Nineveh he had found an account of the flood which closely
resembled that in the Bible. This aroused so much interest that
the proprietors of the London Daily Telegraph contributed money
to send George Smith to Assyria to explore further the mounds
there. George Smith thus led two expeditions of exploration, one
in 1873 and the other in 1874. He extended the trenches of his
predecessors at Nineveh and discovered many more important
inscriptions. In 1876 he was on his way to Mesopotamia for the
third time, when he died of fever at Aleppo. The British Museum
immediately secured the services of Rassam again, who during
that year and 1877 extended the work at Kouyunjik (Nineveh)
and also found a palace of Shalmaneser III, King of Assyria, 860-
824 B. c, at a mound called Balawat, situated to the east of
Kouyunjik.
By Sarzec. — Meantime, the interest of France was again aroused,
and in 1877 her consul at Bassorah, Ernest de Sarzec, began the
excavation of Telloh, a mound in southern Babylonia, which turned
out to be the site of Shirpurla or Lagash, one of the oldest and
most important of the ancient cities of Babylonia. Work was
carried on at intervals here by Sarzec until his death in 1901, and
has since been continued by Gaston Cros. The results have not
received the popular acclaim accorded to the discoveries of Botta
and Layard, but scientifically they are far more important. Some
of the oldest examples of Babylonian art have been discovered, as
well as many thousands of tablets. One room alone contained
an archive of business docimients estimated at thirty thousand.
Much of our knowledge of the history of early Babylonia is derived
from material found at Telloh.
By Peters, Ward, and Haynes. — In 1884 America began to take
an interest in Babylonian exploration. This was due largely to
the initiative of Dr. John P. Peters, then Professor of Hebrew in
the University of Pennsylvania, now Rector of St. Michael's
Church, New York. Through his efforts Miss Catherine L. Wolfe,
of New York, contributed the money to defray the expenses of
an expedition to Babylonia for a preliminary survey. "KThis ex-
pedition was led by Dr. William Hayes Ward, Editor of the New
York Independent. It spent the winter of 1884-1885 in Mesopota-
mia, made mxany observations of the various mounds, and col-
lected some archgeological material. Dr. Peters continued his
efforts, and as a result a fund was raised in Philadelphia to defray
46 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the expenses of an excavation in the mterest of the University of
Pennsylvania. This expedition set out in 1888 under the direc-
tion of Dr. Peters. The site chosen for the exploration was Nuflfar,
about sixty miles to the southeast of Babylon. The work was con-
tinued for two seasons under the direct control of Dr. Peters.
After an interruption of three years the work was resumed under
the general direction of Dr. Peters, with Dr. John H. Haynes as
Field Director. Dr. Haynes, in the most self-sacrificing and heroic
manner, contmued the work both summer and winter until Febru-
ary, 1896, laying bare many of the features of the ancient city of
Nippur, which had occupied the site, and discovering many in-
scribed tablets. While this work was in progress Prof. Herman
V. Hilprecht became nominal head of the expedition on account
of the removal of Dr. Peters to New York. A fourth expedition
under the guidance of Dr. Haynes began work at NufTar (Nippur)
in February, 1899, and worked until March, 1900. During this
work Dr. Haynes discovered a large archive of tablets, the exact
number of which is variously estimated. The find was similar to
that made by Sarzec at Telloh; (see Figs. 16 and 17).
I Nuflfar, the ancient Nippur, was one of the oldest centers of
I Babylonian civilization, and the work of the Americans there is,
for our knowledge of the history of ancient Babylonia, next in
I importance to that done by the French at Telloh. A large num-
ber of the tablets discovered at Nippur are now in the University
Museum in Philadelphia. Meantime, the Turkish government
had undertaken on its own account an excavation at Abu Haba, the
site of the ancient Sippar in northern Babylonia. The direction
of the work was committed to the oversight of the French Assyriol-
ogist, Pere Scheil, and the work was carried on in the early part
of the year 1894. Much interesting material was brought to light.
By Koldewey. — Also during this decade a new Society, the
Orient-Gesellschaft, had been formed in Berlin for the purpose of
excavation. This Society began in 1899 the excavation of the
great mound which covered the ruins of the ancient city of Bab)'lon.
The work was committed to the direction of Dr. Robert Koldewey,
who has carried it steadily forward until the present time. Kolde-
wey has laid bare at Babylon a number of the great works of King
Nebuchadrezzar — the magnificent walls with which he surrounded
Babylon, and the palace and temples with which he adorned it.
As the work at Babylon has progressed, Koldewey has made a
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 47
number of minor excavations in smaller mounds of Babylonia.
During the season of 1912-1913 Dr. Julius Jordan undertook, under
Dr. Koldewey's general direction, an excavation at Warka, the
Biblical Erech, where Loftus had dug sixty years before. A part
of the great temple of Ishtar has been uncovered by Dr. Jordan,
together with a portion of the city wall and many houses. Many
tablets have also been found, some of them having been written as
late as the Seleucid and Parthian periods, 312-50 B.C. ; (see Fig. 18).
By Andrae. — While the excavation at Babylon has been in
progress, the Orient-Gesellschaft has also conducted another at
Kalah-Sherghat, on the Tigris, in ancient Assyria. This is the site
of the city of Ashur, from which the country of Assyria took its
name. (Cf. Gen. 10 : 10, 11.) The work has been under the
direction of Dr. Andrae and has been in progress from 1902 to the
present time. Temples and palaces have been uncovered, and
inscriptions from every period of Assyrian history have been
found. The latest reports of the work at Ashur tell of the discovery
of objects which connect the founding of the city with immigrants
from Lagash in southern Babylonia.
By de Morgan. — In 1900 a French expedition began the exca-
vation of Susa, in ancient Elam, the Shushan of the Bible. (See
Neh. 1:1; Esther 1 : 2, etc., and Dan. 8 : 2.) This work was under
the direction of J. de Morgan. While Susa is not in Babylonia,
the excavations here added greatly to our knowledge of Babylonian
history and life, for during the first two seasons of the excavation,
two inscribed stone pillars were discovered, which the ancient
Elamites had at some time taken as trophies of war from the
Babylonians. One of these was an inscription of Manishtusu,
King of Kish, who ruled about 2700 b. c, and the other the pillar
which contained the laws of Hammurapi, the most important
single document relating to Babylonian life that is known to us.
(See Part II, Chapter XIII.)
By Harper and Banks.— During the year 1903-1904 the Uni-
versity of Chicago sent an expedition to Babylonia. The expenses
were borne by a contribution from John D. Rockefeller. The
late Prof. Robert Harper was Scientific Director of the expedition,
and Dr. Edgar J. Banks, Field Director. The work was con-
ducted at the mound of Bismya, which proved to be the site of the
ancient city of Adab, one of the oldest Babylonian cities, which
seems not to have been occupied since about 2600 b. c. Many
48 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
interesting finds were made, including a statue of a king, Lugalda-
udu, and many tablets. Friction with the Turkish government
brought the expedition to an untimely close, and owing to the
same cause the tablets discovered are hoarded at Constantinople
and have not been given to the world.
By Genouillac. — During the early part of the year 1914 a French
expedition, under the direction of H. de Genouillac, excavated at
Ukhaimir, the site of ancient Kish. They have discovered the great
Ziggurat of the temple of Zamama, the god of Kish, and are said
to have made other important finds, but the details are not yet
published.
4. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions. — The task of learning
to read the inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria was much more
difficult than the decipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs, for
no such simple key as the Rosetta Stone was at hand. The key
that finally unlocked the mystery came not from Babylonia, but
from Persepolis in Persia. When Cyrus the Great conquered
Babylon in 538 b. c. the Persians had not developed a system of
writing. They accordingly adapted to their language the char-
acters of the Babylonian script. The Babylonian script had begun,
like the Egyptian hieroglyphs, as a system of picture-writing, in
which each picture represented an idea. These had gone through
a long development, in which the original picture-forms had been
supplanted by conventional characters derived therefrom. In
making these characters on clay, one end of a line was always
wider than the other, hence the characters are called "wedge-
shaped" or "cuneiform." In the course of the ages the Babylonians
had come to use the characters to express both syllables and whole
words, and a scribe might mingle these uses of a sign at will in
writing a composition. Many of the signs might also express
any one of several syllables. In adapting this complicated system,
the Persians had the wisdom to simplify it. They selected or
constructed a character for each sound, making a real alphabet.
Three of the Persian kings, Darius (521-485), Xerxes (486^65),
and Artaxerxes II (405-359), wrote their inscriptions in three
languages, — Babylonian, Elamite, and Persian, — employing wedge-
shaped scripts for all of them.
By Niebuhr. — In the ruins of the great palace of the Persian
kings at Persepolis many of these inscriptions in three languages
were preserved. These ruins attracted the notice of many travelers
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 49
from the time that Odoric, a monk, saw them in 1320 a. d., and
a number of travelers had made copies of some of them and brought
them back to Europe. The inscriptions were a great puzzle.
Alter Alexander the Great (331-323 b. c.) Persia had been sub-
ject to foreign powers until 220 a. d., when the Sassanian dynasty
(220-641 A. D.) made Persia again an independent kingdom. In
the revival of Persian letters that occurred in Sassanian times, a
form of the Phoenician alphabet was used, because the old charac-
ters of these mscriptions had been forgotten. In 1765 Carsten
Niebuhr, a Dane, visited Persepolis and made accurate copies of a
large number of these inscriptions. The first correct reading of any
of these inscriptions was done from Niebuhr's copies; (see Fig. 20).
By Grotefend, de Sacy, and Raivlinson. — ^A number of scholars
had studied Niebuhr's copies, but the first to read any of them
correctly was Georg Friedrich Grotefend, a German scholar. He
began with the assumption that the three groups of lines in the
inscriptions con tamed respectively three languages, and that the
first of these was the Persian of Cyrus and his successors. In
the years 1787-1791 Sylvestre de Sacy, a French Oriental scholar,
had studied and m part expounded some Sassanian alphabetic
inscriptions from Persia, which had also long attracted the notice
of scholars. These Sassanian inscriptions were many of them cast
in the same mould. They ran thus:
"X the great king, king of kings, the king of Iran and Aniran, son of Y,
the great king," etc.
Grotefend had these inscriptions before him, and compared this
formula with the inscriptions from Persepolis. He noted that as
often as the formula contained the word "king" the inscriptions
from Persepolis contained the same group of signs, and that as often
as it had "of kings," they reproduced the group with a different
ending. He therefore rightly concluded that these signs were the
old Persian spellmg of the Persian word for "king" with its genitive
plural. Taking from the Sassanian inscriptions the word for king,
he proceeded to parcel out its sounds among the characters with
which the word was spelled in the Persepolis inscriptions. He also
fotmd a king, who was the son of a man not a king. This, he
rightly held, could be none other than Darius, the son of Hystaspes.
Apportioning the proper groups of signs among the sounds of these
names, he obtained still further alphabetical values. Thus a
so ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
beginning was made. Grotefend was, however, unable to carry
the work far, and in the years that followed Eugene Burnouf,
Christian Lassen, Isidore Lowenstern, Henry C. Rawlinson, and
Edward Hincks all made contributions to the subject. The honor
of having first correctly read and interpreted a long inscription be-
longs to Rawlinson. Rawlinson was a young army ofl&cer, who as
a boy had been in India, where he learned Persian and several of
the dialects of India. In 1833 he was sent to Persia with other
British officers to assist in the reorganization of the Persian army.
Here his attention was attracted by the great Persian inscriptions
in the mountains near Hamadan, the ancient Ecbatana, and in the
intervals of military duties he copied and studied several of them.
He was, in the early stages of his work, quite unaware of the work
done by Grotefend and others, but hit independently upon the
method followed by Grotefend. Owing to the fact that the in-
scriptions on which Rawlinson worked were longer than those ac-
cessible to Grotefend, and also contained more proper names,
Rawlinson attained greater success than any of his predecessors.
He did not publish his results, however, until he had become thor-
oughly familiar with all that others had done. It was not until
1846 that he published a full interpretation of the Persian column
of the great Behistun^ inscription of Darius I.
Babylonian Column. — This successful achievement related, how-
ever, only to the Persian column. The mysteries of the Babylonian
column had not yet been solved. This task, as will be evident
from the complicated nature of the writing mentioned above, was
a much more difficult one. The decipherment of the Persian had,
however, taught the sound of many cuneiform signs. These sounds
were carried over to the Babylonian column as a nucleus of informa-
tion. Excavations were all the time also bringing new material to
light, and a comparison of inscriptions, in many of which the
same words were written in different ways, sometimes ideographi-
cally and sometimes syllabically, helped on the general stock of
knowledge. Rawlinson, Hincks, Jules Oppert, and Fox Talbot were
the men who at this stage of the work were still wrestling with the
problem. Again Rawlinson was the man to achieve the first dis-
tinguished success. In 1851 he published one hundred and twelve
lines of the Babylonian portion of the Behistun inscription with
transliteration and translation, and accompanied the whole with
1 So called from the name of the mountain on which it is writtem.
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 51
copious notes in which the principles of the grammar were set forth.
A list of the signs and their values was also added. From that
day to this the study has steadily gone forward.
Babylonian-Semitic. — The work of Rawlinson and his co-laborers
proved that the language of the ancient Babylonians was a Sem-
itic language, closely akin to Hebrew, Aramaic, Arabic, and
Ethiopic. Within the next few years after he had found the key ■
to the cuneiform writing, Rawlinson announced that the inscrip-
tions from Babylonia contained material in another and very differ-
ent language. The researches of later years have fully confirmed
this, and scholars call this language Sumerian. The people who
spoke it were the inventors of many elements in the civilization
of early Babylonia, and for many centuries at the dawn of history
divided the country with the Semites.
5. Chronology. — ^The materials for constructing the chronology
of Babylonian and Assyrian history are as follows:
(1) Claudius Ptolemy, an Egyptian astronomer who flourished
in the second century A. d., made a list of the kings of Egypt,
Persia, and Babylonia back to the accession of the Babylonian
king, Nabonassar, in 747 b. c. This list was compiled as an as-
tronomical aid, and is very accurate.
(2) The Assyrian kings kept lists of years and of principal
events, to which scholars have given the name "Eponym Lists,"
because each year was named after the king or some officer. Tab-
lets containing these lists have been recovered on which we can
still read the chronology from 893 to 666 b. c. This list accordingly
overlaps the list or "canon" of Ptolemy. Some of these Assyrian
kings were also kings of Babylon, and where the lists overlap they
agree. One of these lists mentions an eclipse which occurred at
Nmeveh in the month Sivan (May- June), 763 b. c. This eclipse
has been calculated and verified by modern astronomers, so that
the chronology covered by these lists rests upon a secure scientific
basis.
(3) For dates in Assyrian history anterior to 893 b. c. we have
to depend upon incidental notices in the inscriptions. Thus Sen-
nacherib, whose date is fixed by the Eponym Lists as 705-681 b. c,
relates that during his reign he recovered from Babylon the images
of two gods that had been taken as booty by Marduknadinakhi,
King of Babylon, from Tiglath-pileser, King of Assyria, 418 years
before Sennacherib brought them back. It follows from this that
-,/
52 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Tiglath-pileser I of Assyria and JMarduknadinakhi of Babylon
were ruling from about 1120 to 1100 B. c.
We also have a long inscription from the Tiglath-pileser men-
tioned here, who relates that in his reign he restored a temple,
which had been built by Shamshi-Adad, ruler of Assyria, son of
Ishmi-Dagan, ruler of Assyria, 641 years before the time of Ashur-
dan. King of Assyria. Ashur-dan had, he tells us, pulled the temple
down and it had lain in ruins 60 years until he (Tiglath-pileser)
rebuilt it. By adding these numbers we reach 1819 or 1820 b. c.
as the accession of Shamshi-Adad.
Again Sennacherib found at Babylon a seal which bore the
following inscription :
" Tukulti-Ninib, king of the world, son of Shalmaneser, King of Assyria,
conqueror of the land of Chaldsea. Whoever changes the writing of my
name, may Ashur and Adad destroy his name. This seal was presented by
the land of Assyria to the land of Akkad " (Babylonia).
To this Sennacherib added the following mscription:
" I, Sennacherib, after 600 years conquered Babylon, and from its treasures
brought it out and took it."
We learn from this that Tukulti-Ninib was ruling in Assyria
from about 1300 to 1290 b. c.
Andrae has recently (1914) published an mscription of Tukulti-
Ninib in which he states that he repaired a temple which had
been built by his ancestor, Ilu-shumma, King of Assyria, 720
years before. Ilu-shumma was, accordingly, ruling in Assyria
about 2020 to 2010 b. c.
(4) Among the tablets in the British Museimi are two so-called
"dynastic tablets" which contain lists of the kings of Babylon
from the time that Babylon became the leading city of the country
to its capture by the Persians. The kings are divided into eight
dynasties, the length of the reign of each king was originally given,
and at the end of each dynasty a statement was given of the
number of kings in that dynasty and the total length of their reigns.
These tablets are unfortunately much broken, so that they afford
us little help after the year 1000 b. c. We learn from them, how-
ever, that IVIarduknadinakhi, the king mentioned by Sennacherib
as ruling about 1100 b. c, belonged to the fourth Babylonian dy-
nasty, and, if we add together the years given for the previous
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 53
dynasties, we are taken back nearly to the year 2400 b. c. for the
accession of the first dynasty of Babylon. Evidence has, however,
come to light in recent years which proves that the first and second
of these dynasties overlapped, one ruling in the north while the
other ruled in the south. A reliable chronology cannot, therefore,
be obtained by adding these numbers together. In order to cor-
rect them recourse must be had to other evidence.
(5) Franz Xaver Kugler, who is both an astronomer and an
Assyriologist, has recently shown that an astronomical tablet
which was published as long ago as 1870, and which notes for a
series of years when Venus was the evening and when the morning
star, contains a date formula which fixes its compilation in the reign
of Ammi-zadugga, the tenth of the eleven kings of the first dynasty
of Babylon. From mathematical calculations of the position of
the planet Venus, Kugler is accordingly able to fix the accession
year of Ammi-zadugga as either 2040, 1976, or 1857 b. c. As the
first of these dates is too early, and the third is, in the judgment
of most scholars, too late, it follows that his accession year was in
1976. From the lengths of the reigns of the various kings of this
dynasty as given in the dynastic tablets, it follows that the first
dynasty of Babylon began its rule in 2206 b. c.
(6) Under Adad-nirari III, King of Assyria (810-782 b. c),
a so-called synchronistic history of Assyria and Babylonia was
compiled. It covered about 600 years, beginning with a treaty
of peace between Karaindash, King of Babylon, and Ashur-rim-
nishishu. King of Assyria. It aids in filling gaps left by breaks in
other lists.
(7) A chronological tablet in the Babylonian collection of Yale
University contains a list of the kings of Larsa. This city was
conquered by Hammurapi, of the first dynasty of Babylon, in the
31st year of his reign. The tablet, therefore, counts Hammurapi
one of the kings of Larsa, ascribmg to him twelve years of rule.
The tablet was apparently compiled in the twelfth year of Samsu-
iluna, Hammurapi's successor, to whom twelve years are also
ascribed. It gives the total length of the dynasty of Larsa as 289
years. That dynasty, accordingly, began its rule in 2358 b. c.
(8) In a chronological list of the kings of Ur and Nisin on a tab-
let in the University Museum, Philadelphia,^ it is stated that the
1 First published by Hilprecht, Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, VoL
XX, No. 47;cf. p. 46.
54 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
kings of Ur ruled 117 years and the kings of Nisin 225 years and 6
months. A tablet has now been discovered which shows that the
dynasty of Nisin was not overthrown until 2117 or 2116 b. c. Its
225 years, therefore, were all parallel to the time of the dynasty of
Larsa. As the dynasty of Nisin rose upon the ruins of the king-
dom of Ur, the dates of the kingdom of Ur are, therefore, fixed as
2458-2341 b. c.
(9) A chronological tablet published by Scheil in the Comples
rendus of the French Academy for 1911 gives a list of five early
dynasties of Babylonia: a dynasty of Opis, one of Kish, one of
Agade, and two of Erech.
(10) A group of chronological tablets in the University Museum
in Philadelphia,^ which assign several dynasties to each of several
well-known Babylonian cities, ascribe to their kings incredibly
long reigns. One of these is translated in Part II, Chapter IV.
(11) Fragments of a work of Berossos, a Babylonian priest who
lived after the time of Alexander the Great, contain a list
of Babylonian kings. He based his work on such tablets as those
in the University Museum. His statements abound accordingly
in incredible numbers.
From these tablets it appears that the dynasty of Ur was pre-
ceded by the dynasty of Gutium, which ruled for 159 years; the
dynasty of Gutium was preceded by a dynasty of Erech for 26
years; that, by a dynasty of Agade for 197 years; that, by one king
of Erech, Lugalzaggisi, who ruled 25 years; he was apparently
preceded by a dynasty of Kish for 106 years; that, by a dynasty of
Opis for 99 years. These figures take us back to 3070 b. c, though
the arrangement for the time before Lugalzaggisi is in part con-
jectural. Four dynasties of Avhat are known to have been his-
torical kings existed before this time, so that we are led to place the
beginning of the historical period in Babylonia about 3200 b. c. or
earlier.
(12) Nabuna'id, King of Babylon, 555-538 b. c, states that he
found, in repairing the temple at Sippar (Agade), the temple-plat-
form of Naram-Sin, son of Sargon, which no one had seen for
3,200 years. As he made this statement about 550 b. c, it was
long supposed that this fixed the date of Naram-Sin as 3750 b. c,
and that of his father, Sargon, at about 3800 b. c. These dates
> Sec Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts Philadelphia, 1914, Nos. 2-5, and Historical
Texts, Philadelphia, 1914, pp. 73-140.
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 55
will be found in many of the older books, but they are incredible.
They would, if true, leave long gaps in the history that we have
no information to fill. Since it has been clearly proved that the
dynasties overlapped, it seems that Nabuna'id reached his date
by adding together the totals of dynasties, some of which were
contemporary. It now seems probable that he placed Naram-Sin
about 1,100 years too early.
The sources here enumerated afford us a tolerably accurate
chronology back to about 2450 b. c. All dates earlier than this
have to be estimated by combining statements of early dynastic
tablets with archaeological and palasographic considerations.
6. Outline of the History. — The history of Babylonia and As-
syria falls into eight different periods. Our information is not yet
sufficiently complete to enable us to write the history of any one
of them, but we can discern in outline a most fascinating course of
events.
(1) The Prehistoric Period, or the period before the rise of writ-
ten history, during which we can ascertam from various inferences
the general course of events. This period must have begun about
4500 or 5000 b. c. and lasted down to about 3200 b. c. The Semites
from Arabia"^ were the first to pour into the fertile valley of Mesopo-
tamia. They came up from the south, establishing the city of
Eridu on the shore of the Persian Gulf, then the cities of Ur, Erech,
Lagash, Nippur, etc. They carried with them the culture of thej
palm-tree, and learned to raise grain in the alluvial soil of the rivers, i
but they had no system of writing. The early cities of Babylonia '
were the fortified residences of different tribes, which were fre-
quently at war with one another. One city would subjugate its
neighbors for a tune and establish a small empire. As long as it
continued to rule, a certain degree of homage was paid to its god
by all the cities over which it ruled. In prehistoric times there
were kingdoms of this sort ruled at one time by Eridu, at another
by Erech, and at another by Nippur, for Ea, the god of Eridu, Anu,
the god of Erech, and Enlil or Bel, god of Nippur, were ever after
worshiped as the supreme gods of Babylonia.
Sumerians. — At some time before the dawn of history a people '
whom we call Sumerians moved into Babylonia from the East.
1 It is the prevailing view of sciiolars that Arabia was the cradle-land of the Semites. The
reasons for this view as well as a resume of other views will be found in G. A. Barton's Sketch of
Semitic Origins, Social and Religious, New York, 1902, Chapter I.
56 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
These people spoke a language which possesses some features
in common with Finnish and Turkish. They were neither Aryans
nor Semites. The Semites wore thick hair and long beards; the
Sumerians shaved both their heads and faces. These Sumerians
overran southern Babylonia as far north as Nippur and in this
region became the ruling race. They grafted the worship of their
own gods upon the worship of the deities of the cities which they
conquered, but the Semitic elements of these local deities persisted
even in Siunerian thought. It thus came about that the bald and
beardless Sumerians picture their gods with hair and beards.
After settling in Babylonia, the Sumerians developed a system of
writing. It was at first hieroghTDhic, like the Eg^-ptian system.
Afterward the Semites, who still retained the supremacy in the
cities of Kish and Agade in the north, and who had probably been
reinforced there by fresh migrations from Arabia, adapted this s}'s-
tem of writing to their own language. As clay was the usual writ-
ing material and it was difficult to make good pictures on it, the
pictographic form of the writing was soon lost. The pictures de-
generated into those conventional sjTubols which are today known
as the "cuneiform" characters.
(2) The Pre-Bahylonian Period of the history includes the period
from about 3200 b. c. down to the rise of the city of Babylon,
about 2100 B. c. This period, like the preceding, was a time of
successive city kingdoms. One city would establish an empire
for a while, then another, having become more powerful, would
take the leadership. When first our written records enable us to
trace the course of events, Lagash in the south and Kish in the
north were the rival cities. Lagash was ruled by a king, Enkhegal.
A little later Meselim, King of Kish, conquered all of southern
Babylonia, including I>agash. After Meselim had passed away,
Ur-Nina founded a new dynasty at Lagash and gained his inde-
pendence. Ur-Nina's grandson, Eannatum, raised the power of
Lagash to its greatest height, conquering all the cities of Baby-
lonia, even Kish. The Elamites were always invading the fertile
plains of Babylonia, so Eannatum ascended the eastern mountains
and subjugated Elam.
''Stele of the Vultures.'" — He celebrated his victories by the erec-
tion of one of the most remarkable monuments which the ancient
world produced, the so-called "stele of the vultures." From the
pictures on the monument we learn that the soldiers of Lagash,
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 57
about 2950 b. c, waged their battles in a solid phalanx protected |
by shields. The Greeks were formerly supposed to have invented
this form of attack, but were anticipated by 2 ,500 years ; (see Fig. 19) .
Although this dynasty furnished several other rulers, the leader-
ship of all Babylonia was lost after the death of Eannatum. It
passed first to Opis and then again to Kish. Lagash continued to
flourish, however, during 200 years, while these cities were the over-
lords of its rulers. Its wars had made it rich, and all the arts
flourished there. Our best specimens of terra-cotta and stone
work come from this period of this city. Under Entemena, the
successor of Eannatum, a silver vase of exquisite workmanship
and ornamentation was made; (see Fig. 21). After a century or
more of wealth and luxury, during which priests and officials be-
came corrupt, a new king, Urkagina, seized the throne and en-
deavored to reform the administration. Naturally, his reforms
were unpopular with the priesthood and the army, and, though
popular with the people, he unintentionally weakened the defensive
power of his country.
At this juncture a new ruler named Lugalzaggisi arose in the
city of Umma, who ultimately overthrew Lagash and became
king of all Babylonia. He made Erech his capital. This was about
2800 B. c. Lugalzaggisi claims to have overrun the country from
the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean. If so, and there is no good
reason to doubt his claim. Babylonia and the Palestinian coast-
lands were under him brought together for the first time.
After Lugalzaggisi the city of Agade came to the fore. Its
great King Sargon about 2775 b. c. founded a dynasty which
ruled for nearly two hundred years. The kings of this line were ,
Semitic and resided sometimes at Agade and sometimes at Kish.
Sargon conquered Syria and a later chronicle says that he crossed
the western sea. As a seal of this dynasty was found in
Cyprus, it is possibly true. Naram-Sin, one of the most famous
kings of this line, conquered the country of Magan, which some
believe to be the peninsula of Sinai, but which others hold was
situated in eastern Arabia.
About the time of this dynasty, or a little before. King Lugal-
daudu flourished at Adab, the modern Bismya, where Dr. Banks
found his statue. In this same general period a king named Anu-
banini ruled in a city to the northward, called Lulubi.
Perhaps it was under the later kings of this dynasty of Agade, or
58 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
under a dynasty of Erech which held sway for a brief period after
them, that Gudea flourished at Lagash. This ruler does not claim
to be a king, but his city enjoyed great prosperity under him, and
he rebuilt it in fine style. He seems to have been on peaceful terms
with much of the world, and brought for his structures stone from
Magan, cedar wood from Amanus on the Mediterranean coast, and
copper from Lebanon. After this time the land was overrun by
hordes from Gutium, a region to the northeast beyond the Tigris.
They established a dynasty which lasted for 125 (or 159) years.
In 2458 B. c. a dynasty arose in the cit}- of Ur, situated far to the
south. These kings were Sumerians and under them a great Sumer-
ian revival occurred. By this time northern Babylonia was called
Akkad, from the city of Agade, and southern Babylonia was called
Sumir, from a corruption of the name of one of the quarters of
Lagash. These kings combined with the title "kmg of Ur" the
title "king of Sumir and Akkad." Sumir is the Biblical "Shinar"
(Gen. 10 : 10; 11 : 2, etc.).
Dungi, the second king of this dynasty of Ur, reigned 58 years
and established a wide empire, which included Elam and the city
of Susa. He established a system of government posts to aid the
royal officers of army and state in the performance of their duties.
Upon the fall of the dynasty of Ur, the dominion of Babylonia
was divided between two cities, Nisin and Larsa, each of which
furnished a dynasty which flourished for more than two and a quar-
ter centuries. Naturally, these kings were continually struggling
with each other for the supremacy, and sometimes one city was
the more powerful, sometimes the other. The Elamites, who
during the whole period had occasionally swooped down into the
Mesopotamian Valley, overran Larsa and furnished the last two
kings of its dynasty, — Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin. These kings have
each been thought by different scholars to be the Arioch of Gen.
14 : 1. (See Part II," Chapter DC.)
About 2210 B. c. a dynasty of rulers was founded in the city
of Babylon that was destined to bring a new era into the history
of the country. After a struggle of more than a century Hammu-
rapi, the sixth king of this line, broke the power of Larsa and made
Babylon the leading city of the country. Nisin had previously
fallen. With the rise of Babylon another period of the life of the
country was ended.
The above sketch calls attention to a few only of the more prom-
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 59
inent features and cities of Babylonia. There were many others
which participated in her life during the millennium of the pre-
Babylonian period. The recovery of more mscriptions will no
doubt make this statement more true even than we now dream.
Each of these contributed its mite to the progress of civilization in
this melting-pot of races in this far-off time.
(3) The Early Babylonian Period began with the reign of Ham-
murapi and continued till about 1050 b. c. It includes the rule
of the first four dynasties of Babylon. The period began glo-
riously under Hammurapi, who conquered all of Babylonia, and
extended his sway also to the Mediterranean. He was as great as
an administrator as he was as a conqueror; he codified the laws of
Babylonia and inscribed them on a stone pillar, which was set up
in the temple of Marduk in Babylon. These laws have been re-
covered, and are one of the most valuable archseological discoveries
of modern times. (See Part II, Chapter XIII.)
Soon after the death of Hammurapi, a revolt occurred under one
Ilumailu, who established in the region near the Persian Gulf a
dynasty known as the "dynasty of the sea lands," which was
afterward called the second dynasty of Babylon. Down to 1924
B. C. the two dynasties divided the country between them. In
that year Babylonia was invaded by the Hittites, who came from
the northwest, and the first dynasty of Babylon was overthrown.
The Hittites appear to have ruled the country for a short time,
when they were driven out by the "dynasty of the sea lands," which,
so far as we know, controlled the country for the next hundred and
fifty years.
Kassites.—khoui 1750 b. c, or shortly before. Babylonia was
once more invaded by a race of barbarians from the east of the
Tigris, called Kassites or Cossaeans. They captured Babylon and
founded the third dynasty of Babylon, which ruled for 576 years.
The kings of this dynasty gradually absorbed Babylonian culture.
Soon after 1700 b. c. they expelled the kings of the sea lands from
the south and ruled the whole country.
Assyria, which under the first dynasty had been a Babylonian
colony, gained her independence before 1400 b. C, so that after
that the independent histories of the two lands run on parallel
lines. During the long period of Kassite rule, Babylon ex^jerienced
many vicissitudes. Assyria was at times friendly and at times
hostile. In the reign of Kurigalzu, Elam was successfully invaded
60 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
and spoil formerly taken by the kings of Elam was brought back to
Babylonia. Kadashman-turgu and Burnaburiash, kings of this
dynasty, carried on friendly correspondence with Amenophis III
and Amenophis IV, kings of Eg\-pt, 1400-1350 b. c.
Pashe Dynasty.— Ahowt 1175 b. c. the Kassite dynasty was
superseded by the Pashe dynasty, which ruled the country for
more than a hundred and thirty years. The greatest king of this
time was Nebuchadrezzar I, who reigned about 1150 b. c. He
emulated with considerable success the career of his great prede-
cessor, Hammurapi. After the fall of the fourth dynasty, the
country was divided and fell a prey to the Elamites, who overran
it about 1050. For the following 450 years Babylonia, though
often independent, was of little political importance.
(4) The Early Assyrian Period.— Assyria's empire grew out of
the domination of the city of Ashur, as that of Rome grew out of
the domination of the city of Rome. Ashur and Nineveh had been
foimded by colonists from Lagash about 3000 or 2800 b. c. This
is shown by archaeological remains found at Ashur, and by the name
of Nineveh. We can first trace the names of Assyria's rulers
shortly before the year 2000 b. c. They do not call themselves
kings, and were, perhaps, then subject to Babylon.
About 1430 b. c. we learn that Assyria had become an inde-
pendent kingdom. Her king at that time, Ashur-rim-nishishu, was
a contemporary of Karaindash, King of Babylon. Ashur-uballit
about 1370-1343 was a contemporary of Burnaburiash, King of
Babylon, and shared in the correspondence with Eg}7)tian kings
contained in the El-Amarna letters. Shalmaneser I about 1300
b. c. conquered the region to the west of Assyria extending across
the Euphrates in the direction of the ISIediterranean. Ashur-
nasirpal, a later king (884-860 b. c), says that Shalmaneser "made"
the city of Calah^ as a new capital for his country. His son,
Tukulti-Ninib I, turned his arms to the southward and conquered
Babylon, which he held for seven years. After him Assyria's
power declined for a time, but was revived by Tiglath-pileser I,
who carried Assyria's conquests again across the Euphrates to the
Mediterranean Sea and northward to the region of Lake Van.
After the reign of Tiglath-pileser I, Assyria's power rapidly declined
again, and the first period of Assyria's history was closed. Our
sources almost fail us for a hundred years or more.
> In Gen. 10 : 1 1 it Ls by implication said that the city w.is founded by Nimrod.
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 61
(5) The Second Assyrian Period. — Assyria slowly emerged from
the obscurity into which she had fallen after the death of Tig-
lathpileser I. The progress went forward through the reigns of
eleven different kings. Finally, in the reign of Ashur-nasirpal
II, 884-860 B. c, a period of foreign conquest was once more
inaugurated. This monarch agam carried the conquests of his
country northward and also to the Mediterranean. (See Part II,
p. 360.) Under him Assyria became the best fighting machine in
the ancient world — a machine that was run with ruthless cruelty
over all conquered peoples. This king set his successors the ex-
ample of flaying and impaling numbers of conquered peoples, and
of boasting of such deeds in his chronicles. Probably such deeds
were not now committed for the first time, but so far as we know
they had not been so gloated over.
Ashur-nasirpal's successor, Shalmaneser III, 868-824 b. c, made,
besides campaigns into Armenia and elsewhere, six campaigns
against the lands of Syria and Palestine. On his first campaign
in 854 he was met at Qarqar by a confederation of kings, among
whom were Ahab of Israel and Ben-Hadad of Damascus. (See
Part II, p. 360, ff .) On his fourth campaign in 842 b. c. Jehu, who
had in that year usurped the throne of Israel, hastened to make his
peace with Shalmaneser by giving him a heavy tribute. Thus
Assyria gained a right to claim Israel as a vassal state. (See Part
II, p. 362, f.)
The next two kings, Shamshi-Adad IV and Adad-nirari IV,
controlled Assyria until 783 b. c, and mamtained her power. The
last-mentioned king made three expeditions into the West, and
claims to have received tribute not only from Israel but from
Philistia and Edom, but no details of his campaigns have survived.
After 783 the power of Assyria declined again, and the decline
lasted until 745, when the reigning dynasty was overthrown, and an
able general, whose name was apparently Pul, gained the throne
(cf. 2 Kings 15 : 19), and took the great name of Tiglath-pileser.
He reigned as the fourth king of that name. Tiglath-pileser IV
was great both as a warrior and as a statesman. He broke for the
time being the power of the kingdom of Urartu in Armenia, con-
quered parts of Media on the east, and also annexed Babylon to
Assyria. Babylon during this later Assyrian period had usually
been permitted to retain a king of her own, though the kingdom was
of little political importance as compared with Assyria. Tiglath-
62 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
pileser made his power dominant in Babylonia at the beginning of
his reign, and during the last two years of his life actually reigned
there as king. The Babylonian scribes did not recognize his
high-sounding name of Tiglath-pileser, but still called him Pul.
In the first year of his reign Tiglath-pileser IV inaugurated a
new policy with reference to conquered peoples. This was the
policy of transporting to a distant part of his empire the wealthy
and influential members of a conquered nation, and of putting
similar exiles from other lands in their place. Individuals so trans-
ported would be unable longer to foment rebellion against him. It
was a brutal policy, but it was a measure designed to build up a
permanent empire.
Tiglath-pileser made four expeditions to the west, though the
first two touched northern Phoenicia only. In 739, when he made
his appearance in Palestine, Menahem, King of Israel, hastened to
pay him tribute (2 Kings 15 : 19). Four years later, however,
after Pekah had usurped the throne of Israel, that king formed an
alliance with Rezin of Damascus for the purpose of throwing oft"
the Assyrian yoke, and tried to force Ahaz of Judah to join in the
enterprise. (See Isa. 7:1, f.) This, Ahaz, supported by the
prophet Isaiah, refused to do. In 733-732 Tiglath-pileser came
agam into the West, overran the territory of the kingdom of Israel,
deported the chief inhabitants of Galilee to distant parts of his
dominions (2 Kings 15 : 29, 30), and replaced Pekah, who had been
killed, by King Hoshea, who ruled over a greatly diminished terri-
tory and upon whom a hea\y Assyrian tribute was imposed.
Tiglath-pileser then turned eastward and conquered Damascus,
which his predecessors smce the days of Shahnaneser III had been
vainly trying to capture. While the Assyrian monarch was at
Damascus, King Ahaz of Judah went thither and became his
vassal. (See 2 Kings 16 : 10, f.) Thus Judah also passed under
the Assyrian yoke. (See Part II, p. 366.)
Tiglath-pileser IV was succeeded by Shahnaneser V, 727-722 b. c,
and soon after the death of Tiglath-pileser, Hoshea of Israel was
persuaded to join several petty rulers of Philistia and Egvpt in
rebelling against Assyria. In 725 an Assyrian army overran
Hoshea's territory, and laid siege to Samaria. The military po-
sition of Samaria and its strong walls made it almost impregnable,
and the siege dragged on for three years (2 Kings 17 : 5). Before
the city fell, another king had ascended the throne of Assyria.
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 63
He was a usurper, a general, who took the great name of Sargon,
and who ruled from 722 to 705 b. c. Samaria succumbed in
Sargon 's first year and 27,290 of its inhabitants were deported.
The discontent of the west was not at once quieted. Other states
remained in rebellion and an Assyrian army finally defeated them
at Raphia, southwest of Gaza, in 719 b. c. Sargon then turned
his arms in other directions, fighting at various times with the
kingdom of Urartu in Armenia, overcoming Carchemish, a Hittite
kingdom on the Euphrates in 717 (see Isa. 10 -.9), and making
an expedition mto Arabia in 715. In 711 Ashdod revolted and
Sargon 's Tartan or chief officer came to put the rebellion down
(Isa. 20 : 1).
At the beginning of Sargon's reign his arms had been defeated in
Babylonia, and Merodachbaladan, a Chaldean (see 2 Kings
20 : 12), seized the throne of Babylon and held it from 721 to 709.
Then he was defeated and Sargon took over the control of Baby-
lonia. Merodachbaladan, however, escaped to the marsh lands at
the head of the Persian Gulf, and survived to make trouble later.
In 705 Sargon died and was succeeded by his son, Sennacherib,
who ruled from 705 to 681 b. c. At the beginning of his reign
troubles broke out in Babylonia, which cannot here be followed in
detail. They lasted for years, and none of Sennacherib's measures
gave the country permanent peace. At last Sennacherib became
so incensed that he destroyed Babylon. Her buildings were burned
and battered down, her walls overthrown, and the Euphrates
turned through canals into the land on which she had stood, to
make it a marsh. One incident in the series of events which led
up to this sad climax was the reappearance in 702 of Merodach-
baladan, who seized the throne of Babylon and tried to stir up a
rebellion against Assyria. He even sent letters to Hezekiah, King
of Judah. (See 2 Kings 20 : 12.) At the beginning of Sennacherib's
reign a niunber of the petty kings of Philistia had withheld their
tribute. Into this revolt Hezekiah, King of Judah, had been drawn.
Busied with other wars, Sennacherib was unable to quell this
rebellion until the year 701. In that year his army met the forces
of the confederated kingdoms at Elteke in the valley of Aijalon and
overcame them. Sennacherib then proceeded to Lachish, where he
received the submission of the neighboring kinglets. From
Lachish he sent a messenger who summoned Hezekiah of Judah
to submit (cf. Isa. 36, 37). Hezekiah obeyed the summons and
64 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
paid a heavy tribute. Space does not permit us to speak of the
wars of Sennacherib against Elam and other countries.
It would seem that after Tirhakah ascended the throne of Eg>T3t
in 688 B. c, he persuaded the kingdoms of Palestine to rebel. The
Assyrian came west again and threatened to invade Egv-pt and to
destroy Jerusalem. Isaiah then predicted that Jerusalem would be
delivered (Isa. 31 : 5), a prediction which was fulfilled. Sennach-
erib's army was attacked by bubonic plague and was compelled to
retire.^
Sennacherib was assassinated in 681 and was succeeded by his
son, Esarhaddon, who ruled till 668. Esarhaddon rebuilt Babylon,
which his father had destroyed, and two years before his death
conquered all of Lower Egypt and made it an Assyrian provmce.
During his reign a great horde of Scythians poured into Asia
through the Caucasus region from southern Russia. The Assyrian
army prevented Assyria from being overwhelmed by this horde.
The stream of invaders was divided, one part flowing east to IMedia,
the other part westward to Asia Minor.
Esarhaddon's son and successor, Ashurbanipal, ruled from 668
to 626. His reign was the Augustan age of Assyria. At the
begmning he was called upon to put down a rebellion in Eg}T3t, and
as trouble there recurred several times, trouble which was fomented
by emissaries from Thebes and Nubia, he finally in 661 pushed up
the Nile and conquered Thebes and gave it over to plunder. (See
Nahum 3 : 8.) Space does not permit us to follow Ashurbanipal 's
wars. About the middle of his reign his brother, Shamash-shum-
ukin, who was ruling Babylon, rebelled along with many other
vassals, and although the rebels were finally put down, the seeds
of the decay of Assyria's power were sown. Manasseh, Kuig of
Judah, as long as he lived was a faithful vassal of Esarhaddon and
Ashurbanipal. (Cf. 2 Kings 19 : 37; 2 Chron. 33.)
The great work of Ashurbanipal was the collection of his library
at Nineveh. He sent to all the old temples of Babylonia and had
copies made of their incantations, hymns, and epics. These, to-
gether with chronicles, medical tablets, dictionaries, etc., he col-
lected in his palace, where they were found by Layard and Rassam,
and form the basis of our knowledge of the Assyrian and Bab>'lonian
language, literature, and history. With the death of Ashurbanipal,
' For a discussion of the reasons for the view here stated, and a presentation of other views,
see Part II, p. 374, ff.
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 65
the last Assyrian period had really closed. Though the kingdom
continued for twenty years more, they were but the years of a
lingering death.
(6) The Neo-Babylonian Period— In 625, the year after Ashur-
banipal's death, Nabopolassar, the viceroy of Babylon, who ap-
pears to have been a Chaldffian,i gained his mdependence, and es-
tablished the Neo-Babylonian, or Chaldean empire. Nabopo-
lassar himself reigned till 604 b. c. During his reign the power of
the city of Babylon gradually extended over all southern Baby-
lonia, and up the Euphrates to Carchemish. During these years
Assyria was gradually dimmishing in territory. As Assyria had
declined. Media, which had long been in greater or less degree
subject to Assyria, had become free, and Median kings had little
by little gained control of the country toward Assyria. Nabo-
polassar finally made an alliance with the Median kmg, and to-
gether they overthrew Nineveh in 606 b. c.
In 604 Necho of Egypt marched with an army to the Euphrates,
and Nabopolassar sent his son, Nebuchadrezzar II, to meet him.
Nebuchadrezzar defeated Necho at the battle of Carchemish, and
hotly pursued him toward Egypt. (See Jer. 46.) The pursuit was,
however, interrupted by the death of Nabopolassar, and the recall
of Nebuchadrezzar to Babylon to be crowned as king. The defeat
of Necho had made Judah a Babylonian vassal-state. Nebuchad-
rezzar ruled until 562 B.C., and raised Babylon to a height of power
which rivaled that attained under the great Hammurapi. He also
rebuilt the city in great magnificence. The palaces, temples, and
walls of this period, unearthed by Koldewey, were most magnificent
structures. Owing to rebellions, first of Jehoiakim and then of
Zedekiah, kings of Judah, Nebuchadrezzar twice besieged Jeru-
salem, once in 597, and again in 586 b. c, on both occasions cap-
turing the city. In 586 he destroyed it. (2 Kmgs 24, 25.)_ Fol-
lowmg the Assyrian practice, which had prevailed since Tiglath-
pileser IV, he transported considerable numbers of the more influ-
ential people of the city each tune he took it. These were settled
in Babylonia. One colony of them was stationed near Nippur.
Among those who were transported in 597 was a young priest, who
afterward became the prophet Ezekiel. The colony with which he
came was settled by the Khubur canal near Nippur. (See Ezek.
1 The Chaldsans were a Semitic people who came into the marsh-lands of southern Babylonia
from Arabia. We can first detect their presence in Babylonia about 1000 b. C.
66 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
1 : L) The young king, Jehoiachin, who was also taken captive
at that time, remained in confinement during the rest of Nebu-
chadrezzar's reign. He was only released by Amil-Marduk, Nebu-
chadrezzar's son, who succeeded his father and reigned two years.
(See 2 Kings 25 : 27-30.)
After Nebuchadrezzar the kingdom of Babylon rapidly declined
through four reigns. Meantime, Cyrus, who in 553 had over-
thrown the kingdom of Media and erected the kingdom of Persia on
its rums, had been gradually extending his realm to the JEgean Sea
on the west, and to the borders of India on the east. In 538 b. c.
Cyrus captured Babylon and overthrew Nabuna'id.
(7) The Persian Period lasted from 538 to 331 b. C. During
this time Babylonia was but a province of the Persian empire,
though the Persian kings made it one of their capitals. Cyrus
reversed the policy of transportation, which had been practised by
the Assyrians and Babylonians for two hundred years, and per-
mitted subject peoples to return to their lands and restore their
institutions and worship. He sought to attach them to his govern-
ment by gratitude instead of fear. It was owing to this policy
that the Jewish state was once more established with Jerusalem as
its capital, though still a Persian colony. Cambyses extended
Persian power to Egypt in 525, and Darius I, 521-485 b. c, ex-
tended it to India and into Europe. Under Darius the temple at
Jerusalem was rebuilt and the Jews there tried unsuccessfully to
regain their independence. This they attempted once more under
Artaxerxes III about 350 b. c, but his general, Bagoses, put down
their rebellion with great severity. During the Persian period life
in Babylonia went on as before. The old gods were worshiped,
the old culture was continued, the same language was used, and
many business documents written in it have come down to us.
The earlier Persian kings employed it for their inscriptions, and in a
short time the Persians made from it an alphabet of their own.
(8) The Greek and Parthian Periods. — Alexander the Great
overthrew Darius III, the last of the Persian kings, in 331 b. c,
when Assyria and Babylonia passed under the sway of the Mace-
donian. When Alexander returned from his conquest of hither
India in 325 b. c, he planned to extend his empire westward to the
Atlantic Ocean, and to make Babylon its capital. Plans for the
enlargement and beautifying of the city, so as to make it a worthy
capital for such an empire, were under way when Alexander suddenly
BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA 67
died in June, 323 b. c. In the final division of the world among
Alexander's successors, Babylonia fell to Seleucus, together with
all the territory from the Mediterranean to the borders of India.
As Seleucus desired a capital on the Mediterranean, so as to watch
more successfully the movements of his rivals, he built Antioch on
the Orontes and made it his residence. Babylon was, however,
made the capital of the eastern half of the empire, and the king's
son, as viceroy, made it his residence.
Soon after 260 b. c. Bactria and Parthia, in the eastern part of the
empire of the Seleucidse, gained their independence. In course of
time Parthia absorbed Bactria and became an empire, which lasted
till 230 A. D. About 150 b. c. the Parthians conquered Babylonia,
which remained with little interruption under their sway till the
establishment of the Sassanian kingdom of the Persians in 220 a. d.
Babylonia was under the control of this last dynasty until the
coming of the Mohammedans in the year 637 a. d. The old culture
of the Babylonians, their religion, language, and writing were main-
tained well down toward the Christian era. Copies of old Sumerian
hymns have been found in Babylonia which bear dates as late as
81 B. c, and business documents in Semitic are numerous. ^
7. Discoveries Which Illumine the Bible. — Discoveries in
Babylonia and Assyria which illumine the Biblical narratives are
numerous. The sites of many cities, such as Ur of the Chaldees,
Erech, Babylon, Ashur, Nineveh, and Calah, have been excavated.
The number of documents which have come to light which in one
way or another have a bearing on the Bible is too numerous to
mention here. An effort has been made in Part II to translate
examples of most of them. Indeed, the greater part of the material
in Part II was recovered by excavations m these countries.
To Babylonia and to Egypt mankind owes the working out of the
initial problems of civilization, the processes of agriculture, the
making of bricks, the working of stone, the manufacture and use
of the ordinary implements of life, the development of elementary
mathematics and astronomy, etc. These problems were by slow
processes mdependently worked out in each country through long
ages. The higher spiritual concepts which have now become the
heritage of man neither Babylonia nor Egypt was fitted to con-
tribute. These came through the agency of other peoples.
> Those who desire fuller accounts of the history should read L. W. King's History of Sumer and
Akkad, London, 1910, and R. W. Rogers' History of Babylonia atui Assyria. 2d ed.. New York, 1915.
CHAPTER III
THE HITTITES
A Forgotten Empire. Hittite Monuments: Sendjirli. Boghaz Koi. Other
recent excavations. Hittite Decipherment: Sayce's early work. Peiser. Jensen.
Conder. Sayce's later work. Thompson. Dehtzsch. Hittite History: First
appearance. Hyksos possibly Hittites. The Mitanni. Kingdom of "Hittite City."
Carchemish. Samal and Yadi. Hamath.
1. A Forgotten Empire. — Among the peoples who are said to
have been in Palestme in the Patriarchal age are the Hittites (Gen.
23 : 10; 26 : 34, etc.). They are mentioned most often in the list
of peoples whom the Israelites drove out of the country when they
conquered it: "the Canaanite, the Hittite, the Amorite, the Hivite,
and the lebusite," and the man is still living who first suspected
that anything more than this could be known of them. This man
was Prof. Sayce, of Oxford. In the inscriptions of the Eg}ptian
kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties there is frequent
mention of a people called Kheta. In the inscriptions of Assyrian
kings there is also frequent mention of a people called Kha-at-tu.
Slowly, too, during the nineteenth century rock-carvings, often
accompanied by inscriptions in a peculiar hieroghph, were found
scattered through northern S)Tia and Asia Minor. The figures of
gods and men on these carvings usually wore caps of a peculiarly
pomted type and shoes turned far up at the toe. In 1876 it dawned
upon Prof. Sayce that these were all references to the Biblical
Hittites. He proceeded to elaborate this view in two articles pub-
lished in the Transactions of the Society oj Biblical ArchcBology,
Vols. V and VII.
About the same time the Rev. William Wright independently
started the same idea, and gave it expression in his book, The
Empire of the Hittites, 1884, 2d ed., 1885. At this period it was
impossible to discern more than that there had been a widely
scattered Hittite civilization, which might have been an empire.
2. Hittite Monuments.— This civilization, it was seen, had left
its monuments at Hamath in Syria, at Carchemish on the Euphra-
tes, at various points in ancient Cappadocia, Lycaonia, and Phr}gia,
68
THE HITTITES 69
as well as near Smyrna in Asia Minor and on the Lydian mountains
to the west of Sardis. In 1891 Prof. W. Max MuUer, of Philadel-
phia, reached the conclusion from a study of the Egyptian inscrip-
tions that the Hittites had come mto Syria from the northwest, and
that their main strength was in Asia Minor. Among the letters
found at El-Amarna in Egypt in 1887-1888 were some from Dush-
ratta, a king of Mitanni. A study of these made it clear that the
Mitanni inhabited the region on both sides of the Euphrates north
of Carchemish, and that they were of the same stock as the Hittites.
Our sources of information indicate that the territory of the
Mitanni lay east of the Euphrates, but scattered monuments of
the Hittite type are found on the west of that river.
(1) Sendjirli. — From 1888 to 1891 a German expedition exca-
vated at Sendjirli, near the head-waters of tlie Kara Su in northern
Syria, and brought to light most interesting remains of a civiliza-
tion that was fundamentally Hittite. Inscriptions found here
dated in the reigns of Tiglath-pileser IV and Esarhaddon were in
Aramaic. By this time there had been an influx of Aramteans, but
the art shows that Hittites held the place at an earlier time, and
there is reason to believe that one of the kings mentioned here had,
about 850 b. c, joined in a Hittite federation,
(2) Boghaz Koi. — Among the monuments known to Prof.
Sayce at the begmning of his brilliant studies of the Hittites, were
some from Boghaz Koi, in Asia Minor. Different travelers had
noted that here must have been a someAvhat extensive city, adorned
with several large buildings, all of which were ornamented with
carvings of the peculiar Hittite type. In 1906 the late Prof.
Winckler, of Berlin, excavating here in connection with the author-
ities of the Turkish Museum at Constantinople, discovered an
archive of clay tablets inscribed in Babylonian characters. A
group of similar tablets from Cappadocia had been previously
purchased by the British Museum. Winckler's discovery was im-
portant because he found some of the tablets inscribed in Hittite
written in cuneiform characters. Of those written in the Baby-
lonian language, one contained a copy of the great treaty between
Hattusil, a Hittite king, and Ramses II of Egypt. There were also
tablets containing Simierian and Semitic equivalents of Hittite
words. Owing to the long illness of Winckler which followed these
discoveries, an illness that terminated in death, the results of this
discovery are only now being given to the world.
70 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
In 1907 Winckler and Puchstein, in conjunction with Makridy
Bey of the Turkish Museum, made a thorough examination of the
remains of walls and buildings at Boghaz Koi. The results have
since been published in a handsome volume entitled Boghaskoi,
die Bauwerke, Leipzig, 1912; (see Figs. 23 and 25).
(3) Other Recent Excavations. — ^An American expedition con-
sisting of Drs. Olmstead, Charles, and Wrench, of Cornell Univer-
sity, ex-plored in Asia Minor in 1907-1908. The members of this
expedition collated all the known monuments of the Hittites, but
so far only their collation of the inscriptions has. been published.
The Institute of Archeology of the University of Liverpool has
also sent one or more expeditions to explore the Hittite country.
In 1910 they excavated to some extent at Sakje-Geuze, not far
from Sendjirli, but their results are not yet published.
Since 1911 the trustees of the British Museum have had an
excavation in progress at the site of ancient Carchemish on the
Euphrates. Here most important Hittite remains have been discov-
ered, though again the details of the work have not been given to
the public. The expedition has also made some minor excavations
at several points in the neighborhood, and find that Hittite remains
are numerous in that region. In addition to these places, Hittite
remains have been observ^ed at Yaila, Marash, Giaour-Kalesi, Kara-
burna, Kizil Dagh, Fraktin, Ivriz, Kara-Bel, Mount S}'pilus,
Tashji, Asarjik, Bulghar-Maden, Gurun, and Kara Dagh. One
who will look up these places on a map of modern Turkey will
see that Hittite monuments are distributed from near the shores
of the Egean Sea to the Euphrates at Carchemish and to Hamath
in Syria. {For addition to this section, see Appendix.)
3. Hittite Decipherment.
(1) Sayce's Early Work. — Prof. Sayce, whose insight first
grasped the significance of the Hittite monuments, was also the
first to attempt the solution of the riddle which the inscriptions
present. In 1880 he thought he had found a key to the writing,
such as the Rosetta Stone had been to Egyptian, in the so-called
"Boss of Tarkondemos" ; (see Fig. 26). This "boss" consisted of a
round silver plate, in form like half an orange, which must have
covered the knob of a staff or dagger. This had been described by
Dr. A. D. Mordtmann, in the Journal of the German Oriental So-
ciety in 1872. The original was then in the possession of Alexander
Jovanoff, a numismatist of Constantinople, who had obtained it at
THE HITTITES 71
Smyrna. The "boss" bore in its center a figure of the peculiar
Hittite form, flanked on both sides by writing in the Hittite char-
acters, while around the whole was an inscription in the cuneiform
writing of Assyria. From this Sayce tentatively determined the
values of a number of Hittite signs. The results were, however,
attended with considerable uncertainty, since the Assyrian charac-
ters were capable of being read in more than one way. Using
the key thus obtained, Sayce enlarged his list of supposed sign-values
and in 1884 and 1885 published as known the values of thirty- two
Hittite signs. In the years that followed Ball and Menant took
up the discussion of the Hittite signs, but with no decisive
result.
In 1889 Winckler and Abel published in one of the volumes of
the Royal Museum at Berlin the first instalment of the text of
the El-Amarna letters, in which there were two from Dushratta,
Kmg of Mitanni, in the native language of that country, though
written in Babylonian characters. In the following year, 1890,
Profs. Jensen, Briinnow, and Sayce all published in the Zeitsckrift
fur Assyriologie studies of this language, Sayce even venturing a
translation of a part of the text. Each of these scholars had worked
independently of the others, but none of them seems to have sus-
pected that the language had anything to do with Hittite.
(2) Peiser. — In 1892 Dr. Peiser, then of Breslau University,
published his book on the Hittite inscriptions, in which he essayed
another method of decipherment. Layard had found four Hittite
seals in the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. Peiser inferred
that these must be seals of four Hittite kings mentioned in the
inscriptions of that time, and proceeded to assign each seal to the
name of a known Hittite king, and interpret the signs on the seal
by the name of that king as spelled out in the cuneiform characters
of the Assyrian inscriptions. Having obtained in this way tenta-
tive values for several signs, he proceeded by inference to guess at
other signs, and so tentatively read some mscriptions.
(3) Jensen. — Prof. Jensen, of Marburg, wrote in that same year
an unfavorable review of Peiser's work. When reading the proofs
of his review he added a postscript to say that he believed he
had himself discovered the key to Hittite. Two years later, 1894,
he published in the Journal of the German Oriental Society his
method of solving the problem. Jensen's starting-point was gained
from inscriptions from Jerabis, the site of ancient Carchemish,
72 ARCH.EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Hamath, and other places. He inferred that a certain sign was
the determmative for city, and that the names preceding this sign
were names of places. Gaining in this way some values for signs,
he read the names of some kings. He found that these names had
nominatives ending in s and accusative cases ending in w; he ac-
cordmgly leaped to the conclusion that the Hittite language was a
member of the Indo-European group of languages, as this is the
only known group of tongues in which this phenomenon occurs.
This inference later research has m part confirmed. Jensen, how-
ever, went further and endeavored to show that the Hittites were
the ancestors of the Armenians of later time. This theory led to
the publication in 1898 of his book, Hittiter und Armenier. Of the
correctness of this view he has not been able to convince other
scholars. By this time Jensen and others had begun to see that
the Mitannians and the Hittites were kmdred peoples and wor-
shiped the same gods. It is now recognized that Jensen correctly
ascertained the value of some signs, though many of his guesses,
like those of his predecessors, have proved incorrect.
(4) Conder.—ln 1898 Lieut.-Col. C. R. Conder published The
Hittites and Their Language, a work in which he presented still
another decipherment of the inscriptions. Conder's decipherment
was based on a comparison of the Hittite characters with the
Sumerian pictographs on the one hand and the syllabary which
was used by Greeks in C>T3rus, Caria, and Lydia on the other.
He assumed that if a picture had in Sumerian a certain syllabic
value, and if the Cj-priotic syllabary presented a character some-
what resembling it which had a similar value, the Hittite character
which most closely resembled these must have the same value, since
the Hittites lived between the two peoples who used the other
syllabaries. This system of decipherment has attracted no ad-
herents because it is based on a fallacious inference. It does not
follow because a nation lives between two other nations, that its
institutions are kindred to those of its neighbors. One could not
explain writings of the Indian tribes of Arizona, for example, by
comparing them with books printed in English in St. Louis and in
Spanish in Los Angeles! In 1899 Messerschmidt, who was col-
lecting in one body all the known Hittite inscriptions for publi-
cation, published a study of the language of Mitanni,^ which ad-
vanced our knowledge of the language of the letters of Dushratta.
» In the MiUeilungen der vordcrasiatischen GesellschafI, 1899, Heft. 4.
THE HITTITES 73
Messerschmidt's later publication of the Hittite inscriptions* made
it far easier for scholars to study the subject.
(5) Sayce^s Later Work. — Stmiulated by Jensen's efforts, Prof.
Sayce returned to the study of Hittite in 1903, and published in the
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical ArchcBology of that year (Vol.
XXV) a new decipherment. He followed Jensen's method, accept-
ing a number of Jensen's readings as proved, and with the original-
ity and daring that characterize so much of his work, launched many
new readings. Some of these have commended themselves to his
successors.
In 1909 Ferdinand Bork returned to the problem of the language
of Mitanni, and published a pretty complete decipherment of
the Mitannian tablets in the El-Amarna letters. In 1911 Dr. B. B.
Charles, the philologist of the Cornell expedition to Asia Minor,
published as Part II of Volume I of Travels and Studies in the Nearer
East, which is to embody the results of the Cornell expedition, his
collation of the Hittite inscriptions. This publication added some
new texts to those previously known. In 1912 Prof. Clay, of Yale,
rendered the subject of Hittiteology a distinct service by including
in his volume of Personal Names from Cuneiform Inscriptions of
the Cassite Period a list of Hittite and Mitannian proper names, and
a list of the nominal and verbal elements which enter into the com-
position of such names.
(6) Thompson. — The latest attempt on a large scale to unravel
the mystery of the Hittite inscriptions is that of R. Campbell
Thompson, "A New Decipherment of the Hittite Hieroglyphs,"
published in Archceologia, second series, Vol. XIV, Oxford, 1913.
Mr. Thompson was a member of the British expedition which ex-
cavated Carchemish, and gained the idea which gave him the
starting-point for his decipherment from an inscription excavated
by that expedition. This inscription contained many proper names,
and, after passing it and looking at it every day for a long time, it
occurred to Mr. Thompson that a certain elaborate sign which fre-
quently occurred in it might be a part of the name of the Hittite
King Sangar, who is frequently mentioned by Ashurnasirpal II and
Shalmeneser III of Assyria. In seeking proof for this Mr. Thomp-
son was led into a study of the texts which resulted in a new inter-
pretation of the Hittite signs. His work is logical at every point,
he makes no inference without first examining all the occurrences
• In the Mitteitungcn der vorderasiatischen Gesellschajt, 1900, Hcfte 4 and 5.
74 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
in the known texts of the group of signs in question, and he tests
his inferences wherever possible by the known results of a study of
Mitannian and cuneiform Hittite. It is too soon to pronounce a
final verdict, but it looks as though Thompson had materially
advanced the decipherment of Hittite.
(7) Delitzsch.—AiteT the death of Prof. Winckler, the cuneiform
tablets which he had discovered at Boghaz Koi were turned over to
Ernst Weidner for publication. That publication is soon to appear,
but Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch, under whose general direction
Weidner is working, published in May, 1914, a study based on
twenty-six fragments of lexicographical texts which are to appear
in Weidner's work. These texts defined Hittite words in Sumerian
and in Assyrian. Although the texts are ver>' fragmentary, Prof.
Delitzsch has been able to gain in this way a vocabulary of about
165 Hittite words, the meanings of most -of which are known, and
to ascertain some facts about the grammar of Hittite.
We are, it would seem, just on the eve of a complete master}' of
the secrets of the Hittite inscriptions. The more our knowledge
of the Hittites grows, the less simple seems the problem of their
racial affinities. Some features of their speech clearly resemble
features of the Indo-European family of languages, but other
features would seem to denote Tartar affinities. In a number of
instances the influence of the Assyrian language can clearly be
traced. The same confusion presents itself when we study the
pictures of Hittites as they appear in Egyptian reliefs. Two dis-
tinct types of face are there portrayed. One type has high cheek
bones, oblique eyes, and wears a pigtail, like the peoples of Mon-
golia and China; the other has a clean-cut head and face which
resemble somewhat the early Greeks. These may well have been
Aryans. That there was a strain in the Hittite composition that
came from Turkestan or that came through that country is also
indicated by the fact that the Hittites were the first of the peo-
ples of western Asia to use the horse. Evidence of the use of
the horse as a domestic animal by the people of Turkestan at an
early date was brought to light by the exca^•ations of Prof. Pum-
pelly^ in that land, so that the presence of horses among the Hittites
naturally suggests some connection with that region. Among the
Hittite allies Semitic Amorites are also pictured. These have re-
ceding foreheads and projecting beards.
> See Pumpclly, Explorations in Turkestan. Washington, 1908, I, p. 50, f.
THE HITTITES 75
4. Hittite History.
(1) First Appearance. — The earliest reference to the Hittites
which we have in any written record occurs in a Babylonian chron-
icle, which states that "against Shamsu-ditana the men of the
country Khattu marched."^ Shamsu-ditana was the last king of
the first dynasty of Babylon. His reign terminated in 1924 b. c.
Khattu land, as will appear further on, was the name later given
to the Hittite settlement in Cappadocia. One would naturally sup-
pose that the name would have the same significance here, but of
this we cannot be certain. The tablet on which this chronicle was
written was inscribed in the Persian or late Babylonian period, but
there is evidence that it was copied from an earlier original. If its
statement is true, the Hittites had made their appearance m history
and were prepared to mingle in that melee of the races which
occurred when the first dynasty of Babylon was overthrown.
Nothing is said in the chronicle as to the location of the land of
Khattu, but there can be no doubt that the Hittites approached
Babylonia from the northwest. Their seat must have been m the
region where we later find the Hittites, or Mitanni. At what
period the Hittites came into this region we can only conjecture.
The excavations at Sakje-Geuze reveal a civilization there extending
back to about 3000 b. c, which resembled that found at Susa in
Elam belonging to the same period. This civilization may not
have been Hittite in its beginnings. Mr. WooUey, a member of
the British expedition which has excavated at Carchemish, in a
study of the objects found in tombs at Carchemish and at other
places near by, thinks it possible that the commg of the Hittites is
marked by a transition period in the art — a period the termination
of which he marks by the date of the fall of the first dynasty of
Babylon. It may well be that Indo-Europeans followed by Mon-
gols came about 2100 or 2000 into this region, or that the Mongols
were there earlier and that the Indo-Europeans then came. In the
resultant civilization it would seem, from the information that we
have, that there was a mingling of the two races; (see Fig. 24).
(2) Hyksos Possibly Hittites. — Since the Hittites were able to
help overthrow the first dynasty of Babylon, some scholars have
recognized the possibility that those invaders of Egypt who estab-
lished the dynasties called Hyksos may have been Hittites, or may
have been led by Hittites. There is much evidence that many
1 See L. W. King, Chronicles Concerning Early Babylonian Kings, London, 1907, Vol. II, p. 22.
76 ARCH.'EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Semites entered EgA-pt at that time, but as Syria and Palestine
were peopled with Semites earlier than this, such an invasion would
naturally have had many Semites among its camp followers, if
not in its armies, even if the leaders were Hittites. At present,
however, this is but a possibilit}'. Some slight evidence in favor of
the possibility may be found in the name of the king of Jerusalem
who was a vassal of Amenophis IV, and who wrote the letters from
Jerusalem which are in the El-Amarna collection. (See Part II,
p. 345, ff.) His name was Abdi-Hepa, and Hepa was a Hittite and
Mitannian deity. Abdi-Hepa had grown up a trusted subject of
the Eg}'ptians. His ancestors must, therefore, have been in Pales-
tine for some time. A settlement of Hittites there in the Hyksos
days would account for this. The twenty-third chapter of Genesis
represents the city of Hebron as in the possession of the Hittites
when Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah as a place of
burial for his dead, and, though many scholars regard Genesis 23,
which gives this account, as a late composition, its representation
would receive some confirmation from archaeology, if the Hyksos
were Hittites.
There is a possibility that the Hittites were in southern Pales-
tine earlier than this. Brugscy thought that he found in an
inscription in the Louvre, written by an officer of Amenemhet I,
Kmg of Eg>T3t, 2000-1970 b. c, a statement that this officer had
destroyed the palaces of the Hittites near the EgA^tian frontier of
Palestine. This readmg is still defended by Prof. Sayce,^ though
other Eg}^tologists, such as W. Max ]Muller^ and Breasted,"* claim
that the vrord that was thought to be Hittites is not a proper name,
but a common noun meaning nomads. The text of the passage is
uncertain, and no important inference can in any case be made
from it.
During the period when we obtain glimpses of the history of the
Plittites, they were never united in one empire. DilTerent king-
doms flourished here and there, such as that of the Alitanni in
INIesopotamia, the Hittites at Boghaz Koi, the kingdoms of Car-
chemish, of Hamath, and Tyana. These flourished at different
times all the way from 1400 to 700 b. c, and there were doubtless
other kingdoms also, for the Hittite sculptures near Smyrna and
• History of Egypt, II, 404, 405.
^Expository Times, November, 1914, p. 91.
*Asien uni Europa nach alldgyplischen Denkmiikrn, 319, note 3
* Ancient Records, Egypt, I, 227, 228.
THE HITTITES 77
Manissia cannot have been made by any of these, unless possibly
the great Hittite kingdom at Boghaz Koi may once have extended
its power to the JEgea,n.
(3) The Mitanni. — The earliest of these kingdoms which we can
trace is that of the Mitanni. When Thothmes III of Egypt ex-
tended his conquests to the Euphrates in 1468 b. c, he came into
contact with the Mitanni. The king of the country is not named,
but it was claimed that her chiefs hid themselves in caves. ^ There
is some reason for believing that their chief city was at Haran^ in
Mesopotamia, the city where Abraham sojourned for a time (Gen.
11 : 31; 12 : 4). If this be true, it gives a new meaning to Ezek.
16 : 3 : "The Amorite was thy father and thy mother was a Hittite."
Thothmes evidently touched the kingdom of Mitanni on its western
border. He did not penetrate its heart or overcome its king.
Although he took tribute, he does not tell us the name of the king
of the Mitanni whose armies he fought.
Half a century later the king of the Mitanni was Artatama I.
He was a contemporary of Thothmes IV of Egypt, who ruled
1420-1411 B. c. Perhaps it was their mutual fear of the rising
power of the Hittite kingdom at Boghaz Koi that led Artatama and
Thothmes IV to form an alliance. At all events, such an alliance
was made, and Thothmes married a daughter of Artatama, though
Artatama's grandson says that the Egyptian king sent his request
for her hand seven times before Artatama yielded to his solicita-
tions. Artatama I was succeeded by Shutarna I, whose reign over-
lapped a part of that of Amenophis III of Egypt, 1411-1375 b. c.
Among the queens of Amenophis III was a daughter of Shutarna I.
Before the reign of Amenophis III had ended Shutarna I had been
succeeded by Dushratta, who continued the friendly relations with
Egypt. Dushratta's. reign also overlapped in part that of Ameno-
phis IV of Egypt, 1375-1357 b. c, and Dushratta wrote several
letters to both of these Egyptian kings. It is from these letters
that we gain most of our information about Mitanni.
Meanwhile the great kingdom of the Hittites at Boghaz Koi had
entered upon its era of expansion under Subbiluliuma, who pushed
his conquests first eastward and then southward. Dushratta feared
to meet the Hittite in battle and retired to the eastward, allowing
much of his country to be overrun. This land Subbiluliuma gave
1 Breasted's Ancient Records. Egypt, II, § 773.
'Winckler in Mittcihmgen der vorderasiatischen Geselhchaft, 1913, Heft 4. p. 81.
78 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
to one of his allies, and Dushratta was murdered soon afterward by
his son, Sutatarra, who usurped the crown. Soon after this the
Assyrians mvaded the lands of the Mitanni from the east, and the
land, already distracted by its internal divisions, was thrown into a
worse confusion. At this juncture Subbiluliuma crossed the
Euphrates agam and entered Mitannian territory. He was ac-
companied by settlers who brought cattle, sheep, and horses to
remain in the country. Advised by an oracle, he deposed Sutatarra
and placed upon the throne Mattiuaza, a son of Dushratta, who
had been heir-apparent and who had fled when his father was
murdered. To Mattiuaza Subbiluliuma gave his daughter in
marriage, and Mitanni became a vassal state of the Hittite reahn.
After this our sources tell us no more of its histor}^
Near the Mitanni were the Harri, who were probably of the same
race, for in the time of Subbiluliuma they were ruled first by
Artatama II, a brother of Dushratta, and then by Sutarna II.
This state also became a part of Subbiluliuma's kingdom.
(4) Kingdom of "Hittite City."— The wave of migration from
the northeast which brought the Mitanni mto upper Mesopotamia
had swept on westward mto Cappadocia, where the greatest Hittite
state afterward developed. The monuments erected by the Hittites
were nearly all of a religious character. In the earlier time they
wrote few historical inscriptions. Such inscriptions as we have in
Hittite hieroglyphs seem to come from the later periods and to
record alliances. It is probable that in the development of the
Hittite state in Cappadocia first one city and then another had the
upper hand. The Hittite monuments at Eyuk are of a more prrnii-
tive character than those at Boghaz Koi, and it is natural to suppose
that a Hittite state flourished here before the rise of the one at
Boghaz Koi. Be that as it may, the most powerful Hittite mon-
archy of which we know arose at Boghaz Koi, which they called
"Hittite City." This monarchy emerged about 1400 b. c. Its first
king was Hattusil I, of whom we know no more than that he was
the founder of the great dynasty which ruled from the "Hittite
City" for two hundred years.
The king who laid the foundations of the greatness of this dynasty
was Subbiluliuma, the next king, whose conquests over the Mitanni
and Harri we have already traced. He conquered also a number of
neighboring states, and compelled them to sign with him treaties of
alliance which made them his vassals. Chronicles of these events
THE HITTITES 79
were discovered by Winckler among the clay tablets found at
Boghaz Koi. Subbiluliuma also turned his armies southward and
conquered Syria down to the confines of Palestine. These con-
quests were in progress when some of the El-Amarna letters, writ-
ten to Amenophis IV of Egypt and translated m Part II, p. 344, ff.,
were written. Here he pursued the same policy that he had pur-
sued ill Mesopotamia, and compelled the conquered countries to
enter into treaties with him, which subjugated them to his will.
Among the kings so treated was the Amorite King Aziru, who at
that time ruled Amorites living in the southern part of the valley
between the Lebanon mountain ranges and in the region afterward
occupied by the tribe of Asher. They also held some of the
southern Phoenician cities. This represents the most southerly
extension of Subbiluliuma's power.
Whether Subbiluliuma also extended his conquests to the west
of Asia Minor, we have no means of knowing. Some scholars sup-
pose that he had done so before he began the conquest of Mitanni.
Certain it is that Hittite rock sculptures of gigantic size exist in
the mountains near Smyrna and Manissia, to the west of Sardis.
These sculptures represent the great Hittite goddess. Near
Smyrna there are also the remains of great buildings. We know of
no Hittite monarch who would be so likely to have carried Hittite
power to these parts as Subbiluliuma. If he did so, possibly in
later time the Hittites here became independent. At all events,
some centuries later they were known to Ionian Greeks in this
region, for Homer's Odyssey, Book XI, line 521, records the tradition
that some Hittites were killed with Eurypylos.
When Subbiluliimia died he was succeeded by his son, Arandas,
whose occupation of the throne was brief, and who seems to have
been without effective power. After a short time he was replaced
by his brother, Mursil, who appears to have enjoyed a long reign.
Subbiluliuma, called by the Egyptians Seplel, wa-s reigning when
Amenophis IV of Egypt came to the throne in 1375 b. c, for he
sent an embassy to congratulate him, and Mursil appears to have
reigned until after the year 1320 b. c. The two reigns, therefore,
covered more than half a century. The first years of Mursil's
reign were apparently passed in peace, but soon after 1320 Shal-
meneser I invaded the countries in the eastern part of the Hittite
confederacy, conquering all the territory east of the Euphrates, and a
considerable territory to the west of that river. Meantime, Mursil
80 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
had renewed the treaty with the Amorites of Syria, whose king
at this time was Abbi-Teshub, or Abi-Adda. Ere long, however,
trouble arose for him on his southern border. Seti I of Egypt came
to the throne in 1313 b. c, and began a series of vigorous campaigns
for the conquest of Palestine. In time he came face to face with
the Hittite power in Syria.
At this juncture Mursil died and was succeeded by his son,
Mutallu, who soon met Seti I in battle and convinced that monarch
that it was unwise to attempt to extend Eg\-pt's empire m Asia to
the Euphrates, as Thothmes III had done. Owing to internal
troubles in Assyria the eastern border of the Hittite reakn was left
undisturbed for a considerable time, during which Mutallu could
devote himself to other matters. In 1292 b. c. Ramses II succeeded
Seti I as king of Eg^-pt and soon began vigorously to push Egj-ptian
conquests into northern Syria. Mutallu recognized the impor-
tance of the struggle and collected a large army from all his allies.
These forces were drawn from all parts of Asia Minor; even the
countries of the extreme west contributed their quota. Aleppo and
states in that region also contributed their share. A great battle
was fought at Kadesh on the Orontes in 1287 b. c, in which IMutallu,
by surprising his foe, disorganized a part of the Egyptian forces
and endangered the life of Ramses himself. By the opportune
arrival of reinforcements the Eg\ptians escaped entire defeat, so
that the result was a drawn battle.
The battle had, however, cost the Hittites much. The slaughter
of their forces had been enormous. Among the slain were many
chieftains, including the king of Aleppo. The Amorites at once
threw off their allegiance to the Hittites, and many of the other
troops mutinied. Mutallu was assassinated. He was succeeded
by Hattusil II, the Khetasar of the Egyptian mscriptions.
Assyria had become weak, so that Hattusil was no longer pressed
upon his eastern border. • After a little he reduced the Amorites
once more to submission, and compelled them to take back their
king, Put-akhi, whom they had driven out at the time of their
rebellion against Mutallu. He gave Put-akhi a Hittite princess
for a wife. Later, about 1271 b. c, Hattusil concluded an offensive
and defensive alliance with Ramses II of Egypt. The treaty which
guaranteed this alliance has come down to us, and is the first inter-
national treaty the details of which are known to us. (See Chapter
I, p. 30.)
THE HITTITES Bl
Hattusil II must have enjoyed a long reign, but we do not know
the date of his death. He had two successors, Dudkhalia and
Arnuanta, whose reigns are known to us, and who continued the
sway of the dynasty down to about 1200 b. c. They were respec-
tively the. son and grandson of Hattusil II. An edict of Dudkhalia
concerning the vassal states has survived, in which the name of
Eni-Teshub, King of Carchemish, appears. Carchemish would
seem to have been the chief of the allied states. Of Arnuanta we
have no details, though two fragments of royal edicts and a seal of
his have come down to us. He was called ' ' the great king, the son of
Dudkhalia." After him our sources fail, and the story ends m
darkness. We know, however, that the days of the power of this
dynasty were over. Egyptian sources tell us that tribes from west-
ern Asia Minor and from beyond the sea swept over Cilicia and
northern Syria soon after the year 1200 b. c, and there was then
no Hittite power there to restrain them.
(5) Carchemish. — Of the other Hittite kingdoms far less is known.
Carchemish, which, as we have just seen, played an important part
in the federation of the great Hittite power, continued its existence
for several centuries. In the time of Ashurnasirpal II and Shal-
meneser III the kingdom of Carchemish entered into alliance with
these kings and preserved its existence by becoming their vassal.
Judging from the meager reports hitherto published of the British
excavation at Carchemish, this was a flourishing period in the
history of the city. A hundred years later, in the reign of Sargon,
Pisiris, who was then king of Carchemish, defied the Assyrian, who
brought the kingdom to an end in 717 b. c. (Cf. Isa. 10 : 9.)
(6) Samal and Yadi. — When the Aramaeans swept westward
about 1300 B. c. they apparently dislodged the Hittites from a
number of their sites and occupied their country. Among the
places so occupied was the site of Sendjirli mentioned above. All
the carvings found among its architectural remains reveal the in-
fluence of Hittite art, but the inscriptions found there are in
Aramaic. These inscriptions show that there were in that region
two petty kingdoms named, respectively, Samal and Yadi. The
names of several kings of these monarchies who ruled between 850
and 730 b. c. have been recovered. They are all Aramaean.
(7) Hamath. — Farther to the south, at Hamath on the Orontes, a
Hittite kingdom existed in the time of David. Its king was then
called Toi or Tou, who made an alliance with David (2 Sam. 8 : 9, f ;
82 ARCEMEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
1 Chron. 18 : 9, f.). This kingdom was probably the outgrowth
of the earlier occupation of the Orontes valley, three hundred
years before, by the Hittites of the great empire. It continued
until the time of Ahab. Its king was then Irhulina, who along with
Ahab, Ben-Hadad of Damascus, and several other kings made an
alliance to resist the encroachments of Shaknaneser III of Assyria
in 854 B. c. (See Part II, p. 360, ff .) Irhulina caused several in-
scriptions to be made on stone, which survived at Hamath until
our time. According to Mr. Thompson's interpretation of them
they are all records of his various alliances. By the next century,
however, the Aramaeans had captured Hamath, for in the reigns of
Tiglath-pileser IV (745-727) and of Sargon (722-705 b. c.) the
names of its kuigs were Semitic. These names were, respectively,
Enu-ilu and Yau-bidi, or Ilu-bidi.
We gain glimpses also of a number of other Hittite states.
There was, for example, the state of Kummukh, which lay to the
west of the Euphrates, and another m western Cilicia, that had its
center at Tyana, the modern Bor. These, states appear to have
reached their zenith after the fall of the great Hittite dynasty which
had its capital at Boghaz Koi. Doubtless as time goes on we shall
learn of the existence of many other small Hittite kingdoms which
flourished at one time or another. At some time, either when the
Hyksos were makmg their way into Eg^-pt or when Subbiluliuma
was pushmg southward into Syria, the Hittites mentioned in the
Old Testament must have made some small settlements in Pales-
tine. Here the Hebrews came into contact with them. They
were really an unimportant outlying fringe of the great Hittite
people, but they had the good fortune to have their names preserved
in the most immortal literature in the world, the Bible, and so their
memory was ever kept alive, while that of their more illustrious
kinsmen was utterly forgotten. It is only archaeological research
that has restored something of the original perspective.
CHAPTER IV
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION
The Land: Rainfall. Early Exploration: Place names. Earlv American
Explorations: Robinson and Smith. Lynch. American exploration societies.
Palestine Exploration Fund: Warren's excavations at Jerusalem. The survey of
Palestine. Exploration of Lachish. Bliss's excavation at Jerusalem.. Excavation
at Azelcah. At Tell es-Safi (Gath?). Tell el-Judeideh. At Marash (Moreshetli-
Gath). Gezer. Beth-shemesh. Exploring the Wilderness of Zin. The German
Palestine Society: Guthe's excavation at Jerusalem. Megiddo. Taanach.
Capernaum. Jericho. The American School at Jerusalem. Samaria. Par-
ker's Excavations at Jerusalem. Latest Excavations.
1. The Land. — Palestine is a very different land from either
Egypt or Mesopotamia. They are made by the irrigation of
rivers. Palestine is fertilized by rain from heaven. In them
the scenery is monotonous; they are river valleys each of which
was once in part an arm of the sea, but how filled up by the gradual
deposit of mud. Palestine was formed in one of the greatest geo-
logical upheavals the earth ever experienced. This was nothing
less than a great rift in the earth's crust extending from the Lebanon
mountains to the Indian Ocean. The strata on the west side of this
rift slipped downward past those on its east side for a mile or more.
Those on the west were bent at different points in this long course
in different ways, but the result of the rift itself was to form the
Jordan valley and the bed of the Dead Sea, the valley which runs
from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Akaba, and that deep rift be-
tween Asia and Africa which forms the Red Sea itself.
In Palestine the strata on the west of this rift bent up intO' two
parallel ridges, to the west of which a narrow plain of varying
width, ancient Philistia, rises from the sea. To the east of this
rift the land remained at approximately its old level. The various
ridges of the country are, on account of the birth-pangs, of their
origin, intersected with valleys innumerable, so that in no country
of the world can such variety of scenery and climate be found within
such narrow limits.
Rainfall. — ^This land, with all its variety of form, is redeemed
from the desert by the moisture which the west winds drive in
83
84 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
from the Mediterranean Sea. These winds in the winter months
bring clouds, which, when they come into contact with the colder
air over the elevated hills, deposit their moisture in rain. The
Jordan valley is so warm that little rain falls upon it, but it drains
the water from the rainfall on both sides of it. Just so far back
as the clouds reach before their moisture is exhausted, just so far
the fertile land extends; beyond that is the Arabian Desert. When
the rainfall during a winter is good, bountiful crops are raised the
following season; when it is scant, the harvest fails and famine
follows. In Eg\q3t and Babylonia a man could water his garden
by kicking a hole in a dyke; they were lands which were watered
"with thy foot" (Deut. 11 : 10) ; Palestine was dependent on heaven
for its life, and we cannot doubt that this fact was one of the
instruments for the training of the Israelites for their great religious
mission. In a land of such variety — a land in which for nine months
in the year snow-capped Hermon may be seen from many an ele-
vated point and from the whole stretch of the tropical Jordan valley,
where oleanders are blooming and mustard seeds are growing into
trees — it was possible to think of God in a way that was at least
more difficult in Egypt or in Mesopotamia.
Here in this marvelous land, which formed a bridge between
the two oldest civilizations of the world, the men lived to whom
God committed the task of writing most of the Bible. This was
the earthly home of the Son of God.
Even before the Hebrews came into it, many had crossed this
bridge and some had paused long upon it. Living here they had
left the remains of their homes, their cities, and their civilizations.
Archaeology is now recovering these. After the time of Christ
various races and civilizations continued to pass over the bridge.
Their remains buried those left by earlier men. The story of the
recovery of these earlier remains is, accordingly, not only of great
interest, but often of great value to the reader of the Bible.
2. Early Exploration. — The misfortunes which overtook Judica
in the years 70 and 132-135 a. d., in consequence of the Jewish
rebellions against Rome, led to the paganizing of Jerusalem and the
expulsion of the Jews from Judaea. At this period Christianit}- was
a struggling and a persecuted religion, too busy working its way
to take an active interest in the land of its birth. When Constan-
tine early in the fourth century made Christianity the religion of
the Roman Empire, all this was changed. Both Constantine and
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 85
his mother, Helena, took the deepest interest in identifying the holy
places in Jerusalem, and a stream of pilgrims began at once to visit
the land. The earliest of these to leave us an account of his
travels was a pilgrim from Bordeaux who visited Palestine in 333
A. D. As he was anxious to see the principal places hallowed by the
bodily presence of Christ and the heroes of Scripture, he visited
places in different parts of the country. He was followed by many
others. The stream has been almost continuous down to the
present time. As the aim of these travelers was devotional and
they possessed little scholarly training or critical faculty, their
works are of secondary value to the modern student. They did,
however, prevent that loss of knowledge of the country to which
Babylonia was subjected for so many centuries.
Place Names. — At the very beginning of this period Eusebius of
Csesarea, a contemporary of Constantme, compiled a list of the
place names of Palestine which are mentioned in the Bible. The
names were arranged in alphabetical order, the events for which the
places are celebrated were given, in many instances identifications
with places existing in the fourth century were proposed, and the
distances from other well-known places mentioned. In the next
century this work was translated into Latin by Jerome, who lived
many years at Bethlehem and traveled extensively in Palestine,
and who died in 420 a. d. It is called the Onomasticon.
3. Early American Explorations. — iVs the reader approaches mod-
ern times he finds the works of some of the pilgrims assummg a more
scientific character. To some extent, too, these works were sup-
plemented by those of travelers like Chateaubriand,^ Burckhardt,^
and Lamartine.^
(1) Robinson and Smith. — The scientific study of the localities
and antiquities of Palestine was, however, begun by an American,
the late Prof. Edward Robinson, of Union Seminary, New York.
Robmson was fully equipped with Biblical knowledge, and was
thoroughly familiar with Josephus and other works bearing on his
subject. He possessed the critical faculty in a high degree, and
combined with it a keen constructive faculty. In 1838 and again
in 1852 he traveled through Palestine with Eli Smith, a missionary.
They were equipped with compass, telescope, thermometer, and
1 Ilineraire de Paris a Jerusalem, Paris, 1811.
^ Travels in Syria, 1%1\..
^Souvenirs, impressions, el paysages, pendant un voyage en Orient, Paris, 1835.
86 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
measuring tape. His knowledge of history enabled Robinson to
look beneath many traditions. With keen penetration he discerned
under the guise of many a modern Arabic name the form of a
Biblical original, and accomplished more for the scientific study of
Biblical Palestine than any of his predecessors. As he traveled
he also noted and briefly described such remains of antiquity as
could be seen above ground. The results of Robinson's first jour-
ney were embodied in his Biblical Researches, New York, 184L
In the second edition, London, 1856, the results of the second
journey were embodied, and the number of volumes increased to
three. The impetus given to the exploration of Palestine by the
labors of Robinson was continued by Tobler, Guerin, Renan, and
many others.^
(2) Lynch. — Meantime, another American, Lieut. W. F. Lynch,
of the United States Na\y, rendered an important service by the
exploration in 1848 of the Dead Sea. In April and May of that
year about three wrecks were spent in exploring that body of
water. Lieut. Lynch was accompanied by Dr. Anderson, a geolo-
gist. The party traversed the sea back and forth in two metal
boats that had been launched on the Sea of Galilee and floated
down the Jordan. The fact that the Jordan valley is lower than
the level of the sea had never been recognized until 1837, and,
until the visit of Lynch and Anderson, the depth of the depression
was only a matter of conjecture. By this expedition it was scien-
tifically determined that the surface of the Dead Sea is 1,300 feet
lower than that of the Mediterranean.-
(3) American Exploration Societies. — The work of American
exploration was later continued by the American Exploration
Society, founded in 1870. Under its auspices. Rev. John A. Paine,
of Tarrytown, New York, visited the Holy Land. One of the
results of his visit was the identification of Pisgah.^
Later an American Palestine Exploration Society was organized.
This Society employed Mr. Rudolph ISleyer, an engineer, to make a
map of Palestine, and from 1875 to 1877 also employed Rev. Sclah
Merrill, who afterward was for many years the U. S. Consul at
> For a more complete account see F. J. Bliss, The Development of Palestine Exploration, New
York, 1906.
■ Sec Official Report of the United States Expedition to Explore the Dead Sea and the River Jordan,
Baltimore, 1852.
' Sec his "Identification of Pisgah" in the third Statement of the American Exploration Society,
1870.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 87
Jerusalem, as explorer. Dr. Merrill gathered much archaeological
information, especially in the country east of the Jordan.'
4, Palestine Exploration Fund. — As a result of the interest
engendered by the work of Robinson, Lynch, and others, the
Palestine Exploration Fund was organized in London in 1865. By
this act a permanent body was created to foster continuously the
exploration of the Holy Land, and to rescue the work from the fitful
activities of individual enterprise. Such enterprise could supple-
ment the work of the Fund, but could no longer hope to compete
with it.
Within six months from the organization of the Palestine Explora-
tion Fund its first expedition was sent out. This was led by Capt.,
now Gen. Sir Charles Warren, who had just completed a survey of
Jerusalem as part of a plan for bringing water into the city. The
chief object of this expedition, which was in the field from December,
1865, to May, 1866, was to indicate spots for future excavation.
It made a series of sketch maps of the country on the scale of one
inch to the mile, studied some synagogues in Galilee noted by Rob-
inson, but not fully described by him, and laid bare on Mount
Gerizim the remains of a church built on a rough platform which
may once have supported the Samaritan temple.
(1) Warreii's Excavations at Jerusalem. — ^A second expedition
under Lieut.-CoL, now Sir Charles Warren, made considerable
excavations on the temple-hill at Jerusalem. He sank a remark-
able series of shafts to the bottom of the walls enclosing the temple
area, and proved that in places these walls rest on foundations from
80 to 125 feet below the present surface. He laid bare solid
masonry, which bore what are apparently Phoenician quarry-marks
and which he believed to go back to the time of Solomon. On
the west side of the temple enclosure he found 80 feet below the
present surface the ruins of a bridge, which Robinson had conjec-
tured crossed the Tyropoeon Valley from the temple enclosure at
this point from an arch, the base of which is still visible outside of
the temple wall.^ Among many other discoveries made by Warren
were a part of the ancient city wall south of the temple area and an
undergroxmd passage leading up from the ancient spring of Gihon,
' See his East of the Jordan. New York, 188,S.
^Warren's results were first published in The Recovery of Jerusalem, London, 1870, and more
fully in Jerusalem, London, 1889, one of the Memoirs of the Palestine Exploration Fund. The
arch mentioned is called "Robinson's Arch," because its significance was first perceived by
Robinson.
88 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
which was probably the "gutter" (R. V., "watercourse") of 2 Sam.
5 :8.
(2) The Survey of Palestine. — After this the Palestine Explora-
tion Fund undertook a survey of Palestine, the object of which was
to make a complete and authoritative map of the country on the
scale of one inch to a mile, and also a description of all archaeological
remains of antiquity which were above ground. The work was
undertaken in 1871 and the survey of western Palestine was com-
pleted in 1878. Owing to an outbreak of cholera, the work was
interrupted from 1874 to 1877. Among those who took part in it
were Capt. C. R. Conder (now Lieut. -Col.), who was in charge of
the work from 1872 to 1874, and Capt. Kitchener (now Lord
Kitchener). The great map was published in 1880, and covers an
area of 6,000 square miles, from the Mediterranean to the Jordan
and from the Egyptian desert to a point near Tyre. The comple-
tion of this map was a monumental accomplishment, and must form
the basis for all similar work. The archaeological remains noted on
the map are described in three volumes of Memoirs, also published
by the Exploration Fund.
In 1881 Capt. Conder was sent out to make a similar survey of
the country east of the Jordan. He endeavored to work under the
old permit from the Turkish government, but to this the Turks
objected. After working for ten weeks, during which he surveyed
about 500 square miles of territory, he was compelled to desist.
The results of his work, however, fill a stout volume entitled
The Survey of Eastern Palestine, London, 1889. The work under-
taken by Conder has since been carried on by other agencies. Dr.
Gottlieb Schumacher, an engineer residing at Haifa, who was em-
ployed in surveying the railway to Mecca, has published authori-
tative volumes on the region to the east of the Sea of Galilee.^ On
a larger scale is the work of Briinnow and Domaszewsky on the
Roman province of Arabia,^ a work which includes ancient Edom
as far as Petra. The last-mentioned remarkable city has been
described also in two excellent volumes by Gustaf H. Dalman,
Director of the German Evangelical Institute in Jerusalem.^
In 1873-1874 the Palestine Exploration Fund entrusted an archae-
ological mission of a general nature to the French scholar, Clcrmont-
> Across the Jordan, London, 1886; Jtulan, London, 1886, and A hila. Pella, and Northern Aijlun,
London, 1889.
'^ Die Prnvincia Arabia, StrassburR, 1904-1909 (3 volumes).
^ Pclra, Leipzig, 1908, and Neu-1'elra Forschiatg, Leipzig, 1912.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 89
Ganneau, who several years before had been French Consul at
Jerusalem. Clermont-Ganneau was embarrassed by the failure of
the Turkish government to grant him a firman, but made numerous
archaeological discoveries in the country between Jaffa and Jeru-
salem. These were published by the Fund in two large volumes/
although they did not appear until 1896 and 1899, respectively.
In the winter of 1883-1884, a complete geological survey was
made of the valley of the Dead Sea and the region to the south
(Wady el-Arabah) by Prof. Edward Hull, who afterward published
a volume on the subject.''^ Hull was accompanied by Major
Kitchener, who made a complete triangulation of the district lying
between Mount Sinai and the Wady el-Arabah.
(3) Exploration of Lachish. — In 1890 the Exploration Fund
entered upon a new phase of work or, rather, resumed one that had
been mterrupted for twenty years, — that of excavation. The
services of Prof. Petrie, the Eg\^tian explorer, were secured and
the attempt to wrest from the soil of Palestine some of the buried
secrets of the past was renewed. The site chosen was Tell el-Hesy,
where stood in ancient times the city of Lachish (Josh. 10:3;
2 Kings 14 : 19; 18 : 14, etc.). This mound rose about 120 feet
above the bed of an intermittent stream. About 60 feet of this
height consisted of accumulated debris of the ancient city. The
water in the course of centuries had so exposed some of the pot-
sherds that Petrie was confident before he began digging that rich
discoveries awaited him. He worked here only about sLx weeks,
running trenches into different parts of the mound, but he found
and classified such a variety of pottery that he felt confident that he
had unearthed a city which had been occupied from a time anterior
to the Hebrew conquest of Canaan down to about 350 b. c,^
In 1892 the work was continued under the direction of Dr.
Frederick J. Bliss, who cut away a considerable section from the
northeast corner of the mound, and found the stratified remains
of eight different cities, one above the other.^ In the third
of these cities from the bottom a cuneiform tablet was found,
which mentions one of the men who figure in the letters found at
Tell el-Amarna in Egypt. This tablet would indicate that this
third city was flourishing during the period 1400-1350 b. c.
^ ArchcBological Researches in Palestine, London, 1896-1899.
' Geology of Palestine and Arabia Petrma, London, 1886,
» See Petrie, Tell el-Hesy (Lachish), London, 1891.
* See his Mound of Many Cities, London. 1894.
90 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
The two cities below this must, accordingly, belong to an earlier
period. Bliss supposed that the first city was built about 1700 b. c.
Above the remains of the third city was a bed of ashes of some
thickness, which shows, in Petrie's opinion, that after the destruc-
tion of this city the mound was used for a period of perhaps fifty
years as a place for burning alkali. Near the top of the debris of
the fourth city a glazed seal was found similar to those made in
Egypt in the time of the twenty-second dynasty (945-745 b. c).
This city, then, belonged to the early part of the kingdom of Judah.
In the seventh and eighth cities pottery of polished red and black
types was found. This class of pottery is of Greek origin, dating
from 550-350 b. c. These occupations of the mound must, then,
be of that period. The fifth and sixth cities would, accordingly,
fall between 750 and 550 b. c. This excavation thus shows how
the stratification of the mounds of Palestine reveals the march of
the peoples across the country; (see Fig. 28).
(4) Bliss's Excavation at Jerusalem. — From 1894 to 1897 Dr.
Bliss was engaged in excavations at Jerusalem.^ Here he devoted
his attention to an endeavor to recover the line of the ancient wall
on the south side of the city. This he did, following it from
"Maudsley's Scarp"^ at the northwest corner of the westernmost of
the two hills on which Jerusalem is situated across the slope to the
eastward and then across the Tyropoeon Valley. This was the wall
rebuilt by Nehemiah on lines then already old (Neh. 3-6). It was
destroyed by Titus in the year 70 a. d., and afterward rebuilt by
the Empress Eudoxia in the fifth century a. d.
(5) Excavation at Azekah.— From 1898 to 1900 Dr. Bliss ex-
cavated for the Fund at several sites in the Biblical Shephelah,^
the low hills which formed the border-land between ancient Judaea
and Philistia. The work began at Tell Zakariya, the Biblical
Azekah, situated above the lower part of the Vale of Elah. Azekah
was fortified by King Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11 : 5-10). Here an
important citadel or fortress was uncovered. While the masonry
of the top part was similar to that of Herodian buildings at Jeru-
salem, the pottery found about the foundations indicated that the
beginnings of the structure go back to early Israelitish times. It
may well be one of Jeroboam's fortresses. Underneath it were
* See Bliss, Excavations at Jerusalem. London, 1898.
' An artificially made precipice on which a fortress once stood. It is named from an English-
man, Maudslcy, who first perceived its true nature.
' Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Paksline (luring, the Years iSQS-igoo, London, 1902.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 91
remains from late pre-Israelitish times. It appears that the hill
was occupied as the site of a city only shortly before the Hebrew
conquest. The fortress was not, however, built at the time of this
earliest occupation.
(6) At Tell es-Safi (path?). — Next the excavation was trans-
ferred to Tell es-Safi, which was situated on the south side of the
ancient Vale of Elah at the point where it sweeps into the Philistine
plain, and which was thought to be the site of the Biblical Gath
(Josh. 11 : 22; 1 Sam. 5 : 8; 17 : 4; 2 Kings 12 : 17). Here in 1144
A. D. the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem established by the Crusaders
built a fortress, which they called Blanche-Garde, as an outpost
against Ashkelon. It was hoped that the excavation of Dr. Bliss
would determme whether or not this was really the site of Gath, but
owing to the occupation of the tell by a Mohammedan cemetery
and a wely, or sacred building, this was not possible. The outline
of the city walls was, however, traced, the foundations of Blanche-
Garde examined, and here and there trenches were sunk to the
rock. These trenches revealed in the various strata pottery
and objects, first, of the the period of the Crusaders; secondly,
of the Seleucid period (312-65 b. c); thirdly, of the Jewish period,
700-350 B. c, and two pre-Israelite strata. The mound had, then,
been occupied from about 1700 b. c. to the Seleucid times, and
again in the period of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem.
The most interesting discovery at Tell es-Safi was that of an old
pre-Israelitish high place, which contained three pillars such as are
denounced in Deuteronomy. (See Deut. 7:5; 12 : 3, etc.) At
the time of this discovery no similar discovery had been made.
The foundations of this high place were near the bottom of the last
pre-Israelite stratum, so that it was clearly constructed by the
Amorites, or Canaanites, or whoever occupied this city before the
Hebrews arrived.
(7) Tell el-Judeideh. — ^The excavations next moved to Tell el-
Judeideh, a mound some distance to the south of Tell Zakariya.
Here they traced the outlines of the city wall, found the remains
of a Roman villa, and sunk a number of shafts to the rock. From
the pottery found in these shafts they inferred that the mound had
been occupied in the earliest period, but deserted for a consider-
able time before the Hebrew conquest. It was then reoccupied in
the latter part of the Judc-ean monarchy, and was finally fortified
in the Seleucid or Roman period. It seems to have been deserted
92 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
soon after the Roman period. It is not known what was the ancient
name of the city that stood there.
(8) At Marash {Moresheth-Gatli). — The last mound excavated in
this region was Tell Sandahanna, situated a mile to the south of
Beit Jibrin. The mound takes its name from a church of St. Anne,
the ruins of which may still be seen near by. It occupies the site
of the city of Marissa of the Seleucid period, and of the older
Jewish Marash. It is probably the site of Moresheth-Gath, the
home of the prophet Micah. (See Micah 1 : 14.) Here con-
siderable portions of the Seleucid stratum of the mound were
excavated, and a smaller portion of the Jewish stratum. The
Jewish stratum rested directly on the rock; the site seems, there-
fore, not to have been inhabited in pre-Israelite times.
(9) Gezer.—T\iQ next undertaking of the Palestine Exploration
Fund was the excavation of Gezer. This work was entrusted to the
direction of R. A. Stewart Macalister, who had been Dr. Bliss's
assistant from 1898 to 1900 and who is now Professor of Celtic in
the University of Dublin. Work was begun on Tell el-Jazar,
about sLx miles southeast of the town of Ramleh, which Clermont
Ganneau^ had, in June, 1902, identified as the site of Gezer.
(Josh. 10 : 33; Judges 1 : 27; 2 Sam. 5 : 25.) It continued, with
such interruptions as winter weather and an outbreak of cholera
made necessary, until August, 1905. It was renewed in the spring
of 1907 and carried on until early in 1909. During this time more
than half of the mound was excavated. No other mound in Pales-
tine has been so fully explored. Naturally, therefore, Gezer has
furnished us with more archaeological information than any other
excavation; (see Fig. 30).
The results of this excavation convinced Mr. IVIacalister that the
classification of the strata adopted by the excavators of Lachish
and the mounds of the Shephelah was capable of improvement.
He found that Gezer had been occupied at first by a non-Semitic
people, remains of whose bones indicate that they were about
5 feet 6 inches high, who lived in caves, and whose implements were
wholly of stone. He estimated that these people probably occupied
the site from about 3000 to 2500 b. c. About 2500 b. c. a Semitic
race, probably Amorite, took possession of the city and occupied it
to the end of the Hebrew monarchy.
Four periods could be traced in the Semitic occupation, each
' Sec h'is Archanlogical Researches in Palestine, II, p. 251, f.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 93
represented by differences in walls, implements, and objects used.
The first Semitic period ended with the fall of the twelfth Egyptian
dynasty, about 1800 b. c. In this stratum scarabs of the period of
the Egyptian "middle kingdom" were found. The second Semitic
stratum continued until about the end of the eighteenth Egyp-
tian dynasty, about 1350 b. c. The third Semitic stratum lasted
till the establishment of the Hebrew monarchy, about 1000 b. c;
the fourth was contemporaneous with the Hebrew kingdoms, 1000-
586 B. c. The mound was again occupied in the Hellenistic or
Maccabsean period.'- After the Maccaba^an turmoils the inhabit-
ants seem to have deserted the tell. Under the modern village
of Abu Shusheh, on the southwest slope of the mound, a Roman
mosaic has been found, but nothing from Roman times was dis-
covered on the mound itself. There were likewise no remains from
the period of the Crusaders.
In the course of this excavation many important discoveries
were made. Many of these will be mentioned in subsequent chap-
ters. We need only mention here an old Semitic high place, which
had its beginnings in the first Semitic stratum before 1800 b. c,
and was used down to the end of the fourth Semitic or Hebrew
stratum, about 600 b. c. It began with two "pillars," but others
were added as time passed until there were ten in all.^ In the third
Semitic stratum {i. e., the one preceding the Hebrew occupation) a
building was found which Mr. Macalister thought might have been
a temple. In the middle of its largest hall were some stones which
looked as though they might have supported wooden pillars, which,
in turn, probably supported the roof. Mr. Macalister thought this
was a structure similar to that which Samson pulled down at Gaza^
(Judges 16:23-30).
One of the most important discoveries was a rock-cut tunnel
leading down through the heart of the rock to a spring in a cave 94
feet below the surface of the rock and 120 feet below the level
of the present surface of the ground."* This was to enable the
people of the city to obtain water in time of siege. It was used for
some 500 years and was apparently closed up about 1300-1200 b. c.
Its beginnings go back accordingly to the first Semitic period. A
> This is the period called by Petrie and Bliss "Seleucid."
2 See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, London, 1912, II, 381-403.
3 Ibid., 406-408.
* Ibid., I, 256-268.
94 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
palace of the Maccabaean time, apparently built by Simon the
Maccabee, 143-135 b. c, was also discovered.^ (Cf. 1 Mace. 14:34.)
Various walls were discovered, which at different times encircled
the city. The most massive of these was apparently constructed
durmg the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty, and continued to be the
city wall down to the Babylonian Exile. At some time after its
construction towers had been inserted in the wall. These towers
were shown to be a later insertion by the fact that their stones
touched the stones of the wall on each side, but were not inter-
locked with them. Mr. Macalister thinks that these towers may
have been inserted by Solomon when he fortified the city (1 Kings
9 : 15-19). At some later time the weakness of such a tower had
become apparent, and a bastion had been built around it.- The
excavation at Gezer was fruitful in many directions. Other aspects
of it will be taken up in future chapters m connection with other
topics.
(10) Beth-shemesh. — The next task undertaken by the Pales-
tine Exploration Fund was the exploration of Ain Shems, the
Biblical Beth-shemesh. (See Josh. 15 : 10; 2 Kings 14 : 8-14, etc.)
Ain Shems, like Gezer, is situated in what was in Biblical times the
Shephelah. It is near the station of Der Aban on the railway
from Jaffa to Jerusalem. Excavations were carried on at this
point in 1911 and 1912 under the direction of Dr. Duncan Mac-
kenzie, who had had ten years' experience on the stafT of Sir Arthur
Evans, the explorer of Crete. At the bottom of the mound the
remains of a very early settlement were discovered.''^ Above this
the ruins of a once prosperous city, which was for that time large,
were found. It was surrounded by strong walls and one of its
rugged gates was discovered on the south. In the upper strata of
this city imitations of Cretan pottery were found. As it is prob-
able that the Philistines came from Crete, or were intimately as-
sociated with people who were under Cretan influence, this pottery
is doubtless Philistine. The city which was encircled by this wall
had passed through two periods of history. The original wall was
built before the domination of Palestine by Egypt. As this domi-
nation began about 1500 b. c, the earlier fortress of Beth-shemesh
belongs to that period. The second period belongs in its earlier
• See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, London, 1912, II, 209-223.
2/6W., 236-266.
3 Sec the Annual of the Palestine Kxploration Fund, Vols. I and II, for the details here
given, and for many others.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 95
strata to the age of the El-Amarna letters, in which the city is
called Beth-Ninib. The upper period of it belongs, as has been
noted, to the Philistine period.
This city was destroyed by a siege which resulted in the burning
of the city — a burning which left quite a bed of ashes. Dr. Mac-
kenzie thought that this was the siege by which the Israelites gained
possession of Beth-shemesh. The city was occupied by the
Hebrews apparently until the invasion of Palestme by Sennacherib,
King of Assyria, m 701 b. c. At all events, it was in the possession
of Judah in the days of King Amaziah (2 Kings 14 : 8-14). Corre-
sponding to this, Israelitish pottery was found in the stratum
above the ashes. Dr. Mackenzie is of the opinion that during
this Hebrew period the city was without a wall. Apparently after
the time of Sennacherib the site was abandoned for several cen-
turies, for next above the Israelitish stratum the remains of a
monastery of the Byzantine period (325-636 a. d.) were found.
This monastery apparently was not begun until just at the close
of the Byzantine period, for it appears that it was not finished at
the time of the Mohammedan conquest.
(11) Exploring the Wilderness of Zm.— The most recent ser-
vice of the Palestine Exploration Fund was the sending of two ex-
plorers, C. Leonard WooUey and T. E. Lawrence, m the winter of
1913-14, to explore the wilderness to the south of Palestine. The
results of their work have been published in the Fund's Ammal,
Vol. Ill, under the title The Wilderness of Zin. The explorers
identified a considerable part of the "Darb es-Shur," or the "way
of Shur" (Gen. 16 : 7, etc.). It was the caravan road from Pales-
tine to Egypt. They also adduce strong evidence against the iden-
tification of Ain Kades with Kadesh-Barnea (Num. 32 : 8, etc.),
and think that Kossima, which lies nearer to the Egyptian road and
is surrounded by much more verdure, may have been Kadesh-
Barnea. The identification of Ain Kades with Kadesh-Barnea was
made by the late Dr. Henry Clay Trumbull, after a very brief visit
to the spot, and it has been accepted by many others.
Between 325 and 636 a. d. extensive settlements and cities of
considerable size existed in this wilderness. This was one of the
facts that led Ellsworth Huntington to believe that the rainfall in
Palestine was much greater at that time. With this view WooUey
and Lawrence take issue. They say that where the old wells have
been kept open, the water still rises as high as ever it did. They
96 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
hold that the cities mentioned were possible because of the great
energy and skill of the people of that time in sinking wells.
5. The German Palestine Society. — WTiile the work of the
Palestine Exploration Fund, which has been outlined in detail, was
going on, other countries were aroused to similar activities. In
1877 a similar Society, the Deutscher Palastina-Verein, was organ-
ized to foster the collection of information about the land of the
Bible. Accurate scientific research in all branches of knowledge
relating to Palestine was contemplated, and the co-operation of
travelers and of the German colonies m Palestine was invited. In
1878 this Society began the publication of a journal which has
become a repository of information about the Holy Land.
(1) Guthe's Excavation at Jerusalem. — In 1880 Prof. Guthe ex-
cavated at various points on Ophel at Jerusalem, and followed the
line of the ancient wall along the east side of the city of David. -
(2) Megiddo.—ln 1903 this German Society undertook the ex-
cavation of Tell el-Mutesellim, the site of the Biblical Megiddo^
(Josh. 12 : 21; 2 Kings 23 : 29, etc.). This work was entrusted to
the direction of Dr. Gottlieb Schumacher, of Haifa. Work was
begun on the 7th of February, 1903, and continued at intervals
until the 30th of November, 1905. In the lowest stratum of the
mound Dr. Schumacher found traces of a settlement the houses of
which were constructed of mud-bricks. Over the ruins of these a
second series of houses had been built of stone. In the same
stratum some tombs were found containing skeletons, some pottery
of early forms, a bronze knife, and some scarabs set in gold. The
walls of the city were in part built of brick. The settlements rep-
resented by this stratum antedated 2000 b. c.
In the next stratum a large structure, probably a palace, was
found, which had been occupied through the periods represented
by the stratum in which its foundations were laid and the stratmn
next above it. The building was of stone and was large. In one
part of it was a "pillar" apparently used for worship. Various
types of pottery, knives of flint and bronze, many stone* household
utensils, an Astarte figure, and some scarabs of the period of the
twelfth Eg>'ptian dynasty were found. This stratum, then, be-
longed to the period 2000-1800 b. c.
' Zeitschrifl des deutschen Paldslina-Vereins.
» See Zeitschrifl des deutschen Paldslina-Vereins, V, pp. 7-204.
» See Schumacher und Steuernagel, Tell el-Muteseltim, Leipzig, 1908.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 97
Next above this stratum was one in which types of painted pot-
tery similar to that of the Philistines came to light. In the fifth
stratum from the bottom a palace of the Hebrew period was dis-
covered. In this palace a seal was found bearing a lion and the
inscription "belonging to Shema, the servant of Jeroboam." It is
impossible to tell whether the Jeroboam who was Shema's master
was Jeroboam I or Jeroboam II. In this same stratimi a temple
was found containing three "pillars"; (see Fig. 27).
In another part of the mound in a sixth stratum, which seemed
to be late Hebrew, three "pillars" were found in an open space
near the south gate, a stone religious emblem, and a decorated
incense-burner. Elsewhere this sbcth stratum yielded a black-
smith's shop. In a seventh stratum, just under the soil, re-
mains of the Greek period were found, among which was an
Athenian coin. This was the last occupation of the tell, and was
pre-Christian. At the beginning of the Roman period the town
was moved from the high land of the mound down nearer the
water supply. On the slope of the hill a native-rock altar was
found which had been used in prehistoric times.
(3) Taanach.—ln 1899 Prof. Ernst Sellin, of Vienna, visited
Palestine and became so deeply interested in its exploration that
he induced several Austrian scientific bodies and individuals to
contribute a fund for the purpose. The result was an excavation of
Tell Taanek, the Biblical Taanach (Josh. 12 : 21; Judges 5 : 19),
conducted by Sellin in 1902 and 1903. Sellin did not excavate
the mound in a systematic way and his results are not very clearly
presented in his book."^ He traced in several places four strata
in the tell. An early stratum had its beginnings, he thought,
as early as 2500 b. c. This stratum represented probably an
occupation of more than a thousand years. In its later parts
the remains of a large palace were found, and in a cave underneath
it four cuneiform tablets, written in the script of the El-Amarna
period. Originally there were more tablets in the archive, but it
had been rifled in ancient times. Above this was a stratum in which
pottery of the Cypriote and Philistine type was found. Next above
this was a Hebrew stratum, which seems to have lasted, judging by
objects found in it, down to the time of Psammetik I of Egypt,
663-609 B. c. In this stratum the remains of a high place with its
"pillars" were found, as well as a terra-cotta incense-altar of wonder-
1 Sellin, Tell Taanek, Wien, 1904.
98 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
ful construction. Above this there were in places a few remains
from the Seleucid period, including some pottery, and at the
top of the mound some remains of an Arabic settlement. This
last seems to have been established here about the time of the
Crusaders. Sellin thinks Taanach was destroyed by the Scythian
invasion, about 625 b. c, that in the Seleucid period the main
settlement here was not on the mound, and that it was then unoc-
cupied until the time of the Crusaders.
(4) Capernaum. — The Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft, which was
carrying on excavations in Egypt, Babylonia, and Assyria, under-
took the investigation of the remains of ancient synagogues in
Galilee and the Jaulan. Among these they excavated the ruins of
the synagogue at Tell Hum on the Sea of Galilee,^ the probable
site of Capernaum. Here they found the remains of a once beau-
tiful synagogue which was probably built in the fourth century a. d.
Beneath it is the floor of a still older building. This last is probably
the synagogue in which so many of the incidents of the ministry
of Christ in Capernaum took place, the one built by a Roman
centurion. (See Luke 7 : 5 and Fig. 32.)
(5) Jericho. — This same Society undertook, in the years 1907-
1909, the excavation of Jericho; (see Fig. 29). The work was
entrusted to the direction of Prof. Sellin, of Vienna. The
diggmg occupied about three weeks in the sprmg of 1907, and
about three months of the early part of each of the years 1908 and
1909.2 ^|- j-j^g bottom of the mound traces of a prehistoric occupa-
tion of the site were uncovered, but as these were under the founda-
tions of a Canaanitish fortress, which were not demolished, nothing
further was ascertained about them. Above this prehistoric city
were the remains of an Amorite or Canaanite city. A jar handle
found in the lower half of this Canaanite stratum was stamped with
a scarab of the time of the twelfth Egyptian dynasty, which indi-
cates that this occupation goes back to about 2000 b. c. The
walls of this early city were traced on all sides of the tell except
the east. On this side, where the Ain es-Sultan is (otherwise called
Elisha's Fountain, from the incident of 2 Kings 2 : 19-22), the
wall had entirely disappeared. This early city was small. The
whole of it could have been put into the Colosseum at Rome. All
early Palestinian cities were, however, small. In the city was a
1 See Mitleilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, No. 29, Berlin, 1905, p. 14, f.
'See ScUin und Watzingcr, Jericho, Leipzig, 1913.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 99
citadel with a double wall. Each wall represented a different pe-
riod of history. Both were built of brick, as were the houses of the
time. The outer wall was between four and five feet thick and
appeared to be the older; the mner one was about ten feet thick.
They were joined here and there by transverse walls; (see Fig. 37).
The city had been burned apparently about 1300-1200 b. c, per-
haps at the time of the Hebrew conquest.
Above the ruins of this pre-Israelitish city were the remains of
the Hebrew town. The earliest of these remains seems to date
from the ninth century b. c; (see 1 Kings 16 :34), as it was
rebuilt in the days of Ahab; (see Fig. 34). The Israelites, in
Sellin's judgment, made the city considerably larger than it
had been in the earlier time. A wall, which he believed to be
the wall of the Hebrew period, was found on all sides except the
east, considerably outside the older wall. Pere Vincent, of the
French Ecole Biblique at Jerusalem, believes this wall to have been
built in the Canaanite period also, but his reasons do not seem con-
vincing. On the eastern edge of the Israelitish stratum the re-
mains of a large stone building were found. Sellin thinks this
may be the palace and fortress built by Hiel in the time of Ahab
(1 Kings 16 :34). This Israelitish city seems to have flourished
only about two hundred years. It was probably destroyed in the
time of Sennacherib, about 700 b. c. Sellin thought he found
traces of another rebuilding which must soon have followed the
destruction, but this Jericho was also destroyed by Nebuchadrezzar
in 586 B. c. At some time after the Babylonian Exile the city was
rebuilt and flourished until destroyed by Vespasian in 70 a. d.
It was rebuilt after 325 a. d. and continued until destroyed by the
invasion of the Persian King Chosroes II, m 614 a. d. Some slight
settlements have existed on the mound in Moslem times, but the
Jericho of today is more than a mile distant.
6. The American School at Jerusalem. — In the year 1900 the
American School of Oriental Research in Palestine was opened at
Jerusalem under the agis of the Archaeological Institute of America.
It is one of the purposes of this school, when its funds will permit,
to carry on excavations as well as explorations. Hitherto it has not
had money sufficient to enable it to undertake extensive excavations.
In addition to the investigation of many matters not strictly archae-
ological, the School has conducted a number of minor explorations.
When the present writer was Director. 1902-1903, he cleared the
100 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
so-called Tomb of the Judges and found the ruins of a caravansary
of the Crusading period near the Damascus Gate. Under L. B.
Paton, 1903-1904, an excavation was made on the supposed line of
the "Third Wall" of Jerusalem. Under Nathaniel Schmidt, 1904-
1905, the Dead Sea was explored and some discoveries made in the
Valley of the Arnon and the Wady Suweil.^ Under D. G. Lyon,
1906-1907, some pre-Israelitish pottery was recovered from tombs
of Samieh east of Et-Taiyibeh.^ Under W. J. Moulton, 1912-1913,
some painted tombs of the Seleucid time were ex-plored at Beit
Jibrin.
7. Samaria. — Although the American School at Jerusalem has
not yet been able to undertake extensive excavations, through the
generosity of Mv. Jacob SchiiJ, of New York, Harvard University
was able to excavate at Sebastiyeh, the site of ancient Samaria,
during parts of three seasons — 1908, 1909, and 1910. During the
first season the work was under the direction of Prof. D. G. Lyon;
during 1909 and 1910, under the direction of Prof. G. A. Reisner,
who has had large experience in such work in Eg}^t, and who, in
addition to many archaeological triumphs there, has solved the riddle
of the Sphinx. At Samaria^ a large palace wasiound built upon the
native rock. This is believed to be the remains of the palace of
Omri (1 Kings 16 : 24). Above this were the ruins of a larger
palace, the wall of which was faced with white marble. This is
believed to have been the palace of Ahab, who is said to have built
an "ivory house" (1 Kings 22 : 39). In a building on a level with
this palace a considerable number of inscribed potsherds were
found. They were receipts for wine and oil stored there. At
the western edge of the hill the old city gate was uncovered.
It had been rebuilt at different times. The foundations were
clearly laid in the Israelitish period. On these now rests a
superstructure of Herodian workmanship. Above the ruins of
the Hebrew city were the remains of a city built by the Assyr-
ians. (See 2 Kings 17 : 24-34.) This was inferred by the char-
acter of the building materials employed, and by the fragment of
a clay tablet found there. Still above this were remains of a city
of the Seleucid time — the city destroyed by John Hyrcanus'' in
1 Sec Journal of Biblical Lilerature, Vol. XXIl, Boston, 1903, pp. 164-182; XXIV, 196-220;
XXV, 82-95.
2 See Harvard Theolonical Review, CambridRe. Mass., I, 1908. p. 92.
^Ibid., II, 102-113; III, 136-138, 248-263.
* Josephus, A nliquities of the Jews, xiii, 10, 2 and 3; Wars of the Jews, i, 2, 7.
PALESTINE AND ITS EXPLORATION 101
109 B. C. Still above this were remains of the temple built by
Herod the Great, when he rebuilt Samaria and named it Sebaste,
the Greek for Augusta, in honor of the Emperor Augustus. This
temple had been repaired in the third century a. d.
8. Parker's Excavations at Jerusalem. — In the years 1909, 1910,
and 1911 an English expedition under Capt., the Hon. Montague
Parker, a retired officer of the British army, made extensive explora-
tions upon Ophel, the slope of the eastern hill south of the present
city walls at Jerusalem. Parker was not an archaeologist and the
motive for the exploration is not yet disclosed. The party is said
to have been abundantly supplied with money, and to have come to
Palestine m a private yacht, which was anchored off Jaffa while
they were at work. In 1911 the hostility of the Moslems became
so excited by the rumor that they had attempted to excavate under
the Mosque of Omar that the expedition came to an abrupt close,
and the explorers escaped on their yacht. Through the descrip-
tions of two residents of Jerusalem, Prof. Hughes Vincent^ and Dr.
E. W. G. Masterman,2 ^.g j^^ve some knowledge of the value of
Parker's work. He cleared the silt out of the Siloam tunnel so as
to reveal its real depth, which seems to have been between five and
sk feet. It had been so silted up that it appeared to be only about
half that depth. He also explored more fully the caves about Ain
Sitti Miriam (the Biblical Gihon, 1 Kings 1 :33), which had been
partially explored by Sir Charles Warren, so that the nature and
probable use of these are now known much better. More will be
said of this in a future chapter.
9. Latest Excavations.— Within the last few years the Assump-
tionist Fathers have been excavating on a tract of land purchased
by them on the eastern slope of the western hill to the south of
the present city wall. They believe that they have discovered
the house of Caiaphas, to which Christ was led in the course of
his trial (Matt. 26 : 57; John 18 : 24). Possibly they have found
the house which, after the time of Constantine, was pointed out
to Christian pilgrims as that of Caiaphas. However this may be,
they have unearthed several streets of Roman and Jewish Jerusa-
lem, and are keeping them uncovered. These streets, like the
ruins of Pompeii, disclose pavements and house-foundations that
^ Revue bihlique, 1912 (Paris'), pp. 86-116.
2 Biblical World, Vol. XXXIX, Chicago, 1912, pp. 295-306.
102 ARCH/EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
may go back to the time of Christ. Here, possibly, one may
look upon pavements which his feet actually trod.^
In 1914 some excavations were made on Ophel at Jerusalem
under the direction of Capt. Weil for a Jewish organization, and
at the mound Balata, near Nablous, the Biblical Shechem, by the
Germans. The work at Balata was under the direction of Prof.
Sellin. Both are said to have made discoveries. At Balata it is
said that the city gate of ancient Shechem was uncovered. Noth-
ing has, however, been published concerning these, and the great
war of 1914 brought all such work to a stop. The preparation of
foundations of a new Jewish hospital near the Dung Gate has laid
bare the aqueducts which conveyed the water from "Solomon's
Pools" mto the city.^
In this account only the principal explorations have been men-
tioned. In all parts of Palestine, and especially at Jerusalem, im-
portant archaeological discoveries are frequently made when people
are digging to lay the foundations of buildings, to construct a
cistern, or for other purposes. Other important discoveries, as,
for instance, the rock-cut high place at Petra,^ and the pamted
tombs at Beit Jibrin,^ have been made by people traveling through
the land. Many discoveries made in this way are recorded in the
Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, the Zeit-
schrift des deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, and the Revue biblique.
Lack of space forbids the attempt to chronicle these.^
' See Germer-Durand in Revue biblique, 1914, pp. 71-94, and Frontispiece.
2 See Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, October, 1914, p. 167, f. Addi-
tional material on Ophel and Balata is given in the Appendix, p. 446.
5 First noticed by Prof. George L. Robinson, of McCormick Seminary, Chicago, and after-
ward by Prof. Samuel Ives Curtis, of the Chicago Theological Seminary; see Chapter XI, p. 173, f.
* Discovered in 1902 by Dr. J. P. Peters and Dr. Thiersch; see their Painted Tombs of Marissa,
London, 1905.
6 Reference should also be made to the expedition from Princeton University, referred to on
p. 107, led by Prof. H. C. Butler, which went out in 1899-1900, in 1904-1905. and in 1909, and
examined the ruins in the Hauran (or region east of the Sea of Galilee), in the Lebanon Mountains,
and in that part of Syria to the east of Lebanon. The expedition gathered many inscriptions,
most of which belong to the Christian period. The results of this exploration are published in
The Publications of an Archirological Expedition to Syria in iSoq-iQOO, New York, 1904, and
Publications of the Princeton Archceological Expeditions to Syria in 1904-1^0^ atui igog, Leyden,
1908-1914.
CHAPTER V
OUTLINE OF PALESTINE'S ARCH^OLOGICAL HISTORY
The Early Stone Age. The Late Stone Age. The Amorites. The Canaan-
ITES. Egyptian Domination: Thothmes III. Palestine in the El-Amarna Letters.
Seti I. Ramses II. Merneptah. Ramses III. The Philistines. The Hebrews.
Philistine Civilization. The Hebrew Kingdoms. The Exile and After: The
Samaritans, .\le.xander the Great and his successors. The Maccabees. The As-
mona:ans. The Coming of Rome: The Herods. The destruction of Jerusalem in
70 A. D. Later History.
1. The Early Stone Age.— Palestine appears to have been in-
habited at a very remote period. Scholars divide the races of pre-
historic men, who used stone implements, into two classes — Palaeo-
lithic and Neolithic. Paleolithic men did not shape their stone
implements. If they chanced to find a stone shaped like an axe,
they used it as such; if they found a long, thin one with a sharp
edge, they used it for a knife. Neolithic man had learned to shape
his stone tools. He could make knives for himself out of flint and
form other tools from stone. The earliest inhabitants of Palestine
belonged to the palaeolithic period. Unshaped stone implements
have been found in many parts of the country. They have been
picked up in the maritime plam, in still larger munbers on the ele-
vated land south of Jerusalem, and again to the south of Amman,
the Biblical Rabbah Ammon, on the east of the Jordan. The
Assumptionist Fathers of Notre Dame de France at Jerusalem have
a fine collection of flint implements in their Museum.
These palaeolithic men lived in caves in which they left traces of
their occupation. Several of these caves in Phoenicia have been
explored by Pere Zumoffen, of the Catholic University of St.
Joseph, Beirut.! It has been estimated that these cave-dwellers
may have been in Palestine as early as 10,000 b. c.
2. The Late Stone Age. — Of neolithic men in Palestine much
more is known. This knowledge comes m part from the numerous
cromlechs, menhirs, dohnens, and "gilgals" which are scattered
1 See R. A. S. Macalister, History of Civilization in Palestine, Cambridge University Press, 1912,
pp. 10, 11.
103
104 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
over eastern Palestine. A cromlech is a heap of stones roughly
resembling a pyramid;^ a menhir is a group of unhewn stones so set
in the earth as to stand upright like columns;^ a dolmen consists of a
large unhewn stone which rests on two others which separate it
from the earth ;^ and a "gilgal" is a group of menhirs set in a circle.^
These monuments are the remains of men of the stone age who dwelt
here before the dawn of history. They were probably erected
by some of those peoples whom the Hebrews called Rephaim* or
"shades" — people who, having lived long before, were dead at the
time of the Hebrew occupation.
Similar monuments of the stone age have been found in Japan,
India, Persia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, Bulgaria; also in Tripoli,*
Tunis, Algeria, Morocco, Malta, southern Italy, Sardinia, Corsica,
the Belearic Isles, Spain, Portugal, France, the British Isles, Scan-
dinavia, and the German shores of the Baltic. Some scholars hold
that all these monuments were made by one race of men, who
migrated from coimtry to country. As the monuments are not
found at very great distances from the sea, the migrations are sup-
posed to have followed the sea coasts.^ Others scout the idea of a
migration over such long distances at such an early epoch of the
world's history, and believe that the fashion of making such monu-
ments was adopted from people to people by imitation. Be this as
it may, these monuments seem to have been in Eg}'pt and Palestine
before the Semites and Hamites developed into the Egyptians,
Amorites, and Hebrews, for they were adopted by them as the
"pillars" which are so often denounced in the Old Testament, and
in Eg}-pt were gradually shaped and prolonged into the obelisks.
Of the men of this stone age the excavations have furnished us
with some further information. At Gezer the native rock below
all the cities was found to contain caves,^ some natural and some
artificial, which had formed the dwellings of men of the stone age.
They, like men today, were lazy. If one found a cave that would
protect him from heat, cold, and rain, he would occupy it and save
> See Barton, A Year's WanierittR in Bible Lands, Philadelphia, 1904, p. 143.
»See Barton, in the Biblical World. Chicago, 1904, Vol. XXIV. p. 177.
'See Conder, Survey of Eastern Palestine, I, pp. 125-277, and Mackenzie in the Annual of
the Palestine Exploration Fund, I, pp. 5-11.
* See Gen. 14 : 5; IS : 20.
' See H. S. Cowper, The Tlill of the Graces, a Record of Investigation among the Trililhons and
Megalilhic Sites of Tripoli. London, 1897. and Brandenburg, Vber Felsarchilcklur im Miltelmcergebitl
in M ittcilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesdlschaft, 1914.
" Sec the Annals of Arckaology and Anthropology, Vol. V, Liverpool, 1913, pp. 112-128.
' Sec Macalister, The Excavation of Cezer, I, 72-152.
PALESTINE'S ARCH^OLOGICAL HISTORY 105
himself the trouble of making one. But there were not enough
caves to go around, so some of the men of ancient Gezer cut caves
for themselves out of the soft limestone rock. It must have been a
difficult task with the stone implements at their disposal, but they
accomplished it, sometimes cutting stairs by which to descend into
them. One such cave seems to have been used by them as a temple.
In it were found a quantity of pig bones, which were apparently the
remains of their sacrifices. If they offered the pig in sacrifice, they
were certainly not Semitic, for Semites abhorred swine. These
early men sometimes adorned the sides of their dwellings by scratch-
ing pictures on the walls. Several pictures of cattle were found.
One cow seemed to have knobs on her horns to keep her from goring !
One drawing represented a stag that was being killed with a bow
and arrow. ^ These early men burned their dead, and one of the
caves in the easterxi en.d of tlie hill was used as their crematory.
Steps in the rock led down to its entrance. The cave itself was
31 feet long, 24 feet 6 inches wide, and the height varied from 2 to
5 feet. Near one end a hole had been cut to the upper air to act as
a flue. Below this the fires that burned their dead had been
kindled; cinders and charred bones of these far-off men were found
as grim tokens of their funeral rites. Shortly after these bones
were found the anatomist, Prof. Alexander Macalister, of Cambridge
University, father of the excavator, visited the camp at Gezer and
made a study of the bones. He found that they represented a non-
Semitic race. The peculiar modifications of the bones caused by
the squatting so universally practised by Semites were absent.
The men whose bones these were could not have been more than
5 feet 6 inches in height, and many of the women must have been
as short as 5 feet 3 inches. A pottery head found in one of the
caves, which may be a rude portrait of the tj^De of face seen in
Gezer in this period, has a sloping forehead, which afforded little
brain-space, and a prominent lower jaw. These people used flint
knives, crushed their grain in hollow stones with rounded stones,
employed a variety of stone implements, and made pottery of a
rude type, which will be described in a later chapter.
The city of Gezer in this cave-dwelling period was surrounded
by a unique wall or rampart.- This consisted of a stone wall about
6 feet high and 2 feet thick, on the outer side of which was a ram-
1 See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 145-152.
2 Ibid., 236, ft
106 ARCIL^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
part of packed earth about 6 feet 6 inches at the base and sloping
toward the top. This bank of earth was protected by a covering of
small stones about 8 inches in depth. This rampart never could
have been of much value in warfare, and was, perhaps, meant as a
protection against incursions of wild animals.
In the hillsides around Gezer there are many caves which were
probably human habitations during this period, but as they have
been open during many centuries, traces of their early occupation
have long since been destroyed. At Beit Jibrin, sbc or eight hours
to the south of Gezer, there are also many caves in the rock, num-
bers of which are artificial. At various periods these have been
employed as residences. It is altogether probable that the use of
some of them goes back to the time of the cave-dwellers of Gezer.
Mr, Macalister has suggested a connection between these cave-
dwellers of Gezer and the Biblical Horites,^ since Horite means
"cave-dweller." In the Bible the Horites are said to have dwelt to
the east of the Jordan, and more especially in Edom (Gen, 14 : 6;
36 :20, 21, 29; Deut, 2 : 12, 22), It seems probable that the
reason why the Bible places them all beyond Jordan is that the
cave-dwellers had disappeared from western Palestine centuries
before the Hebrews came, while to the east of the Jordan they
lingered on until displaced by those who were more nearly con-
temporary with the Hebrews. On the west of the Jordan mega-
lithic monuments were probably once niunerous, since traces of them
still sur\dve in Galilee and Judaea, ^ but later divergent civilizations
have removed most of them. In the time of Amos one of these
"gilgals" was used by the Hebrews as a place of worship, of which
the prophet did not approve.'
It seems probable that there was a settlement of these cave-
dwellers at Jerusalem. The excavations of Capt. Parker brought
to light an extensive system of caves around the Virgin's Fountain,
Ain Sitti Miriam, as the Arabs call it, which is the Biblical Gihon.^
These caves are far below the present surface of the ground. It
was found, too, that there would be no spring at this point at all,
if some early men had not walled up the natural channel in the
rock down which the water originally ran. These men, judging
by the fragments of pottery and the depth of the debris, belonged
1 R. A. S. Macalister, Bible Side-lights from the Mound of Gezer, London, 1906, Chapter II.
2 See P. E. Mader in Zeilschrift des deulschen Palaslina-Vereins, Vol. XXXVII, 1914, pp. 20-44.
' See Amos 4 : 4; 5 : 5.
* See Dr. Mastcrman, in Biblical World, XXXIX, 301, f.
PALESTINE'S ARCH^OLOGICAL HISTORY 107
to about the same period as the cave-dwellers of Gezer. They
apparently settled at this point because of the water, and one of
the caves may have been a sanctuary to their god. A new vista is
thus added to the history of that city, which was later the scene
of so much Biblical life.
From various archaeological considerations Mr. Macalister
estimated that the diminutive cave-dwelling men lived at Gezer
for about 500 years, from 3000 to 2500 b. c, when they were dis-
placed by a Semitic people.
3. The Amorites. — We are accustomed to call this Semitic
people Amorites, and it is probable that this is right. About 2800
B. c, \mder a great king named Sargon,^ a city of Babylonia called
Uru, or Amurru,^ and Agade conquered all of Babylonia. The
dynasty founded by Sargon was Semitic and ruled Babylonia for
197 years.^ Even before Sargon conquered Babylonia, Lugal-
zaggisi. King of Erech, had penetrated to the Mediterranean coast.
Sargon and two of his successors, Naram-Sin and Shargali-sharri,
carried their conquests to the Mediterranean lands. A seal of the
last-mentioned king was found in Cyprus. It is probable that the
coming of the Amorites began in the north with the conquests of
these kings. To the east of the Lebanon the Princeton expedition
found stone structures similar to Babylonian Ziggnrats, which they
attribute to the Amorites, and hold to indicate the prevalence of
Babylonian influence in this region. It is probable that the
Amorites slowly worked southward, occupying different cities as
they went. Mr. Macalister's estimate that they reached Gezer
about 2500 b. c. is not, therefore, unreasonable, though they may
have arrived there a century earlier than that. This was the
beginning of that long intercourse with Babylonia which resulted
in the employment of the Babylonian language and script for the
purpose of expressing written thought in Palestine long after the
Egyptians had conquered the country. This intercourse was the
more natural because the Semites who came to Palestine were of
the same race as those who were dominant in Babylonia.
Meantime, the Egyptians had begun to take notice of Palestine.
Uni, an officer of Pepi I of the sixth Egyptian dynasty, relates that
he crossed the sea in ships to the back of the height of the ridge
1 See the legend concerning him translated in Part II, p. 310, f.
2 See Clay, Amurru. Philadelphia, 1909, pp. 102, 103.
' See Recueil de Iravaux relalijs a pliil. el a arch. egpt. el assyr., XXXIV, 105-108.
108 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
north of the "sand-dwellers" and punished the inhabitants.^ This
refers to the coast of Palestme in the neighborhood of the Philistine
cities or Gezer. The time was between 2600 and 2570 b. c.
Egypt was at this time only anxious to make her own borders se-
cure; she had no desire to occupy this Asiatic land.
Again, between 2300 and 2200 b. c, a fresh migration of Semites,
apparently also of the Amorite branch, invaded Babylonia and in
time made the city of Babylon the head of a great empire. This
race furnished the first dynasty of Babylon, which ruled from
2210 to 1924 B. c. Its greatest king, Hammurapi," who gave to
Babylonia a code of laws in the vernacular language,^ conquered the
"west land," which means the Mediterranean coast. It was prob-
ably under his successor, Shamsu-iluna, but certainly under one of
the kings of this period, that a man m Sippar, in leasing a wagon for
a year, stipulated that it should not be driven to the Mediterranean
coiast, because, apparently, travel between that coast and northern
Babylonia was so frequent." In this same period there lived in
Babylonia an Abraham, the records of some of whose busmess
documents have come down to us.^ We also find there men who
bore the names Yagubilu (Jacobel) and Yashubilu (Josephel),
and one who was called simply Yagub, or Jacob. Palestinian evi-
dence from a later time leads us to believe that men bearmg all
these names migrated during this period to Palestine and gave their
names to cities \yhich they either built or occupied.^
Egyptians also came to Palestine during this period. The
tale of Sinuhe^ relates the adventures of a man who fled to
Palestine in the year 1970 b. c, and who reached the land of Kedem,
or the East, which apparently lay to the east of the Jordan.* It
is referred to several times in the old Testament. (See Gen. 29 : 1 ;
Judges 6 : 3, 33; 7 : 12; 8 : 10; Job 1 : 3, etc.) Sinuhe there en-
tered the service of an Amorite chieftain, Ammienshi, married his
eldest daughter, became ruler of a portion of his land, and lived
there for many years. He finally returned to Egypt and wrote an
account of his adventures. This region was also called by Sinuhe
1- See Breasted,, Andent Records, Egypt, Vol. I, Chicago, 1906, § 315.
2 See Chapter II, p. 59.
3 Translated in Part 11, p. 313, f.
* See Part II, p. 293.
5 See Part II, p. 290, ff.
8 See Part II, p. 299, ff.
' See Breasted. Ancient Records, Egypt, I, p. 233. f.
«Sce Barton, To wnientoo' onJob.Hevr York, 1911, pp. 5-7, and Breasted, Ancient Records,
Egypt, I, p. 238, note a.
PALESTINE'S ARCH/EOLOGICAL HISTORY 109
and other Egyptians Upper Retenu, a name which they also ap-
plied to all the higher parts of Syria and Palestine. Retenu is
philologically equivalent to Lotan (Gen. 36 : 20, 22, 29; 1 Chron.
1 : 38, 39) and Lot (Gen. 11 : 27; 12 : 4, etc.). When Sinuhe ar-
rived in Kedem he found other Egyptians already there. Ammi-
enshi was well acquamted with Egyptians. There was apparently
considerable trade with Egypt at this time. Men from Palestine
often went there for this purpose. Such traders are pictured on an
Egyptian tomb of this period. Trade with Egypt is also shown to
have existed by the discovery of Egyptian scarabs of the time of the
Middle Kingdom in the excavation of Gezer, Jericho, Taanach, and
Megiddo. As Egypt was nearer and commerce with it easier, its art
affected the art of Palestine during this period more than did the
art of Babylon, although the people were akin to the Babylonians.
In the reign of Sesostris III, 1887-1849 b. c, the Egyptian king
sent an expedition into Palestine, and captured a place, called in
Egyptian Sekmem, which is thought by some to be a misspelling of
Shechem.i This expedition probably stimulated Egyptian influ-
ence in the country, though the Egyptians established no per-
manent control over the land at this time.
When the Amorites occupied Palestinian cities they at once erec-
ted fortifications. The inmost of the three walls of Gezer is their
work. It was a wall about 13 feet in thickness, in which were
towers 41 feet long and 24 feet thick and about 90 feet apart. It
contained at least two gates.^ At Megiddo the city was surrounded
by a wall, parts of which were made of brick, ^ while at Jericho the
older of the walls of the central citadel dates from this time.^
. 4. The Canaanites. — Between 1800 and 1750 b. c. a migration
occurred which greatly disturbed all western Asia. There moved
into Babylonia from the east a people called Kassites. They con-
quered Babylonia and established a dynasty which reigned for 576
years.^ Coincident with this movement into Babylonia there was
a migration across the whole of Asia to the westward, which
caused an invasion of Egypt and the establishment of the Hyksos
dynasties there.'' As pointed out previously,'' it is possible that
1 See Breasted, Ancient' Records, Egvpt, § 680, and Barton in Journal of Biblical Literature,
Vol. XXVIII, p. 29.
2 Macalister. Excavation of Gezer. I, 238-243 and 253.
3 Tell d-Mutesellim,-Tale\n, vii-xi.
4 See Chapter IV, p. 96.
B See Chapter II, p. 59, f.
6 See Chapter I, p. 28. 7 See Chapter III, p. 75, f.
no ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
this movement, in so far as the leadership of the in\asion of Eg\pt
was concerned, was Hittite. In any event, however, many Semites
were involved in it, as the Semitic names in the Egyptian Delta at
this time prove. It is customary to assume that it was in connec-
tion with this migration that the jCanaanites came into Palestine.
This cannot, in the present state of our knowledge, be clearly
proved, but such evidence as we have points m this direction.
There began at this time a new period of culture at Gezer, which is
quite distinguishable from that which had preceded. This indi-
cates the coming of new influences. Moreover, there was appar-
ently an augmentation of the population of Palestine at this time.
New cities were founded at Tell el-Hesy and Tell es-Safi,^ and else-
where. We thus feel sure that there was an increase of population
and, when next our written sources reveal to us the location of the
nations, the Canaanites were dwelling in Phoenicia. The Eg^-ptian
scribes of a later time called the entire western part of S}Tia and
Palestine "The Canaan. "^ Probably, therefore, the Canaanites
settled along the sea coast. We, therefore, infer that they came
into this region at this time. With the coming of an increased
population, the Amorites appear to have been in part subjugated
and absorbed, and in part forced into narrower limits. A powerful
group of them maintamed their integrity m the region afterward
occupied by the tribe of Asher and in the valley between the
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains, where they afterward
formed a kingdom. Another group of them survived to the east of
the Jordan, where they maintained a kingdom until overthrown by
the Hebrews. (See Num. 21 and Deut. 1-3.)
After the coming of the Canaanites our mformation concerning
the history of Palestine fails us for nearly three hundred years.
All that we know of the history of the country is what can be in-
ferred from the accumulated debris of the "second Semitic" strata
of the different mounds that have been excavated. During these
centuries Eg\'pt was invaded by the Hyksos, whose course was run,
and under the great eighteenth dynasty the Hyksos were expelled,
chased into Asia, and the conquest of Asia undertaken.
5. Egyptian Domination.— Ahmose I, 1580-1557 B. c, besieged
Sharuhen (Josh. V) : 6) in southern Palestine for six years and
captured it, while both Amenophis I and Thothmes I between 1557
> See Chapter IV, pp. 89, 91.
* See Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypl, III, § 616.
PALESTINE'S ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY 111
and 1501 b. c. made raids through Palestine and Syria to the
Euphrates. Of their deeds in Palestine no records have survived.
(1) Thothmes III. — It is not until the reign of Thothmes III
that detailed information begins. Between 1478 and 1447 b. c.
this king made no less than seventeen expeditions into Palestine,
Phoenicia, and Syria. At the beginning of his reign this country
was dotted with petty kingdoms; before its close he had so thor-
oughly amalgamated it with Egypt that it remained an integral
part of the Egyptian dominion for 100 years. Before his death
Thothmes inscribed on the walls of the temple of Amon at Thebes
a list of the places in Asia which he had conquered. Many of
these were in Palestine and in Syria, and we learn in this way what
towns were already places of importance a century or two before the
Hebrew conquest. Among places that are mentioned in the Old
Testament he names^ Kedesh (Josh. 19 :37), Megiddo, Lebonah
(Judges 21 : 19), Addar (Josh. 15 :3), two different cities named
Abel; see Judges 7 : 22 (which mentions one situated in the Jordan
valley), and 2 Sam. 20 : 14 (which refers to one near Dan), Damas-
cus, Hammath- (Josh. 19 : 35), situated on the Sea of Galilee (where
there are still hot springs), Beeroth (Josh. 9 : 17), Sharon, Tob
(Judges 11:3, 5), Kanah (Josh. 19:28), Ashtaroth (Deut. 1:4;
Josh. 9 : 20), Makkedah (Josh. 15 : 41), Laish (Judges 18 : 7, 18),
Hazor (Josh. 11:1; Judges 4:2), Chinneroth (Josh. 11:2),
Shunem (Josh. 19 : 18; 1 Sam. 28 :41; 2 Kings 4:8), Achshaph
(Josh. 11 : 1), Taanach, Ibleam (Josh. 17 : 11; Judges 1 : 27), Ijon
(1 Kings 15 : 20), Accho, Anaharath (Josh. 19 : 19), Ophra (Judges
6:11), Joppa, Gath, Lod (Neh. 7 : 37) or Lydda (Acts 9 : 32), Ono
(1 Chron. 8 : 12), Aphik (1 Sam. 4 : 1), Migdol, Ephes-dammim
(1 Sam. 17 : 1), Rakkath (Josh. 19 :35), Gerar (Gen. 20 : 1, etc.),
Rabbith (Josh. 19:20), Namaah (Josh. 15:41), Rehob (Josh.
19 :28), Edrei (Deut. 1 :4; Josh. 12 :4), Daiban (Neh. 11 :25),
Bethshean (Josh. 17:11), Beth-anoth (Josh. 15:59), Helkath
(Josh. 19 : 25), Geba (Josh. 18 : 24), Zererah (Judges 7 : 22), and
Zephath (Judges 1 : 17). In addition to these towns which are
mentioned in the Bible, the list of Thothmes III contains many
other names which we cannot yet identify. Among these are the
names of two cities, Josephel and Jacobel, which are discussed in
1 Translated from W. Max MuUer's publication in the Milteilungen der vorderasiatischen Cesell-
schaft, 1907, Heft 7.
2 Hammath means "hot."
112 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Part II, p. 300. These names, as already noted, are the same as
the names of two Babylonian Amorites of the time of the first
dynasty. It seems probable that two important Amorites had
migrated to Palestine and had either founded new cities, or had
been men of such consequence that their names were attached to
cities previously in existence. A parallel to this is foimd m the
name of Abu Gosh. He was a sheik of the nineteenth century, but
his name displaced the name of the village previously called Karyet
el-Ineb, between Jaffa and Jerusalem, and it is now called Abu Gosh.
Conjectures differ as to the part of Palestine in which the cities
Jacobel and Josephel were situated. We have in reality no certam
clue as to this.
It is probable also that something similar had occurred in the
case of Abraham. It has been pointed out previously that Abra-
ham is known to have been a Babylonian name at the time of the
first Babylonian dynasty. The Biblical records tell of the coming
of Abraham from Mesopotamia (Gen. 11 : 31-12 : 5), and the m-
scriptions of Sheshonk, the Biblical Shishak, tell us some centuries
later of the existence of a place, apparently in southern Judah,
called "The Field of Abram." See Part II, p. 360.
(2) Palestine in the El-Amarna Letters.— Dnr'm^, the 100 years
of Egyptian supremacy in Palestine which Thothmes III inaugu-
rated, the fortifications of certain strategic cities were greatly
strengthened. At Gezer, for example, an entirely new wall was
built. This was the "outer" wall of Mr. Macalister's classification,
a substantial structure fourteen feet wide, which completely en-
circled the city. This massive wall remained the city's defence
down to the Babylonian Exile.
From the El-Amarna letters we- gain another glimpse of Pales-
tine about a hundred years after the death of Thothmes III. The
Biblical cities which are mentioned in these letters are Accho
(Judges 1 : 31), Ashkelon, Ar\'ad (Ezek. 27 :.8), Aroer (Num. 32 :
34), Ashtaroth (Deut. 1 : 4, etc.), Gebal (Ezek. 27:9), Gezer
(Josh. 10 : 2>?>, 1 Kings 9 : 15, etc.), Gath, Gaza, Jerusalem, Joppa,
Keilah (1 Sam. 23 : 1), Lachish (Josh. 10': 3, etc.), Megiddo, Sidon,
Tyre, Shechem, Sharon, Taanach, and Zorah (Judges 13 : 2).
One city, called in these letters Beth-Ninib, is, in all probability,
Bethshemesh (Josh. 15 : 10, etc.). Many other towns are men-
tioned in the letters, but as they are not mentioned in the Bible
they are not enumerated here. These letters- were written just as
PALESTINE'S ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY 113
the Egyptian dominion in Asia was breaking up, owing to the fact
that King Amenophis IV was much more deeply interested in
reHgious reform than in politics. ^ The disintegration of the empire
produced great disorder. The power which Egypt had exerted in
the past made the Asiatics still fear to come out openly against her,
but the correspondence shows that several petty states were plotting
against one another, frequently encroaching upon one another, and
yet all the time professing to be loyal to Egypt. The largest num-
ber of these states were in the north in Phoenicia. The principal
states were the city kingdoms of Gebal, Beirut, Tyre, Jerusalem,
and the Amorites.^ Jerusalem at this time ruled a considerable
territory,^ but its history will be discussed connectedly m a future
chapter.* The kings of the Amorites during this period were
Ebed-Ashera and Aziru. While these small kingdoms of Pales-
tine and Phoenicia were contending with one another, and the king
of Egypt was giving no attention to them, the land was invaded
from the north by the Hittites under the great King Subbiluliuma,^
who gradually conquered the Amorites and the Orontes Valley.
It was at the same time invaded from the east by the Habiri, who
were probably the Hebrews."
With this movement of peoples there came into the west a third
wave of Semitic migration, the Aramaean. We hear nothing
of the Aramaic-speaking peoples in earlier time, but about 1300 b. c.
they are mentioned by both Shalmaneser I, of Assyria, and Ramses
II, of Egypt, as though they were in Syria and Palestine. In later
time they formed the basis of the population from the east of the
Euphrates to the Mediterranean coast and southward to Damascus.
In Deut. 26 : 5 Israelites are told to say "A wandering Aramaean
was my father" (R. V., margin). The reference seems to be to
Jacob, though possibly Abraham is intended. In either case, it
shows that the Hebre.ws recognized that there was an Aramsean
strain in their ancestry. Perhaps the Habiri were Aramaeans, or
were allied with Aramaeans.
At all events, in the struggles that ensued, little by little all
allegiance to Egypt was thrown off by the Palestinians. Letters
1 See Chapter I, p. 29.
^ See pp. 79, 80, and 345.
» See the letters of its king translated in Part II, p. .345, f.
* Chapter XIII.
6 See Chapter III, p. 78, f.
• See Part II, p. 349, f.
114 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
to Egypt ceased to be written, our sources fail us, and for more
than forty years we can only conjecture what was happening in
Palestine.
(3) Seti I. — With the accession of Seti I of the nineteenth Egyp-
tian dynasty, who ruled from 1313 to 1292 b. c, some knowledge of
events in Palestine begins once more to come to us. Seti in his
first year entered Asia, captured an unnamed walled town on the
border of the desert, pushed northward and took the towns in the
Plain of Jezreel, crossed the Jordan and conquered cities in the
Hauran, where he set up a pillar, discovered there a few years since
by Principal George Adam Smith; he then turned west and con-
quered a city on the slopes of the Lebanon mountains.^ This
campaign regained for Egv-pt all of Palestine and southern Phoenicia.
In his third year Seti was again in Asia. On this campaign he
overthrew the kingdom of the Amorites in northern Galilee, They
occupied the city of Kedesh in Naphtali (Josh. 19 : 37). This city
Seti besieged and took.
(4) Ramses II. — ^Thus at the beginnmg of the reign of Ramses
II, who ruled from 1292-1225 b. c, all Palestine v/as subject to
Egypt. The practical defeat of Ramses by the Hittites at Kadesh
on the Orontes in his fifth year, however, caused all Palestine to
revolt, and Ramses was compelled to undertake the reconquest of
the land. This he accomplished between his fifth and eighth
years, beginning with the Philistine cities and overrunning the
whole country to the Hauran, where he set up a pillar, as his
father had previously done.- So far as we know, Palestine re-
mained quietly under the rule of Ramses durmg the remainder of
his long reign.
Ramses II, like Thothmes III, left on record a long list of cities
conquered by him in Asia. Of these the following are Palestinian
towns mentioned in the Bible:^ Hammath (Josh. 19 : 35), Beth-
shean (Josh. 17:11), Beth-anath (Josh. 19:38), and Hadasha
(Josh. 15 : 37). Pella, a town in the Jordan valley not mentioned
in the Bible, also occurs in his list, and there is also a possible
mention of Jacobel in a corrupted form.
(5) Merneptah. — After the accession of Merneptah, the succes-
sor of Ramses II, a rebellion broke out. This was about 1223 b. c.
* See Breasted's History of Egypt, New York, 1909. p. 414.
* See Breasted's yl Hrj>M/ Records, Egypt, III, §§ 81 and 140.
•Translated from W. Max Muller's Egyptological Researches, Washington, 1906, pi. 59, ff.
PALESTINE'S ARCH^OLOGICAL HISTORY 115
Merneptah put down the rebellion, but in the struggle caused by it,
he was compelled to reduce Gezer by siege. It was on this cam-
paign that he came into contact with Israel and defeated her.^
Some think the Israelites whom he mentioned were those who
more than a century and a quarter before had been battling
against Jerusalem; others, that they were those who had just
escaped from Egypt.
The reign of Merneptah was followed by some years of unstable
government in Egypt, but this does not appear to have been a suffi-
ciently long period for great changes to occur in Palestine. Order
was restored in Egypt by Setnakht about 1200 b. c, and his son and
successor, Ramses III, 1198-1167 b. c, reasserted his sovereignty
over Palestine and Phoenicia.
(6) Ramses ///.—Ramses III found himself confronted with a
peculiar situation. The Egyptian Delta and the coasts of Palestine
were invaded by hordes of people from over the sea. As early as
the reign of Ramses II the Egyptians had employed men from the
island of Sardinia as mercenaries; there must then have been inter-
course with distant islands across the sea.
6. The Philistines, — Now, however, hordes of Sicilians, Danaoi,
Peleset (Philistines), Thekel, and many other tribes came from over
the sea. These tribes came in part from islands, such as Sicily
and Crete, and in part from the coasts of Asia Minor. Ramses III
was compelled to fight with them, both in the Delta and in Phoenicia.
On the walls of his temple at Medinet Habu he has left us pictures
of the Philistines. A remarkable inscribed disc was found a few
years since at Phaestos in Crete. It is printed with a sort of mov-
able type, and each character is a pictograph or hieroglyph. Prof.
Macalister has shown that it is, in all probability, a contract tablet.^
When the tablet was first published Eduard Meyer pointed out=^
that a frequently recurring sign, which is apparently the deter-
minative for "man" or "person," has the same sort of upstanding
hair as the Philistines pictured by Ramses III on the walls of Medi-
net Habu. This tablet, accordingly, was written by Philistines or
their near kindred. In this view there is general agreement among
scholars. Amos declared that the Lord brought the Philistines
'See Part II, p. 311. . ^ ^^ ,.
2 See Sir Arthur Evans, Scripia Minoa, Oxford, 1909, pp. 280, 282, and R. A. S. Macalister in
the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. XXX, § C, p. 342; also his Philistines, Their His-
tory and Civilization, London, 1913, pp. 84, 85.
5 See Silzungsberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1909, p. 1022, f.
116 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
from Caphtor (Amos 9:7). If this disc was written iii Crete, it
would follow that Caphtor was Crete. It is thought possible by
some that the disc was written in Asia Minor, whence it was carried
to Crete; m that case Caphtor would be a name for Asia Minor.^
At all events, this inscription makes it clear that the Philistines
came from over the sea, and that their point of departure was
either Crete or Asia Alinor. Ramses HI reveals to us through his
inscriptions the Philistines in the act of migratuig into Palestine.
With them were thcThekel, who afterward were absorbed by the
Philistmes; (see Figs. 36 and 38).
In his struggle with these tribes Ramses "HI was compelled to
carry the war into Asia, where he overcame and defeated them.
In commemoration of this event he has left a list of places which
he conquered in Asia. Most of them, so far as they can be identi-
fied, were further north than Palestine, but the following are
names of places mentioned in the Bible:- Seir (Gen. 14 : 6, etc.),
Calneh (.\mos 6 : 2), or Cahio (Isa. 10 : 9), Tyre, Carchemish, Beth-
Dagon (Josh. 15 :41), Kir-Bezek, probably the same as Bezek
(Judges 1:5), Hadashah (Josh. 15 : 37), Ardon (1 Chron. 2 : 18),
Beer (cf. Num. 21 : 16), Senu" (Deut. 3 :9), Zobebah (1 Chron.
4:8), Gether (Gen. 10 : 23), and Ar (Num. 21 : 15; Isa. 15 : 1, etc.).
After Ramses III the Egyptian empire became too weak to inter-
fere, in Palestinian affairs. In the chronolog}' followed by many
scholars today it was about this time that the Hebrews completed
their conquest of the country and the age of the Judges began.
7. The Hebrews. — On their way into Palestme the Hebrews, as
already noted, invaded and conquered a kingdom of the Amorites
which lay to the east of the Jordan and had its capital at Heshbon.
(See Num. 21 : 21 and Deut. 1 : 4, etc.). This kmgdom was a sur-
vival of the ancient Amorite occupation of the land. The Amorites
composing it had not been absorbed or displaced by more recent
pre-Hebrew invaders.
It is stated in Judges 1 : 27-36 that there were a number of cities
from which the Israelites did not, at the time of their conquest,
drive out the inhabitants. The principal excavations in Palestine
have had to do with cities which were not conquered by Hebrews
at this time — Taanach, IMegiddo, and Gezer. We are told in Josh.
' Caphtor is the same as Kefliu of the Eg>'ptian inscriptions, but it is uncertain whether Ke/liu
refers to Crete or Asia Minor.
s Translated from W. Max MuUer's Egyptological Researches, I, pi. 64, f.
PALESTINE'S ARCH/EOLOGICAL HISTORY 117
10 : 33 that when Horam, King of Gezer, came to the aid of the
king of Lachish, Joshua "smote him and his people till he left none
remaining." As nothing is said of the capture of Gezer, this must
refer only to the force which went to the aid of Lachish. This
view is confirmed by the fact that in the time of David, Gezer was
in the hands of the Philistines. (See 1 Chron. 20 : 4.) Gezer did
not come into the hands of the Hebrews until the time of Solomon,
when Solomon's Egyptian father-in-law conquered it and gave it
to him. Mr. Macalister found evidence that at about this time
there was a considerable increase of the population of Gezer, which
seems to confirm the statement of Judges 1 : 29 that Canaanites
and Israelites dwelt together there. This evidence consisted in the
crowding together of houses, so that, as many new ones were built,
they became smaller. New houses also encroached upon the
land of the "high place. "^ There was evidently an increase of the
population such as an influx of Hebrews would account for. Evi-
dence of Hebrew conquest seems also to have come to light in the
capture and burning of Jericho^ and Bethshemesh,^ which the exca-
vations have revealed.
8. Philistine Civilization. — The next source of information
which archaeology furnishes us concerning Palestine is the report of
Wenamon, translated in Part II, p. 352, ff. Wenamon visited Dor
and Gebal about 1100 b. c. He found a king of the Thekel estab-
lished in Dor, so that the Philistines were probably by this time
established in the whole maritime plain.
With the coming of the Philistines into Palestine, new influences
were introduced into the country. These are most apparent in the
pottery that has come down to us. (See Chapter VIII.) The
Philistines, whether they came from Crete or from the coasts of the
^gean Sea, had been influenced by those higher forms of art which
were in later times developed into the superb Greek forms. Just
at the time when history tells us the Philistines came into Palestine,
we begm to find in its mounds the remains of a more ornate pottery.
9. The Hebrew Kingdoms. — As the Philistines filled the maritime
plain, and began to push into the hill country, the Israelites formed
a kingdom by which to oppose them. The kingdom of Saul ac-
complished little, but that of David, which began about 1000 b. c,
overcame the Philistines and all other peoples adjacent to the
See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, p. 2 1.
« See p. 99. » See p. 95.
118 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Hebrews and established an Israelitish empire.^ This was possible
because just at that time both Egypt and Assyria were weak.
Before the end of the reign of Solomon this empire began to disin-
tegrate (1 Kings 11 : 14-25), and at his death, about 937 b. c, it
faded entirely away and the kingdom was divided into the kingdoms
of Israel and Judah. The history of these kingdoms is given in out-
Ime in the Bible and is probably familiar to every reader of this book.
These kingdoms, frequently at war with each other, were first
invaded by Sheshonk (Shishak) of Eg^^pt (1 Kings 14 : 25), who
made them his vassals (see Part II, p. 359, f.), and in later centuries
were made subject to Assyria. Israel suffered this fate first in
842 B. c, and Judah in 732. On account of her rebellions, the
kingdom of Israel was overthrown by Assyria in the year 722 b. c.
After Assyria became weak, Judah was made subject to Egypt in
608 B. c, but passed under the sway of Babylon in the year 604.
Because she repeatedly rebelled against Babylon, the prominent
Juda^ans were carried captive partly in 597 b. c. and partly in 586,
and in the year last mentioned Jerusalem was overthrown and its
temple destroyed.
Excavations have brought to light much evidence as to the
houses, high places, and the mode of life of this time,- as well as evi-
dence of how Shishak fought against Rehoboam, Shalmaneser III
agamst Ahab and Jehu, Tiglath-pileser IV against Menahem and Pe-
kah, Shalmaneser V and Sargon against Hoshea, and Sennacherib
against Judah. It has also told us much about Nebuchadrezzar.'
10. The Exile and After.— The Babylonian Exile was brought
by Cyrus to a possible end in 538 b. c. This is also illuminated by
that which exploration has brought to light. ^ The temple was
rebuilt through the efforts of Haggai and Zechariah during the years
520-517 B. c. In 444 b. c. Nehemiah rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem,
as related in Neh. 1-7. Thus under the Persian empire Judah was
re-established. It consisted of a little country around Jerusalem;
it was poor and weak, but was aided by money sent from Babylonia
by Jews who were still resident there.
(1) The Samaritans. — In the neighborhood of Samaria was a
people who were descended in part from Hebrews whom Sargon did
not carry away and in part from the Gentiles whom he brought in.
These people worshiped Jehovah. (See 2 Kings 17 : 24-34.)
> See the books of I and II Samuel. ' Sec Part II, Chapter XVII.
» Sec Chapters VI, IX, and XI. ♦ See Part II. p. 385, f.
PALESTINE'S ARCH^OLOGICAL HISTORY 119
When the little Jewish state had been re-established at Jerusalem,
they wished to participate in Jewish worship and to be recognized
as good Jews. Since they were not of pure Hebrew descent, the
Jews would not permit this, so they at last desisted, built a temple
to Jehovah on Mount Gerizim (see John 4 : 20), and became a
large and flourishing sect.^ They based their worship on the Penta-
teuch, and were so much like the Jews that there was constant
friction between them. This friction is reflected m Luke 9 : 51-54,
John 4 : 9, and in many passages of the Tahnud. It was this sect
that occupied Samaria m the time of Christ and made it in his day
a distinct division of the country.
(2) Alexander the Great and His Successors.— In 332 B. C. Pales-
tme passed from Persian rule to that of Alexander the Great.
After his death m 323 it came under the rule of his general, Ptolemy
Lagi, who ultimately became kmg of Egj^t. Later, 220-198 b. c,
there was a struggle for the possession of Palestme between the
descendants of Ptolemy and the house of Seleucus, another general
of Alexander, who had established a kingdom with its capital at
Antioch. Durmg these wars the Jews suffered greatly. Fmally
the Seleucid kmg won, and Palestme passed definitely under the
control of Syria. With the commg of Alexander new cultural
influences had entered Palestine from the Hellenic world, and
down to 168 b. c. such influences were eagerly welcomed by a
portion of the Jews.
(3) The Maccabees.— h\ that year, however, Antiochus IV un-
dertook to forcibly Hellenize the Jews and to blot out their religion.
This the more faithful Jews resented, and a great revolt ensued.
This revolt had as its first successful general Judas, son of Matta-
thias, who, because of his victories, was surnamed makkab, or the
Hammer; it is, therefore, known as the Maccabsan revolt. With
varying fortunes the struggle dragged on for 25 years.^ It finally
succeeded because of civil wars in Syria. On account of these
each faction favored the Jews, and Syria became continually
weaker. In 143 b. c. the Jews once more achieved their inde-
pendence under Simon, brother of Judas, whom they ordained
should be Prince and High Priest forever.^
» See J. A. Montgomery, The Samaritans, the Earliest Jewish Sect, Their History^ Theology, and
Literature, Philadelphia, 1907. , o- /
2 For the narrative of the struggle, see the book of I Maccabees, and S. Mathews, History of
the New Testament Times in Palestine, New York, 1908.
a See I Mace. 14 : 41.
120 ARCH/EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
(4) The A smoncBans.— The attaining of independence was ac-
companied by a great wave of racial and religious enthusiasm. Not
since the days of Ahaz, in 733 b. c, had Judah been free of foreign
domination. At the beginning of the reign of Simon, it was
still but a small territory around Jerusalem. Hebron and all to
the south of it was in the hands of the Edomites, who three cen-
turies before had been driven out of Edom by the Nabathaeans
Simon began to enlarge their territory. He won Gezer and Joppa.
John Hyrcanus, his son and successor, 135-105 b. c, conquered the
Edomites, and compelled them to become Jews; he also conquered
and destroyed Samaria in 109 b c. He began the conquest of
Galilee. His son, Aristobulus I 105-104 b. c, assumed the title of
kmg. A regal dynasty was thus founded, which is known as the
Asmonaean or Hasmonaean dynasty, i. e., the "Simonites" or de-
scendants of Simon.
Alexander Jannseus, 104-79 b c, completed the conquest of
Galilee and the region to the east of the Jordan, and extended the
bounds of the kingdom of the Asmonteans to practically the same
limits as those of the kingdom of David. The Galileans were also
Judaized, as the Edomites had been. This period of Jewish
prosperity continued to 69 b. C. Through it all, in spite of the
religious zeal of the Jews, Hellenic influences made themselves
felt in many aspects of the country's life.
11. The Coming of Rome.— On the death of Queen Alexandra
in 69 B. c, her sons.. John Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II, both
aspired to the supreme power, and till 63 b. c. civil war ensued.
In 65 B. c. the Romans had terminated the independence of Syria
and made it a Roman province In 63 b c. both the Jewish broth-
ers appealed to Pompey, who had come to Damascus. Aristobulus,
however, acted treacherously, and Pompey marched upon Jerusalem
and took it by siege. Jewish independence was thus forever lost,
and Palestine passed under the yoke of Rome. Down to 37 b. c.
the country experienced many vicissitudes, as the struggles of the
Roman triumvirs were reflected in it. These vicissitudes cul-
minated in the year 40 b. c, when Orodes I, King of Parthia, cap-
tured Jerusalem and placed Antigonus, a son of Aristobulus II, on
the throne. Antigonus was king and a vassal of Parthia for three
years.
(1) The Herods. — In 37 b. c. Herod the Great, whose father
had served under the Romans, by the aid of a Roman army fur-
PALESTINE'S ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY 121
nished him by Mark Antony, drove Antigonous out and began his
notable reign. Herod was a man of great energy, an Edomite by
descent, whose ancestors had become Jews by compulsion. While
professedly a Jew, he was deeply enamored of the Grseco-Roman
culture. He wrung taxes from the people in order to beautify
Palestine with cities and temples built on Hellenic models. He
rebuilt, among other undertakings, the Jewish temple at Jerusalem
and the city of Samaria. This last he named Sebaste, the Greek for
Augusta, naming it in honor of the Emperor Augustus. He built
a heathen temple there, surrounded the city with a colonnaded
street, many of the columns of which are still standing, and other-
wise adorned it. He built for himself a palace at Jericho, and an-
other on the top of a hill to the southeast of Bethlehem, today called
Gebel Fureidis; (see Figs. 31 and 39).
Upon his death, in 4 b. c, his kingdom was divided, Archelaus
receiving Judah and Samaria; Antipas, Galilee and Peraea, and
Philip, Iturea and Trachonitis. None of his sons was permitted
by the Romans to be called king, but all bore the title of "tetrarch."
The rule of Archelaus proved so unbearable that in 6 a. d. Augustus
banished him to Gaul and placed Judaea and Samaria under Procu-
rators, who were responsible to the Proconsuls of the province of
Syria. Pontius Pilate was the fifth of these Procurators. After
the death of Herod Antipas in 39 a. d., the Emperor Caligula made
Herod Agrippa I, a grandson of Herod the Great, king of the
dominions over which that monarch had ruled. Agrippa assumed
control in 41 and ruled till his death in 44 a. d. His death is de-
scribed in Acts 12 .23. After his death the whole country was
governed by Procurators.
(2) The Destruction of Jerusalem in Jo A . D. — Roman rule was
always distasteful to the Jews, and as the years passed they became
more and more restive. These smouldering fires broke into the
flame of open rebellion in the year 66 a. d., and after four years of
terrible warfare Jerusalem was captured and destroyed in 70 a. d.
The temple, also razed to the ground, has never been rebuilt. The
country about Jerusalem was peopled by some of the poorer of the
peasantry, and the tenth Roman legion remained in the city for a
long time to keep order in that region.
12. Later History. — In 132 a. d., in the reign of Hadrian, a man
called Bar Chocaba, or the "Son of the Star," came forward, claim-
ing to be the Messiah, and headed a Jewish revolt. So fiercely did
122 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the Jews fight that the insurrection was not quelled by Rome until
135 A. D. When it was finally put down, Hadrian determined to
blot the name of Jerusalem from the map. He rebuilt Jerusalem,
making it a Roman colony, named it ^Elia Capitolina, and built a
temple to Jupiter on the spot where the temple of Jehovah had
formerly stood. No Jew was permitted to come near the city.
Jerusalem as built by Hadrian continued until the time of Con-
stantme, and the form thus imposed upon it lasted much longer.
When Constantine made Christianity the religion of the empire,
both he and his mother began to take an interest in the Holy City
and the Holy Land. Other Christians followed them. The Church
of the Holy Sepulcher was built, and the temple of Jupiter built
by Hadrian was turned into a Christian church. Pilgrimages to the
Holy Land began, and monasteries, churches, and bishoprics in time
sprang up over all the countr}^ Thus for three hundred years the
influences which were felt in Paiestme emanated from Byzantiiun or
Constantinople. In 615 a. d. the land was overrun by Chosroes II
of Persia, who captured Jerusalem and destroyed many of its
churches. The Persians held it until 628, when the Byzantine
kings regained it. The control of Jerusalem by the Christians was,
however, of short duration, for in 636 Palestine was captured by the
Mohammedans, and with the exception of 89 years has ever since
been under JMohammedan control.^ During these long centuries
the country was ruled by the Caliphs of Medina, Damascus, and
Bagdad; by the Buvide Sultans, the Fatimite Caliphs of Egj-pt, and
the Seljuk Turks. The cruelties inflicted by these last rulers upon
Christians led to the Crusades, the first of which established the
Latin kingdom of Jerusalem,- which continued from 1099 to 1188
A. D. This kingdom, organized on the feudal basis then existing m
western Europe, extended over all of Palestine and Syria, including
Antioch, and for nearly half the time, Edessa beyond the Euphrates.
Its existence marks an epoch in the archaeologv' of the comitry.
Since the fall of this Latin kingdom, Palestine has remained
under Moslem control. First the Eyyubide Sultans of Egypt, then
the Mamelukes of that same land held sway. In 1517 the Ottoman
Turks captured it, and have since inflicted their misrule upon it.
What fortunes the great war now raging may bring to this land of
sacred associations, we await with intense mterest.
1 For details see Guy Le Strange, Palestine Under the Moslems, London, 1890.
For details see C. R. Condcr, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, London, 1897.
CHAPTER VI
THE CITIES OF PALESTINE
Their Sites. The Walls. The Stone Work. Houses. Palaces: At Taanach.
At Samaria. At Jericho. At Megiddo. Foundation Sacrifices. City Gates.
Water Supply: Springs. Underground tunnels. Reservoirs.
1. Their Sites. — The cities of Palestine were usually built on
hills. These elevations, surmounted as they were by walls,
created a natural means of defence from attack; (see Fig. 33).
Even more important than an elevated situation was a water
supply, hence all Palestinian cities of importance are near springs.
The necessity of being near a spring led, in some cases, to the erec-
tion of a city on a level plain. This was the case with Jericho; the
only mound at its site is that created by the city itself.
The hills on which the cities were erected varied in height.
That at Megiddo rose to a height of but 45 to 90 feet above the sur-
rounding land, but even this elevation was a great protection from
the simple methods of attack known to ancient warfare. The hill
Ophel, the site of Jebusite Jerusalem, rises today from 60 to 150
feet above the valley of the Kidron, and in ancient times that valley
was from 20 to 50 feet deeper than it is now. The same hill was
separated from the land on the west by a valley the bed of which
in ancient times was from 50 to 100 feet below the top of the hill.
The hill on which Samaria was situated rose some 300 feet above the
surrounding valley on all sides except the east, and when fortified
presented such an impregnable front that it took even an Assyrian
army three years to capture it. (2 Kings 17 : 5.) In the Seleucid
and Roman periods, when some cities expanded in size, the hill-
tops were sometimes abandoned and they spread out over the plain.
This was the case with Gerasa and Philadelphia (Rabbah Ammon).^
But "a city set on a hill" (Matt. 5 : 14) was a common feature of the
Palestinian landscape.
2. The Walls. — The walls by which the cities were surrounded
varied according to the advancement of the different periods, and
I See Chapter XIV.
123
124 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
according to the importance of the place. As has already been
pointed out in Chapter V, the first wall at Gezer was but 6 feet high
and 2 feet thick, and had a sloping bank of earth packed against it
on the outside. This bank was 6 feet 6 inches thick at the base and
was covered with a facing of stone. In the Amorite period a wall
13 feet thick was erected at Gezer, in which towers were constructed
about every 90 feet. These towers were 24 X 41 feet. Their height
is, of course, unknown. This wall was probably built about 2500
B. c. and formed the defense of the city for a thousand years. By
that time the tops of the houses probably protruded above the wall,
and the population had increased so that more space was needed.
This wall was, accordingly, replaced by another built outside of it.
Much of the material of which the old wall was constructed went
into the new wall, which was approximately 14 feet thick and con-
tained occasional towers. At some time a part of this wall had
been destroyed, and then rebuilt. Probably at the time of this
rebuilding, additional towers had been inserted at different pomts.
The stones of these towers touched those of the wall without being
articulated with them. It has been conjectured^ that these towers
were a part of the repairs made by King Solomon after the town had
been captured by his Egyptian father-in-law and presented to
Solomon. (See 1 Kings 9 : 16, 17.) Still later an attempt was
made to strengthen the weakness caused by the unclosed seam be-
tween the towers and the wall by constructing around the towers
rude bastions. (See Figs. 40, 46.) :Mr. Macalister conjectures that
this was done by the Syrian General Bacchides when he hastily
fortified Gezer and occupied it in 160 b. c.^ (1 Mace. 9 : 52.)
At Lachish, Petrie found massive city walls, though he did not
describe them in detail.^ At Taanach, Sellin found a strong city
wall, but did not attempt to trace it about the tell.^ Schumacher
devoted considerable attention to the city walls of Megiddo, a part
of which were built of bricks.^ At Tell es-Safi (Gath?) the outlines
of the city walls were traced, as they were at Tell el-Judeideh." At
Samaria a part of the Roman wall of the time of Herod was found;
lower down in the mound remains of a Babylonian wall (see 2 Kmgs
• See p. 94.
2 On these walls, see Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 236-256.
» Petrie, Tell el-Uesy, p. 1 7 and Plates 2 and 3.
* See his Tell Taaiick, p. 13.
' See p. 96 and 1-ig. 41.
•Seep. 91.
THE CITIES OF PALESTINE 125
17 : 24), beneath which the excavators recognized the Hebrew wall.^
City walls were found, too, at Bethshemesh,^ but of especial interest
to the student of the Bible are the walls of Jericho. Here, as at
Megiddo, the walls were constructed in part of brick. They had an
average thickness of 13 feet. The Canaanitish wall was traced
around three sides of the mound. It was strengthened by occa-
sional towers.^ On the east, next to the spring, they had entirely
disappeared. This must not be pressed into a confirmation of
Josh. 6 : 20, that the walls fell down flat, for the later Israelitish
wall has disappeared on that side of the mound also. Later, when
in the days of Ahab the Israelites rebuilt the city (1 Kings 16 : 34),
they did not place the wall on the old line, but enclosed a consider-
ably larger space. This wall was constructed partly of bricks, but
mostly of stone."* The walls of Jerusalem will be treated in Chap-
ter XIII. At the northwest corner of the Canaanitish wall was a
tower enclosed by two brick walls; the outer wall was a little more
than 4 feet thick; the inner, about lo feet.
3. The Stone Work. — The kind of stones used in city walls
varied with the circumstances and the degree of civilization. The
walls of the stone age were naturally made of small undressed stones.
The Amorites began the use of cut stone. Their blocks are often
fairly smooth and regular. The Amorite wall of Gezer was made of
more regular stones than the wall of the Egyptian period.^ In
the Israelitish and Jewish periods a stone with an embossed edge
was often used. It is found in the wall of Nehemiah, excavated
by Bliss,— a wall made of stones that some pre-exilic king had
used before, — and appears also in the structures of Herod the Great.
In the structures of Constantine and later Byzantine builders, this
type of stone is replaced by a stone with a perfectly smooth surface
— much more smooth than anything found in the early walls. This
type of stone work continued through the crusading period; (see
Figs. 253, 254.) While these types can be traced, their use was
not altogether regular.^
The areas of Palestinian cities in the early time were very small.
All of Canaanite Jericho could be put in the Colosseum at Rome!
• Harvard Theological Review, III, 137.
2 Palestine Exploration Fund's Annual. II, 17, f.
' Sellin and Watzinger's Jericho, p. 29, f. and Tafel I.
* Ibid., 54, ff.
' See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 244.
6 See Dickie, in Quarterly statement of Palestine Exploration Fund, 1897, 61-67.
126 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Megiddo, one of the largest of these early cities, was built on a
mound that contained only about eleven acres, and Jebusite Jeru-
salem was built on a ridge that in ancient times contained not less
than nine or more than thirteen acres.
4. Houses. — Within these small areas the houses were crowded
together, as in the modern native villages of Palestine, separated
only by narrow, crooked lanes. One may see in Hebron or in
some parts of Jerusalem similar conditions to this day. There was
no drainage; refuse was thrown into the streets. The cities were
ill-smelling places. The wonder is that the mortality was not
greater. The houses in the central, elevated portion of Palestine
were usually of stone, though at Gezer, Jericho, and places in the
lower-lying portions of the country they were sometimes of brick.
The walls of the stone houses were constructed of rough stones
of a great variety of sizes, from small pebbles to large boulders.
Mortar and cement were never used. ( The stones were set in mud.
They were not dressed except with a hammer in the roughest way.
The joints between them were wide and irregular. Into the crev-
ices serpents and scorpions might crawl. It was of such a house
that Amos says, "a man . . . leaned his hand on the wall and a
serpent bit him"|(5 : 19). The bricks were rarely burned; they
were simply sun-dried, and had no more cohesion than the earth in
which they were embedded. The houses generally had no floor ex-
cept the earth, which was smoothed off and packed hard. Some-
times this was varied by mixing lime with the mud and letting it
harden, and sometimes floors of cobblestones or stone chippings
mixed with lime were found. In the Roman period mosaic floors,
made by embedding small smoothly cut squares of stone in the
earth, were introduced. By employing stones of different colors
the mosaics were often worked into beautiful patterns; (see Figs.
35, 42, 43, 44, 47, and 48). Sometunes pictures of birds and ani-
mals w^ere formed in the floors.
The doorways were usually simply an opening made by the
vertical sides left in the masonry. In the later time they were some-
times lined with standing stones. The doors themselves have long
since disappeared, but there is evidence that, like many houses still
to be seen in Palestine, they were made fast to a post, the lower end
of which was set in a hollow or perforated stone. When the door
swung the whole post turned in this stone. Some of these stones
were found. In a few houses at Gezer enclosures of stones on end
THE CITIES OF PALESTINE 127
were sometimes found in the middle or the corners of dwelling
houses. Perhaps these were hearths. ^ Some houses built after
the time of Alexander the Great had a kind of piazza running along
the side. The remains of the pillars which supported the roofs of
these were discovered. Beginning with the Hellenistic period,
some of the better houses had baths. (On doors, see Figs. 49, 50.)
5. Palaces. — In the excavation of different sites the outlines of
several larger buildings or palaces were uncovered. A few of these
are of interest to the student of the Bible.
(1) At Taanach. — In the northeast of the mound at Taanach^
the remains of a building about 75 X 77 feet were found. It was
in existence in the fourteenth century before Christ. This building
contained several rooms, as the plan will make clear; (see Fig. 45).
The remains of the wall still showed one layer of hewn stones, some
of which were very large. In a vault underneath the building
four cuneiform tablets were found. They had been placed there for
safety in time of siege, and these four tablets had been overlooked
when the rest of the archive was rifled. These tablets proved to be
letters written at the same time as those found at El-Amarna.^
The building was the palace of a Canaanite king.
(2) At Samaria.— Oi especial interest to the student of the Bible
are the palaces of the Hebrew period. At Samaria Reisner dis-
covered massive walls, which were probably the remains of the
palaces of Omri and Ahab. That of Omri was built of large
stones and rested on the native rock. As Omri was the founder
of the city (1 Kings 16 : 24), there can be little doubt that this
was his palace. An enlargement of this consisted of walls the con-
struction of which was finer. They were faced with white marble.
In this palace an alabaster vase was found, inscribed with the name
of Osorkon II, King of Eg>T3t, who was a contemporary of King
Ahab. This is, therefore, believed to be the palace of Ahab—
perhaps the "house of ivory" which Ahab built (1 Kings 22 : 39).
As the volume on the excavation at Samaria is not yet published,
it is impossible to give detailed plans of these buildings. The
accompanying picture (Fig. 52) shows some of their walls.
(3) At Jericho. — Another building of this period, which the
excavators believed might have been built by Hiel, the rebuilder of
1 These remarks about the house are based on the excavation at Gezer. The excavators of
other sites have not given as much attention to the construction of houses as Mr. Macalister did.
2 Sellin, Tell Taanek, p. 21.
' One of these is translated in Part II, p. 350.
128 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Jericho, in the days of Ahab (1 Kings 16 : 34), was uncovered by
Sellin. It is the most pretentious building of the Hebrew time at
Jericho and may well have been the residence of the governor of
the place. It consisted of a number of large rooms, and was
throughout constructed of fairly large but irregular stones; (see
Fig. 51).
(4) At Megiddo. — Another residence of an Israelitish governor
was found at JMegiddo. This was a large, irregular building, con-
structed around a courtyard. Some of the work was of dressed
stones of considerable size, in every way superior to the stone-work
of the earlier buildings of that city. In this palace a seal of a man
named Shema was found, which bore the inscription, "Belonging to
Shema, the servant of Jeroboam." We do not know whether this
man served under Jeroboam I or Jeroboam II. The fine character
of the stone-work leads one to think the reign of Jeroboam II the
more probable date; (see Figs. 53 and 27).
One more palace should be noticed, that of Simon the Maccabee
(143-135 B. c), at Gezer. This palace is clearly of the Hellenistic
type, and was identified as the dwelling-place that Simon built
for himself (1 Mace. 13 :48), by the discovery of an ancient
curse against Simon's palace scraw^led in Greek on a block of stone.
This building was constructed of rather finely cut stone, was of
irregular shape (see Figs. 54, 55), had an imposing gate which
admitted into a courtyard, and was supplied with a good system
of drainage.
6. Foundation Sacrifices. — WTien a house was built it was cus-
tomary to consecrate it by a sacrifice. In early times in Palestme
this was often a human sacrifice. In Gezer the skeleton of a
woman was found built into the walls of a house. Numerous skele-
tons of children were also found under the corners of houses. Such
sacrificial offermgs were more often made under the corners of
buildings, since the corners were considered sacred. In Babylonia
and Eg>T3t the sacrifice was accompanied with the burial under the
corner-stone of inscriptions and other deposits, though in Egj-pt,
as in Palestine, the deposit was not always under the corners.^
Similar sacrifices were found at Taanach^ and JMegiddo.-'' These
sacrifices illustrate, some think, 1 Kings 16 : 34, where Hie!
> See the writer's article, " Corners," in Hastings' Encydopadia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV
119, ff.
2 Sellin, Tell Taanek. p. 61.
« Schumacher, Tell el-Mulesellim, pp. 45, 54.
THE CITIES OF PALESTINE 129
laid the foundation of Jericho with the loss of his first-born, and
set up its gates with the loss of his youngest son; (see Fig. 56).
7. City Gates. — The city gate was in Palestine an important
part of the town. Gateways were constructed in different ways
at different times. At Gezer the northern gate consisted of a pro-
truding tower, into which one entered at the side, then turned a
right angle to gain entrance to the city ; (see Fig. 58) . Gates of this
type are still common in the East. The passageway in this gate
at Gezer was 40 feet wide.^ The southern gate of Gezer consisted
simply of a straight passageway, 42 feet long and 9 feet wide, be-
tween two brick towers; (see Fig. 61). Often, as in the case of the
gate found at Bethshemesh (Fig. 59), there were rooms on each
side of the passageway through the tower. One with still more
space within its tower was uncovered at Megiddo; (Fig. 57).
The city gates usually remained at the same points in the wall
through the successive reconstructions of the city. Thus at Sa-
maria the remains of round Herodian towers which flanked the
gateway were found resting on larger square bases of the Seleucid
period, beneath which the outline of the earlier Israelitish towers
was still visible; (see Figs. 65, 66).
The form of these gates illuminates many Biblical passages. Lot
sat in the gate of Sodom (Gen. 19 : 1). Joab took Abner aside in
the gate to speak to him (2 Sam. 3 : 27). The gate was the place
of conference for the elders of a city (Gen. 34 : 20). To be praised
in the "gates," where the city's affairs were settled (Prov. 31 : 31),
was to have desired fame.
8. Water Supply:
(1) Springs. — The water supply of Palestinian cities came in
part from the never-failing springs near which they were built.
This supply was, however, seldom sufficient, so that from the early
days cisterns were built to catch the water of the rainy season and
conserve it for use during the summer months. These cisterns were
often excavated in the solid rock, but sometimes were simple pits in
the earth, over the bottom of which a coating of lime or cement had
been spread.
(2) Underground Tunnels. — In time of war, when a city might
be shut up for years, cities were often compelled to yield for want
of water. This was especially the case if the spring lay outside the
city walls. In several Palestinian cities means were taken to
' See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 240.
130 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
secure access to a spring without exposing oneself to the enemy out-
side the wall. One of the greatest of these undertakings was dis-
covered at Gezer. This was a tunnel cut in the solid rock, which
was entered by a long flight of rock-cut steps. At the entrance the
rock formed an imposing archway 23 feet high and 13 feet 10 inches
broad. These dimensions were maintained throughout about
two-thirds of the length of the tunnel. The whole passage was
about 130 feet long. The last third of it had to be cut through a
much harder rock, where the work was much more difficult, and its
workmanship was here not so good as above. The tunnel also be-
came appreciably smaller. The passage terminated in a large cave,
in the bottom of which was a sprmg, and was evidently constructed
to enable the inhabitants to reach a water supply in time of siege.
The floor of the cave is 94 feet 6 inches below the level of the rock
surface under the ancient city. The whole tunnel is a remarkable
piece of engineering for an early people; (see Figs. 60 and 62).
The earth with which the mouth of the tunnel was closed con-
tained objects which belonged to the time 1450-1250 b. c. The
steps in the passageway had been before this deeply worn by many
feet— so deeply worn that Mr. Macalister estimated that they
must have been in use for 500 years. For these reasons he sup-
poses that this water-passage was excavated about 2000 b. c. or
soon after that date. It had ceased to be used before the Israelites
conquered the place.
A similar underground tunnel leading to a spring has been found
at El-Gib, Gibeon, (Fig. 63), and one made in Jebusite times
also existed at Jerusalem. It is mentioned m 2 Sam. 5 : 8, and will
be described in connection with Jerusalem (p. 188). At Rabbah
Ammon an underground passage connected the old city situated on
the hill with a large cistern which was roofed over so as to be con-
cealed. To this cistern in time of siege the inhabitants could go
through the passage and obtain water. It was this cistern' which
Joab had captured (2 Sam. 12 : 27) when he sent to David to come
and take the city. Antiochus III of Syria in the same way com-
pelled the city to surrender in the year 218 b. c.,^ and Herod the
Great did the same thing before 30 b. c.^
(3) Reservoirs.— Among the sources of water supply for the cities
1 In 2 Sam. 12 : 27 we should read "pool of waters" instead of "city of waters"; see Barton in
Journal of Biblical Literature, XXVII, 147-152.
2ScePolybius, V, 71.
» Josephus, Jewish Wars, I, xix, S, ff.
THE CITIES OF PALESTINE 131
of Palestine the so-called Pools of Solomon to the south of Bethle-
hem are unique. They consist of three reservoirs, partly rock-cut
and in part constructed of walls of masonry, in the Wady Artas,
about a mile and a half to the southwest of Bethlehem. The high-
est of these pools is 127 yards long and 76 yards wide, and 25 feet
deep at its lower end. The central pool is 141 yards long, from 53
to 83 yards wide, and 38 feet deep. The lowest and finest of the
three is 194 yards long, 49 to 69 yards wide, and 48 feet at its deep-
est part. In these reservoirs water from neighboring springs was
collected and stored. Two aqueducts at different times conveyed
it to Jerusalem as it was needed. These aqueducts are now known
respectively as the Low Level Aqueduct and the High Level Aque-
duct. The High Level Aqueduct appears to be the older. In
recent years the Low Level Aqueduct has been repaired, so that
these "pools" still contribute to the water supply of Jerusalem.
There is no evidence that Solomon built these. His name has
been attached to them solely on account of Eccl. 2 : 6: "I made me
pools of water." The whole structure of these and their aqueducts
seems rather to be Greek or Roman work; (see Fig. 64).
Evidence for the dates is not conclusive,^ but there is some prob-
ability that the pools were constructed by John Hyrcanus I, 135-
105 B. c, who made the High Level Aqueduct, and that the Low
Level Aqueduct was constructed by Herod the Great. This is
much longer than the High Level Aqueduct, as it makes a detour
toward Gebel Fureidis, where Herod constructed a palace, to
which he conveyed water. This Low Level Aqueduct is probably
the one afterward repaired by Pontius Pilate."
1 For the conflicting evidence and theories, see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, 124-131.
^Josephus, Antiquities, XVIII, iii, 2.
CHAPTER VII
ROADS AND AGRICULTURE
Roads: Early paths. Roman roads. Agricuxtdre: Granaries. Hoes and plows.
Sickles. Threshing. Winnowing. Grinding. Mortars. Fruits. Vineyards and
wine-vats. Olive-presses. The agricultural calendar. Domestic animals. Bees.
Birds. Hens.
1. Roads. — From the time cities were established in Palestine
there was more or less communication between them. Probably
in a small way commerce was carried on among some of them,
but no effort was made to construct roads, in the modern sense of
the term, until the Roman period.
(1) Early Paths.— Beiove that time all traveling was done on
foot or on the backs of donkeys and camels, and for such travel
a simple foot-path, made by continuous use, was all that was con-
sidered necessary. The roads constructed by the Romans have
long since fallen into a state of utter disrepair, so that, with the
exception of two or three roads that have been built in recent
years, the simple, rough foot-paths that have existed from time
immemorial still suffice for Palestinian travel. These paths are
often exceedingly rough. They were never surveyed and never
repaired. They were simply devoted to public use by immemorial
custom. If a landowner wished to raise grain in a field through
which one of these paths ran, he plowed up to the very edge of the
narrow path and put in his seed. There were neither fences nor
ditches to separate the road from the field. Fields traversed by
such roads are still very common in Palestine. It was along such a
road that Jesus and the disciples were traveling when they plucked
the ears of wheat on the Sabbath (Matt. 12 : 1; Mark 2 : 23; Luke
6:1). It was such a road to which Jesus alluded in the Parable of
the Sower: "Some seed fell by the wayside" (Matt. 13 :4; Mark
4 : 4; Luke 8:5). A rough path is shown in Fig. 67.
(2) Roman Roads. — After Palestine passed under the sway of
Rome in 63 B. c. a system of roads was built to connect the most
important places. We have no definite information about these
132
ROADS AND AGRICULTURE 133
from a source earlier than the Onomasticon of Eusebius/ which was
compiled before 340 a. d., but in all probability those on the west
of the Jordan were constructed before the time of Christ. There
were three main roads in this part of Palestine.^ One ran down the
sea-coast. Starting at Sidon, it passed southward through Tyre,
Sarepta (Zarephath, 1 Kings 17 : 10; Luke 4 : 26), Ptolemais
(Accho), Dor, Caesarea, Joppa, Lydda, Azotus (Ashdod), and
Askelon to Gaza. A branch road ran eastward from Tyre over the
hills of Galilee through Kedesh in Naphtali (Josh. 12 : 22; 20 : 7;
Judges 4:6), to Cffisarea Philippi (Matt. 16 : 13; Mark 8 : 27),
which was near the ancient Dan (Judges 18 : 29).
From Caesarea, on the sea-coast south of Dor, another branch
road ran southeastward through the valley of Aijalon up to the site
of Gibeah of Saul (1 Sam. 10 : 26; 11 : 4, etc.), where it joined the
road along the central ridge of the country; (see Fig. 68).
Starting from Damascus another road ran southward to Hyppos,
one of the cities of the Decapolis, which lay southeast of the
Sea of Galilee,^ crossed the Jordan on a bridge below the Sea of
Galilee (shown in Fig. 289), passed through Scythopolis, the
Beth-shean of the Old Testament (Josh. 17 : 11; 1 Sam. 31 : 10),
through Sychar (John 4:5), then southward along the central ridge
of the country, through Bethel and Ramah to Jerusalem. South
of Jerusalem it was continued to Bethlehem and Hebron. Four
miles north of Jerusalem it was joined by the road from Caesarea,
so that travelers from the coast and from the north entered Jeru-
salem over the same road. One can in many places still trace the
lines of Roman paving-stones which mark their courses. Thus
the juncture of the two roads just mentioned is still visible, and one
may stand on the hillside and feel sure that he is looking at the very
way over which Paul was taken to Caesarea by the Roman soldiers
the night after his arrest in Jerusalem (Acts 23 : 23, 24).
From Scythopolis (Beth-shean) another road ran southward
through the Jordan valley to Jericho. This was probably contin-
ued to Jerusalem. From Sebaste (Samaria) another road ran
northwestward through Dothan (Gen. 37 : 17; 2 Kings 6 : 13), to
Taanach, Megiddo, and the coast.
After Trajan overthrew the kingdom of the Nabathaeans, in 106
» See p. 85.
' See Thomsen in Zeitsckrift des deulschen Paldstina-Vereins, XXVI, 170. ff.
3 See Chapter XIV.
134 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
A. D., he built a road on the east of the Jordan, southward from
Damascus to the Red Sea. The Roman government kept these
roads in good order. They marked the distances by milestones,
some of which have survived to modern times; (Figs. 69, 71).
2. Agriculture was the chief occupation of the inhabitants of
Palestine. The cities were throughout its history simply the
walled residences of farmers. Such trade as developed at different
periods was always subordinate to agricultural pursuits. We can-
not expect exploration to furnish us with a complete view of ancient
Palestinian agriculture, but such glimpses as it does afford us are
most illuminating.
(1) Granaries. — In the excavation of Gezer^ it was found that
granaries formed an important class of buildings. Some of these
were connected with private houses and evidently belonged to
individuals, but some of them w^ere so large and so much grain
was found in them that it w'as rightly held that they must have
been public granaries. Some of these buUdings had been de-
stroyed by fire, and the charred grain, retaining its original shape,
was easily recognized. Most of the granaries were circular struc-
tures, such as are seen today dotting the fields of the maritime plain
of Palestine. They varied greatly in size. One was but 2 feet 8
inches in diameter; another was 4 feet 9 inches across and 6 feet 9
inches deep. One granary from the second Semitic stratum (170(>-
1350 B. c.) w^as connected with a house, and contained several
kinds of grain, each stored in a separate chamber; (Figs. 70, 72).
From such receptacles wheat, barley, oats, and beans were re-
covered, as well as three varieties of vetch, one of which was prob-
ably the "lentils" of Gen. 25 : 34; 2 Sam. 17 : 28; 23 : 11; and Ezek.
4 : 9. Barley is often mentioned in the Bible; the wheat is usually
there called "corn." Piles of straw and chaff, such as the modern
Palestinians call tibn, were also found.
(2). Hoes and Plows. — Naturally, the implements with which
the grain w^as cultivated have nearly all perished. In the first
place the ground had to be broken and prepared to receive the
seed. Remains of two different kinds of hoes were found at
Gezer, though the preparation of a sufficiently large area of ground
to bear grain to support cities cannot have been made with such
instruments; (see Fig. 73). From an early time the plow, which
is frequently mentioned in the Bible (see, for example, 1 Kings 19 :
1 Sec Macalister, Excavation oj Gezer, I. 199, f; II, 22, ff.
ROADS AND AGRICULTURE 135
19), was in use in Palestine. A number of plowshares were found
at Megiddo in the ruins of a blacksmith's shop, and a diamond-
shaped iron ring, from Gezer, may have been used to attach oxen
to a plow, and the. points of several ox-goads were found. The ox-
goad consisted, as it does today, of a long stick mto the end of
which a sharp iron point was fixed. It is alluded to in Acts 26 : 14.
As this goad was used in driving the oxen in plowing, it indicates
that plows were used. These plows were probably similar to* those
used at the time in Egypt; (see Figs. 76, 77).
(3) Sickles.—When the grain was ripe it was reaped with a
sickle (Deut. 16 : 9; Jer. 50 : 16; Joel 3 : 13). In the earlier
periods these were of flint; later they were made of bronza and
iron. Sickles of metal are, however, rarely found. They wxre
expensive, while flint was abundant and cheap. Flint sickle-
teeth were numerous, therefore, in all periods. The earliest sickles
were flints set in an animal's jaw-bone, or in a, curved piece of
wood similar to the Egyptian sickle shown in Figs. 74, 75.
(4) Threshing. — After the grain was cut it was taken to the
threshing-floor to be threshed. These floors were often a compara-
tively level portion of rock which formed a part of a high place
or sanctuary. Such was the threshing-floor of Araunah, the Jebu-
site, in 2 Sam. 24 : 18. It took several days to complete a threshing,
and as no one would think of stealing from a sacred place, the whole
community was protected by doing the threshing in its precincts.
Sometimes the cattle were driven about over the grain, as in
ancient Eg>qpt (see Fig. 79), and as is done, in modern Palestine
still; (see Fig. 78). This is the kind of threshing contemplated
in Deut. 25 : 4. At other times a kind of sledge drawn by cattle
was driven about over the grain. Oman (Araunah) was threshing
with such an mstrument (1 Chron. 21 : 23; 2 Sam. 24 : 22), and
allusion is made to one in Isa. 41 : 15; (see Fig. 80).
(5) Winnowing. — The grain was winnowed or cleansed of chaff
by being thrown up, as in Fig. 79. As it fell the wind blew the
chaff away. It is this process that John the Baptist used as an
illustration of the purging work of Christ (Matt. 3 : 12; Luke
3 :17).
(6) Grinding. — When the grain was cut, threshed, and winnowed,
there were no mills to which it could be taken for grinding. This
process had to be done in each home, and the labor of doing it
fell to the women of the household. -(See Exod. 11 : 5; Matt.
136 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE'
24 : 41 .) Grain was reduced to flour either by rubbing or by pound-
ing. The process of rubbing- or grinding was accomplished either
by a flat saddle-shaped stone over which another was rubbed (see
Figs. 81, 84), or by crushing between two stones, the top one of
which was revolved somewhat as a modern millstone (Fig. 82).
It required two women, as Jesus said, to grind at such a mill —
one to feed it, while the. other manipulated the rubbing stone.
Such stones were made of hard igneous rock procured from the
region east of the Sea of Galilee, and are called "querns." In the
different periods of the history of Palestine they varied in size and
shape, becoming round in the Seleucid period (323-63 b. c). The
upper stone was apparently rotated by twisting the wrist. It
could be thus turned half-way round and then back again. No
round millstones, with the topmost of the pair perforated, as
in the modern millstone, were found before the Arabic period,
637 A. D. Pictures of modern Syrian women turning this- per-
forated type of millstone do not, therefore, really illustrate, as
is often assumed, the women of the Bible as. they ground at the
mill.
Probably the millstone which crushed the head, of Abimelech
at Thebez (Judges 9 : 53) was the upper stone of a "saddle quern."
The importance of these millstones is recognized in Deut. 24 : 6,
which prohibits the taking of a mill or the upper millstone of a
poor man as- security, on the ground that that was the same as
taking a. man's life as security. The lower millstone was always
made of the harder stone. Because of this and of. the grinding
and pounding to which it was subjected it became a symbol of
firmness (Job 41 : 24).
(7) Mortor^.— Apparently the grain was also frequently crushed
by pounding it with a pestle in a mortar. So many of these made
of stone were found at Gezer that it is thought that these may
have been used more often than the millstones; (see Fig. 83).
(8) Fruits. — In the course of the excavation of Gezer dried figs,
grapes, pomegranates, and olives were found. All of these are
mentioned in the Bible, as, for example, in Cant. 2 : 13; Rev. 6 : 13;
Gen. 40 : 11; Num. 13 : 23; Micah 6 : 15. In one trench what
appeared to be a pile of charred pistachio nuts was found. Acorns,
terebinth, and apricot seeds were also discovered. ^ Of these fruits,
those which left the most archaeological evidence of their existence
' See Macalister, Excavation oj Gezer, II, 22, f.
ROADS AND AGRICULTURE 137
are just those that are most frequently mentioned in the Bible, —
the grape and the olive.
(9) Vineyards and Wine-vats. — The grape is often alluded to
in the Bible, and directions are given as to how one may conduct
himself m a vineyard (Deut. 23 : 24) and as to how thoroughly
one might glean his vines (Lev. 25 : 5). The most complete de-
scription of a. vineyard is in Isa. 5 : 1-8. The one feature of that
description that would survive for an archaeologist to discover is
the wine-vat. These vats were often cut in the solid rock, and
many of them have been found, both in excavating and in trav-
eling over the country. The vats for pressing grapes and other
fruits may be distinguished from olive-presses because they lack
all arrangements for mechanical pressing. The grapes were trodden
with the feet, and as the juice was pressed out it ran down into a
deeper portion of the vat. Some of these vats are surrounded by
"cup-marks" or hollow places cut in the stone in order to hold
pointed-bottomed jars upright. Sometimes the cup-marks are con-
nected with the maui vat by tiny channels, through which any of
the grape-juice that might drain from the outside of the jar, after
the jar had been dipped in the vat, might run back; (see Fig. 87).
(10) Olive-presses. — Similarly, olive-presses are very numerous
in Palestine. Presses were found in the stratum of the cave-
dj\'ellers of Gezer. The olive industry is, accordingly, very old.
Olive-presses comprised, in addition to the vat, an upright stone
with a large hole in it. In this hole a beam was inserted. This
beam rested on the olives which were to be pressed, extending
far beyond the receptacle contaming the olives, and weights
were hung on the end farthest from the stone; (see Fig. 88).
Palestine in ancient times, as now, was covered with olive orchards,
many of which had oil-presses. Such an orchard was called a
"garden." The Garden of Gethsemane, the scene of one of the most
sacred incidents of the life of Christ (Matt. 26 : 36; Mark 14 : 32),
was an olive orchard and took its name from the oil-press. Geth-
semane means "oil-press." Wine-vats and oil-presses were of
various types, but into their forms there is not space to enter
herei; (see Figs. 85, 86).
The prominent place held by wine and oil among the agricul-
' The reader who cares to pursue the subject is reiferred to Macalister's Excavatinn of Gezer, II,
48, tf., and Sellin's Tell Taanek, 61, f.. and Bliss and MacaUstei's Excavations in Paksline, 1898-
1900, pp. 193, 196, f., 208, 227, and 248.
138 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
tural products of the country is indicated by the receipts for the
storage of various quantities of these articles which were fovmd at
Samaria.
(11) The Agricultural Calendar. — In the books of the old Testa-
ment the names applied to the months are, for the most part,
names derived from Babylonia, but it appears that at Gezer they
had a series of names for the months based on their agricultural
year. In the stratum which contained remains from the time of
the Hebrew monarchy, lOOQ-550 b. c, an inscription was found
which, though the end was broken away, contained the following
names for the months:
1. Month of ingathering. (See Exod. 23: 16; 34:22.)
2. Month of sowing.
3. Month of the late [sowing ?].
4. Month of the flax-han^est.
5. Month of the barley-harvest. (See Ruth 2: 23; 2 Sam. 21:9.)
6. Month of the harvest of all [other grains ?J.
7. Month of pruning [vines].
8. Month of summer-fruit [figs].
This calendar, beginning in October, still conforms to the agri-
cultural pursuits of the year. It also gives us archaeological evi-
dence of the culture of flax by the ancient Israelites. (See Josh.
2:6; Prov. 31 : 13; Hosea 2 : 5, 9.)
(12) Domestic Animals. — The domestic animals of ancient Pal-
estine may be traced in part by their bones found in various excava-
tions, and in part by the pictures of them drawn in caves and tombs.
The domestic animals most often mentioned in the Bible are asses,
cattle, sheep, goats, and camels. Bones, pictures, or models of these
were found in all the strata of Gezer.^ There seem to have been a
variety of cows ; the breeds varied in the different periods. No horse
bones were found until the third Semitic period (1350-1000 b. c).
It was, perhaps, during that period that the horse was introduced
by the Hittites, who appear to have brought it from Turkestan,
where its bones have been found in much earlier strata.^ The
ass was, however, the common beast of burden in Palestine, and
bones of horses are rare until the Greek period. A number of
figures of horses' heads with tlieir bridles were found, as well as a
horse's bit, and the picture of a horse and his rider. The pig was a
• See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, JI, 1-15.
s See Purapclly, Excavalions in Turkestan, Washington, 1908, p. 384, f.
ROADS AND AGRICULTURE 139
domesticated animal of the primitive cave-dwellers of Gezer, who
appear to have offered swine in sacrifice, but pig-bones are rarely
found in the Semitic strata. As swine were unclean to all Semites,
this is not strange. The dog appears to have been half-domesti-
cated, as the Bible implies, as his bones were employed for making
prickers and similar tools, but no pictures or models of dogs are
known to the writer. Probably they were of the half-wild pariah
type. Certainly they were not held in high esteem. (See 1 Sam.
17 : 43; 2 Sam. 16 : 9.) For illustrations, see Figs. 89-92.
(13) Bees. — A number of inverted jars, each pierced with a num-
ber of circular holes, were found. It seems probable that these
were rude beehives. Before the Israelites settled in Palestine
they knew it as "a land flowing with milk and honey" (Exod. 3 : 8,
17; Num. 14 : 8; 16 : 13, 14; Deut. 6 : 3), and their view was, we
are told, shared by others (2 Kings 18 : 32). It is not surprising,
therefore, to find evidences of bee culture; (see Fig. 95).
(14) Birds. — As to birds, it is doubtful whether they had any
domesticated ones before the Babylonian Exile. A rude picture of
an ostrich painted on a potsherd was found at Gezer, as well as
some painted fragments of ostrich-egg shell. The ostrich is men-
tioned in the Old Testament (Job 39 : 13; Lam. 4:3), but as a wild
bird. The Palestinians knew it as a bird that might be hunted.
They sometimes gathered the eggs of wild birds to eat (Deut. 22 : 6;
Isa. 10 : 14). These were, perhaps, sometimes ostrich-eggs. The
modern Arabs make a kind of omelette of ostrich-eggs. The ostrich
was certamly not a domestic bird.
At Gezer, too, a clay bird was found, or, rather, a small jar made
in the form of a bird. The object was so realistic that holes were
left in the clay wings for the insertion of feathers; (Fig. 93). The
bird bears some resemblance to a duck, figures of which were found
at Megiddo,^ but the duck may have been wild. One clay head of a
goose or swan was also found, but had the bird been domesticated
there would probably have been more traces of it.
(15) Hens. — ^The one domestic bird that can be traced in Pales-
tine is the hen, and hens were not introduced until after the Exile.
Hens seem to have been first domesticated in India. They are
not mentioned in the Rig Veda, but the Aryans seem to have come
into contact with them when they settled in the valley of the Ganges
about 1000 B. c. The Yajur and Atharva Vedas mention the cock.
1 See Schumacher, Mutesellim, p. 89.
140 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
The hen is a domesticated Bankiva fowl, which also "exists in a
wild state in India. From India the hen was domesticated east-
ward to China, and westward to Persia. There is a possible pic-
ture of a cock on a sculpture of Sennacherib, which would indicate
that the bird was known in Assyria at the beginning of the seventh
century before Christ. Another is pictured on some Babylonian
gems from the time of Nabuna'id, about 550 b. c. Pictures of
cocks, three of them somewhat doubtful, are found on Babylonian
seals of the Persian period.^ The domesticated hen, traveling by
way of the Black Sea, reached Asia Minor as early as the eighth
century b. c.^
There is, however, no evidence of the presence of the hen in
Palestine before the Greek period. Neither hen nor cock is men-
tioned in the Old Testament. In a tomb discovered by Peters and
Thiersch in 1902, near Tell Sandahanna, the Marissa of the Seleucid
period and the Moresheth-gath of Micah 1 : 14, a number of cocks
are pictured; (Fig. 94). The tomb, constructed about 200 b. c, con-
tains a number of Greek inscriptions.^ In agreement with this
evidence is also the fact that at Taanach there was found in a late
pre- Arabic stratum the skeleton of a hen with an egg.'' Before
New Testament times, then, the hen had become a domestic fowl
in Palestine. Every one would accordingly understand the lament
of Christ, "How often would I have gathered thy children together,
even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye, would
not!" (Matt. 23 : 37). The cock was so universally kept at this
time that one of the divisions of the night was called the "cock-
crowing" (Mark 13 : 35). It was the mark of the progress of the
night afforded by the habits of the cock that was used by Jesus in
predicting Peter's denial (Matt. 26 : 34; Mark 14 :30; Luke 22 :
34; John 13 : 38), and it was the recalling of this prediction by the
crowing of the cock that brought Peter to repentant tears (Matt.
26 : 74; Mark 14 : 68, 72; Luke 22 : 60; John 18 : 27).
1 Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, p. 422, and Nos. 554, 556, 1126, and 1254.
2 Sec Dr. John P. Peters' article "The Cock" in the Journal of the American Oriental Society,
Vol. XXXIII, pp. 36.V396.
' See Peters and Thiersch, The Painted Tombs of Marissa, London, 1905.
* See Sellin, Tell Taamk, 61, f.
CHAPTER VIII
POTTERY
Importance of Pottery. Pre-Semitic Pottery. First Semitic Pottery to 1800
B. c. Pottery of Second Semitic Period. Third Semitic Period. Israelitish
or Fourth Semitic Period. Hellenistic Period.
1. Importance of Pottery. — In all parts of the world the makmg
of clay jars and receptacles is one of the earliest arts to be discovered,
and Palestine was no exception to the rule. In Palestine such jars
were particularly useful, as the water for each family had to be
carried from the nearest spring to the house. It was natural that,
in a country which had so long a history as Palestine, and over
which the influences of so many diverse civilizations swept, there
should be a considerable variety in the types of pottery in differ-
ent periods. Indeed, it is now recognized that the differences in
these types are so marked that in the absence of other criteria it
is possible approximately to date a stratum of the remains of any
ancient city by the type of pottery found in it. Since this is so, a
brief outline of the different t>T3es is not out of place here, although
these differences have little or no bearing upon the interpretation
of the Bible. Only a brief statement is here attempted. Those
who wish to study the subject more fully are referred to more ex-
tended works.i The classifications of pottery made by the leading
experts differ, as they have been written at different times and as
the excavations have continually enlarged the material. The classi-
fication presented in the following pages is mainly that of Macalister,
based on the work at Gezer and on previous excavations.
2. Pre-Semitic Pottery. — There is first, then, the pottery of the
pre-Semitic cave-dwellers. This pottery is made out of clay that
was in no way cleansed or refined. It was made by hand, the larger
jars having been built up little by little. The vessel, after receiv-
ing such ornament as the potter desired, was usually fired, though
sometimes simply sun-dried. In firing the heat was often dis-
1 Especial mention may be made of the {oUowing: Petrie, Tell el-Hesy; Bliss and Macalister,
Excavations in Palestine, i8q8-iqoo. Part II; Vincent, Canaan d'apr&s Vexploration ricente, Paris,
1907, Chapter V. and Macalister, The Excavation o/ Gezer II, 128-231.
141
142 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
tributed very irregularly, so that the surface was not all of the
same color. The jars were of moderate size, fiat on the bottom,
globular, conical, or cylindrical in shape. They had concave necks
and handles. The handles were of two kinds — "ledge" handles and
''loop" handles. A "ledge" handle consists of a piece of clay pinched
into a flat projecting ledge and then baked hard. A "loop" handle
is one fastened to the jar at both ends, similar to the handle of a
pitcher. Bowls or saucers were also sometimes made with "ledge"
handles; (see Fig. 97).
The most common ornamentation of the pottery of this period
was made by combing the clay with wooden combs notched with
teeth of greater or less fineness. Sometimes the marks left by the
comb were perpendicular, sometimes horizontal, and sometimes
diagonal. One other type of ornament was exhibited in the pottery
of the cave-dwellers. That was either an incised representation
of a rope or cord, or a moulded imitation of one of these. This
ornamentation was probably suggested by the ropes or cords which
were bound about the vessel before it was fired, to prevent its fall-
ing apart. At first the only coloring was a Ibae of brick-red around
the rims of jugs and saucers. The most advanced stage is reached
in Fig. 96, where a network of red lines cross each other diagonally.
The tint of the red varies a good deal, but this may be due to the
unequal firing already mentioned.
A few specimens of burnished pottery were found in the caves.
This burnishing consisted m rubbing the surface of the vessel with
strokes of a smooth bone or stone. In some cases the vessel was
dipped in a whitish wash after it was fired. This adhered to it
everywhere except on the bottom.
3. First Semitic Pottery to 1800 B. C— The pottery of the first
Semitic period, which terminated about 1800 b. c, is of a finer t^-pe.
The larger pieces were made on a wheel, as were many of the smaller
ones. The wheel was rotated with the left hand, while the potter
moulded the vessel with the right. The result was a much more
shapely type of work than in the previous period. In the pre-
Semitic period limestone clays were employed; in this period, sand-
stone clays. Many of the objects, like those of the preceding pe-
riod, were of a drab color, though the tints of some of them ranged
from a rich brownish red to orange. The patches of color in these
vessels were probably due to unequal heat in firing.
In size and shape the vessels presented a great variety. There
POTTERY 143
were large jars with flat bottoms, inverted conical bodies, and more
or less abruptly rounded shoulders; (see Fig. 100). The mouth
was wide and circular and surrounded by a flat, widely expanding
rim. These jars averaged about two feet in height. There were
many pitchers made in this period. They were large and small and
of a great variety of shapes. Such pitchers present similar char-
acteristics, whether found at Gezer or Megiddo; (see Figs. 98, 99).
Ledge and loop handles were common on the pitchers of this period,
but "pillar" and "button"^ handles were also sometimes found; (see
Figs. 105, 106). The ornamentation of pottery showed some ad-
vance over the preceding period. In addition to the rope motifs,
decoration formed by combinations of lines was also found. One
particularly fine type of pottery belonging to this period was found
at Gezer. It was never found in the caves or m the higher strata.
Vessels of this ware were usually found in groups, indicating that
they were the possessions of the rich. The clay was well cleaned,
the shapes distinctive (see Fig. 104), and the ware was always cov-
ered with a cream-like coating. Saucers and bowls were common
in this period. The comb was still used in ornamenting pottery,
though sometimes it produced only a series of dots. All surfaces
were usually burnished, though naturally this was much more
thoroughly done in the expensive than in the cheaper wares.
4. Pottery of Second Semitic Period.— During the second Se-
mitic period, 1800-1400 b. c, trade was carried on with countries
beyond the sea, especially with Cyprus. There was probably also
some trade with Egypt and Crete, but the influence of Cyprus was
most potent in the pottery. In this period, probably owing to
foreign influence, the potters' wheel worked by foot was introduced.
This left both hands of the workman free and resulted in a great
improvement of the ware. There was in this period a great variety
in the material used. The cheaper vessels were made of a rough
clay, fuU of grits of black colored sand or flints, which burned
black in the middle of the clay and a reddish or yellowish drab on
the surface. At least seven other finer types of ware were found
at Gezer.2 One of these was a ware made of a briUiant saffron-
yellow clay, which was enriched with painted decoration in bold
black lines. This was probably of foreign origin. In this period
the jar with pointed bottom, long conical body, well rounded
1 A "button" handle is a "ledge" handle made into a round knob.
* See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 158.
144 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
shoulders, short concave neck, continuous circular mouth, with
an expanded rim, though much narrower than in the preceding
period, is the most common type. Jugs with pointed bottoms also
became common, though there was a great variety in the shapes of
jugs. Ledge handles had almost entirely disappeared in this period.
Jars generally had two loop handles, and sometimes four, though
occasionally they had none at all. "Button" handles are com-
paratively uncommon; the loop handle is the style most generally
used. "Ear" handles, both vertical and transverse, are also com-
mon; (see Figs. 101-103, and 105).
The most striking feature of the pottery of this period is the
increase in the variety of ornamentation and the introduction of
the pictures of animals and birds as ornamental motifs. This was
due, no doubt, to foreign influence. The best specimens of this
type of ornamentation so far published are from Gezer, though
it is found elsewhere.
All kinds of vessels were made of clay during this period: jars,
jugs, pitchers, bowls, saucers, drmking-cups, etc., etc. Many of
the potters signed their work with a peculiar mark. This mark
was sometimes an impression of the potter's finger, sometimes
linear devices of various kinds scratched on the handle, and some-
times the impression of an inscribed Egyptian scarab, usually of
the period of the Middle Kingdom or the Hyksos time. Jar handles
marked with scarabs were also found at Jericho; (Figs. 118, 119).
5. Third Semitic Period. — The third Semitic period, 1400 to
1000 B. c, while its wares sometunes differed in form from those
of the preceding period, is mainly marked off from the second
period by a general degeneration in style. No great differences are
noticeable in the kinds of clay employed. The jars have, as a rule,
a less pointed bottom than in the preceding period; (Fig. 110). The
combed decoration is rare, and the burnishing of the jars is both
less frequent and less skilful than in the precedmg period. There
is an increase in the tendency to use painted ornamentation, which
frequently consists of zigzag Unes. Rough, conventionaUzed repre-
sentations of palm trees are also common. In the last part of the
period Cretan influences are traceable. This was probably due to
the commg of the Philistines.^ Potters' marks continue, but scarabs
are less often used in making them than in the preceding period.
The various kinds of vessels made seem to have been as great
iSee Chapter V, p. 115, f., and Figs. 108, 109.
POTTERY 145
as in the preceding period. A clay funnel or bottle-filler was also
found in this period; (see Fig. 114).
6. Israelitish or Fourth Semitic Period. — ^In the fourth Semitic,
or the Israelitish period, 1000-600 b. c, the method of manufac-
ture remained the same as before, and but little difference can be
discerned in the clays employed. There seems, however, to have
been a steady decline in excellence. The large jar with pointed
bottom is still found, but there is a tendency to broaden the bot-
tom, while retaining the convex form. Thus toward the close of
the period a type of jar, conical in form, but with the apex of the
cone at the top instead of at the bottom, is found. The types of
pottery of this time may be seen by examining the forms found
in the Hebrew stratum at Jericho (Figs. 107, 112, 113), and
from a temple at Megiddo of the same period. (Fig. 111.) The
forms and kinds of vessels found in this period are numerous.
Painted ornamentation consists, as a rule, merely of rings around
the vessel, though sometimes zigzags made very carelessly are also
found. Bird ornamentation, so frequent in the third period, en-
tirely disappears in this. The potters still employed marks. These
are of the same general character as in the earlier period, though
the scarab stamp entirely disappeared from Gezer and the use of
other seals became common. These were most often a simple
device of stars, or names written in the old Hebrew script. At
Jericho the scarab stamp was still employed; (see Figs. 115, 117).
Some jar handles inscribed with Hebrew letters were found
at Gezer in a stratum that was pre-exilic. A series of them was
also found at the tells excavated by Bliss and Macalister in
the Shephelah in the years 1898-1900— Es-Safi, Judeideh, and
Zakariyeh. These handles, in addition to the impression of a
seal, contained the words, "to the king," in Hebrew letters, and
the names of the cities, Hebron, Socho, Ziph, and Mamsheth.
The first three of these are well-known Judsean towns; the last
is unidentified. Sir Charles Warren found some similar stamps
near the temple area at Jerusalem. There has been much dis-
cussion as to the date of the handles bearing these stamps.
Since nothing of the kind was found at Megiddo and Taanach, it
has been inferred that this kind of jar handle came into existence
after the overthrow of the kingdom of Israel in the year 722 b. c.
It may be that the "king" referred to is the king of Judah, and that
these stamps come from the last days of the kingdom of Judah.
146 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Scholarly opinion is, however, divided, some authorities contending
that they come from the time after the Exile. The date is not
entirely certain; (see Fig. 116).^
7. Hellenistic Period. — In the time after the Exile there is not
much change m the character of the pottery until after the con-
quest of Alexander the Great. The influx of influences from the
Grffico-jMacedonian world affected the whole life of the land, and
was reflected also in its pottery. As in the second and third
Semitic periods, there were importations of pottery from abroad,
though at this time the importations were from regions affected by
Greek art. The Palestinian potters of this period had, therefore,
the best models. The use of the potters' wheel was all but universal,
and the wares were burned hard. A pile of these potsherds, when
struck with a stick, emits a distinct musical "clink," which is not
the case with potsherds from the earlier periods. The clay employed
was the finest and most homogeneous of any used in Palestinian
pottery, and there is a general tendency, especially in the cities
near the coast, to follow classical models; (see Figs. 122, 125).
Jars have rounded or bluntly pointed bases, vertical sides, flat-
tened or oblique shoulders, and round mouths. There are two
loop handles just under the shoulders. Another form, probably
suggested by Rhodian amphorae, has a long, tapering base; (see
Fig. 120).
It is impossible in the space that can be devoted to this topic to
enumerate all the kinds of vessels that were made in this period or
the variety of their forms. Only a few characteristic features can be
noted. The cooking pots of this time have a very distinctive form.
They have a globular base, globular body, short, wide neck, and a
rounded continuous mouth ; (see Fig. 122^'). The body of the vessel
is often ribbed with horizontal flutmgs. Small jugs and vases were
very common; some of them had very characteristic forms. Jugs
of this period found at Jericho had a funnel at the side through
which liquid could be poured into them.
As in the preceding period, jar handles were frequently stamped
with the mark of the potter. These were now often Greek letters,
though those so stamped were apparently imported from foreign
countries. At Jericho ten jar handles were found stamped with the
1 For discussions of the subject, see Bliss and Macalistcr, Excavations in Palesline. iSqS-iqoo,
106-123; Macalister in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1905, 243 and
328; also Excavation ofCezer, II, 209, ff., and Vincent, Canaan d'apres Vexploration ricente, pp. 357-
360
POTTERY 147
name "]ah" and three stamped with the name "J^hu."^ Both Jah
(see Psa. 68 : 4) and Jahu are abbreviations of the name Jehovah,
and probably are so to be understood here. They often formed
part of a personal name — thus Elijah, "My God is Jah."
From the second Semitic period onward, filters were made by
piercing the bottom of a jug with holes. These became more com-
mon in the third Semitic period, but this sort of device reached its
full development in the Hellenistic period, which we are now con-
sidering. Various forms of strainers were found, as shown in Fig.
123, and one very elaborate filter; (see Fig. 121).
With the coming of the Romans in 63 b. c, new influences were
introduced into the civilization of Palestine. In time these influ-
ences modified the pottery, but it is doubtful whether they had
an appreciable effect until after the New Testament times. Pots
from the Roman period found at Gezer (see Fig. 124) differ from
those of the Hellenistic period chiefly in having bottoms that are
more nearly flat. By the time of the Emperor Constantine a change
can be noted, so that pottery of the Byzantine period (325-637
A. D.) has characteristics of its own. That period, however, lies
beyond the range of Biblical history.
In the study of pottery one of the most interesting topics is the
evolution of the lamp. The earliest lamps were simply wicks
stuck into a saucer of oil and ignited. Of course, the wick would
easily fall down into the oil and the light would be extinguished.
The earliest device to prevent this was to make the saucer of irregu-
lar shape, with a slight notch in one side in which the wick could lie.
(See the right-hand lamp in Fig. 127.) As time went on this rest-
ing-place for the wick developed more and more into a spout. (See
Fig. 126 and the left-hand lamp in Fig. 127.)
This form of lamp was known as early as the first Semitic period,
and persisted with slight development down through the Israelitish
time; (see Fig. 128). Its development was not, however, uni-
form in all parts of the country. Israelitish lamps found at Jericho
appear to be simply saucers with two or more indentations in the
rim; (see Fig. 132). Perhaps in these more than one wick was
used. In the Hellenistic period two improvements in the making
of lamps occurred. The first consisted in a stiU further devel-
opment of the spout until its sides almost met and formed nearly
a closed vessel. The second improvement was, perhaps, due to
I See Sellin, Jericlto, p. 156.
148 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
outside influences. It consisted in making the saucer small and
covered. In the middle of the cover was a small round hole into
which the oil was poured; at one side a spout protruded and the
wick came out through this; (see Fig. 131), The top of such
lamps was ornamented with various designs.
In the Byzantine and Arabic periods the same general style of
lamp was used, but the shape and ornamentation of each period were
different, so that they can easily be distinguished; (see Fig. 129).
After the country became Christian the ornamentation on the
lamps was often made with Greek letters. These were made in
ornamental forms and usually expressed some Christian sentiment.
One of the most popular legends for these Christian lamps was:
"The light of Christ shines for all"; (see Fig. 130).
It was lamps such as these, probably of the Hellenistic t\T3e, to
which Christ alluded in the parable of the wise and foolish virgins
(Matt. 25 : 1-12). Such a lamp would not contain oil enough to
burn all night, so that to carry it to a prolonged wxdding-feast
without a supply of oil was a powerful example of improvidence.
CHAPTER IX
UTENSILS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS
Utensils: Ovens. Baking-trays. Bowls, etc. Feeding-bottles. Glassware,
Spoons. Forks or Flesh-hooks. Needles. Spinning "Whorls." Lamp-stands
Keys. Knives. Saws. Chisels. Awls. Axes. Adzes. Whetstones. Files. Ham
mers. Nails. Baskets. Arrows. Spears. Swords. Fish-hooks. Styli. Seals
The "Pipe." Harps. The Dulcimer. Lyres. Children's toys. Personal Orna
MENTs: Combs. Perfume-boxes. Spatulas for eye-paint, etc. Fibulae. Beads,
Necklaces. Bracelets. Anklets. Rings.
1. Utensils. — The term "utensil" is of wide application. The
utensils of agriculture and the hand-mills for grinding grain have
been described in Chapter VII. Among the devices used in con-
nection with Palestinian houses one of the most important was the
oven.
(1) Ovens. — The ovens of ancient Palestine were of the same
kind as those used by the peasantry of that country today. Each
consists of a cylinder of baked earth about 2 feet in diameter and
1^ inches thick. It is closed by a cover of the same material, in
which a stone or lump of clay has been embedded as a handle.
There is rarely any bottom except the bare earth. The loaves,
which were fiat discs, were usually placed inside, either on the
ground covered with clean pebbles or on a baking-tray. Sometimes
the loaves were plastered over the outside of the oven. In this
case the fire was built inside and might consist of grass (Matt. 6 : 30;
Luke 12 : 28). The fire was usually heaped about the outside of
the oven, and often consisted of dried manure. It is this use of
manure as fuel that is alluded to in Ezek. 4 : 12-15 — a passage that
has sometimes been greatly misunderstood. Such ovens were fre-
quently found in all the strata. In Fig. 133 two varieties of ovens
are shown. The one at the left hand is made of plain tile ; the other
is covered over with potsherds, to make it retain the heat longer.
Sometimes in large houses groups of several ovens were found
together.
Ovens are frequently referred to in the Bible, sometimes as sym-
bols of things that are hot. (See Lev. 11 : 35; 26 : 26; Psa. 21 : 9;
149
150 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Hosea 7:4, 6, 7.) Once a much-used oven is a symbol of black-
ness (Lam. 5 : 10).
(2) Baking-trays, consisting of discs of baked clay about 10
inches in diameter, were also found. These were usually turned up
at the edges, and frequently perforated in order better to admit the
heat to the under side of the loaf. One specimen was found burnt
through with constant use. These trays were most numerous at
Gezer in the second and third Semitic periods. They were found
at Jericho in the Jewish stratum; (see Fig. 134).
(3) Bowls, etc.—\n Chapter VIII, under the head of Pottery,
the jars, pitchers, clay bowls, saucers, and cups which were used
about Palestinian homes have already been described. Bowls
and saucers of stone were also employed from the earliest times.
They were far less fragile, though more expensive. Probably
the dishes used by the common people were in all periods made of
clay. After the introduction of metal, however, the wealthy often
had dishes of bronze (see Fig. 135), and sometimes of silver. A
Philistine grave at Gezer yielded some silver dishes of beautiful
workmanship; (see Figs. 137, 141).
(4) Feeding-bottles. — A number of curiously shaped jars with
spouts were found at Gezer; (see Fig. 139). Mr. Macalister was
at a loss to explain their use unless they were feeding-bottles. The
only other suggestion that he makes is that they were lamps, but
they are so different from the lamps of the time, that that possi-
bility seems to be excluded. Sellin thought similar objects found
by him were vessels for pouring oil. This may have been their
purpose.
(5) Glassware.— Vessels of glass are very rare in Palestine until
Roman times. In the remains of the third Semitic period at Gezer
fragments of ornamented glass vessels, which had been imported
from Egypt, were found. The ornamentation consisted of zig-
zag lines. Clear glass first appears in the Israelitish period, but
it was rare and inartistic. After the coming of the Romans it be-
came more common. For examples of its use, see the ointment
vessels in Fig. 138.
(6) Spoons. — The spoons of the poor were in all periods appar-
ently adapted from shells, as shown in Fig. 136, but the more
wealthy, especially when under the influence of more artistic for-
eigners, had ladles of metal that seem very modern; (see Fig.
141). These objects are from a Philistine tomb.
UTENSILS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS 151
(7) Forks or Flesh-hooks. — Forks were in existence, as shown in
Fig. 140, but were used not to eat with, but to handle meat when it
was cooking. The one with three prongs in Fig. 143 reminds one of
the "flesh-hook of three teeth" that the servant of Hophni and
Phinehas, sons of Eli, thrust into the caldron of seething sacrificial
flesh, in order to obtain the priest's portion (1 Sam. 2 : 13, 14).
(8) Needles, both of bone and bronze, were found. They
were employed from the earliest times in such sewing as was
necessary. The way the eyes were made may be seen in Fig.
142. These give vivid reality to the saying of Christ 'Tt is
easier for a camel to go through a needle's eye than for a rich man
to enter into the kingdom of God" (Matt. 19 : 24; Mark 10 : 25;
Luke 18 : 25).
(9) Spinning ''Whorls^ — Spinning m ancient Palestine, as now,
was done in the simplest possible manner. A tapering spindle was
made of wood. To this was attached a "whorl" — either a stone or
a lump of baked clay — m order to give the spindle momentum when
whirled. The wool was held in the hand, a bit of it twisted into a
thread with the fingers and attached to the spindle. Then more
of the wool was pulled out and held in the hand while the spindle
and whorl were given a twist with the other hand and allowed to
twist the wool into thread. The process was repeated again and
again. The writer has seen women in the East spinning while on a
journey. Many of the spindle whorls, made both of stone and of
clay, have been found by excavators; (see Figs. 144, 145).
(10) Lamp-stands. — In one of the palaces at Megiddo a number of
bronze tripods of various sorts were found; (see Fig. 148). The
tallest of these were 13 j and 14 inches in height. They were in-
tended to support either bowls or lamps. They are the kind of
"stand" mentioned in Matt. 5 : 15 (R. V. — the King James Version
called it a "candlestick"), on which men, when they lighted a
lamp, placed it so that it might "give light to all that are in
the house." Probably the poor had some less expensive form of
lamp-stand.
(11) Keys in Palestine were often large, clumsy affairs. They
were probably most often made of wood, and were much bet-
ter fitted to be carried on the shoulder, as a wood-chopper often
carries his axe, than to be carried in a pocket. This is why
Isaiah (22 : 22) speaks of laying the key of the house of David on
the shoulder of Eliakim. Of course, all wooden kevs of the Biblical
152 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
time have decayed. Iron keys from the Hellenistic time were
found at Gezer, two of which are shown in Figs. 146, 147.
(12) Knives. — One of the first implements made by man as
he emerges from savagery is the knife. The earliest knives of
Palestine were of flint, which is in that country very abundant.
Flint knives are made by taking a cone of flint that will easily flake,
and skilfully striking the top of it such a blow that a ribbon having
a sharp edge is split off. At Gezer one of these cones, left by an
ancient flint knife-maker, was found; (see Fig. 154). After the
introduction of bronze in the first Semitic period, 2500-1800 b. c,
knives were often made of that; (see Fig. 151). When, about 1000
B. c, iron came in, it, too, was employed for knife-making; (see Fig.
150). Flint knives were always cheaper than those of metal and
were probably always employed by the common people. Knives
are referred to in the Bible as the implements for slaying sacrifices
(Gen. 22 : 6, 10), and in various other connections. (See, for
example, Ezek. 5 : 1, 2.) Flint knives were preferred for the rite of
circumcision (Exod. 4 : 25 and Josh. 5:2,3); (see Fig. 149),
(13) Saws. — Ribbon-flint knives easily pass into saws when the
edge is irregular. A number of these came to light in the course
of the excavation of Gezer. Saws are referred to in 2 Sam. 12 : 31
and in 1 Kings 7 : 9. Saws made of thm, flexible strips of metal
existed. These were set in wooden frames. Very meager frag-
ments of these have been found.
(14) Chisels were fairly common at Gezer in all strata after
the introduction of bronze. They were made usually of bronze,
even after the introduction of iron, although iron chisels were
found. As the chisel is one of the most necessary tools of a car-
penter, our Lord must often have used one in the days before his
mmistry; (see Fig. 152).
(15) Awls. — The awl is also a very useful tool. In ancient Gezer
they were often set in bone handles. Modern Palestinian carpen-
ters employ a heated awl to make a hole in timber without splitting
it. As ancient carpenters probably had the same custom, the
awl was also one of the implements often used by Christ; (Fig. 157).
(16) Axes were found from the second Semitic stratum onward.
Those from the earlier time were made, of course, of bronze; the
later ones of iron. In a few the butt of the axe-head was perforated
to receive a thong to lash it to the helve. How necessary this was is
shown by such passages as Deut. 19 : 5 and 2 Kings 6:5. A
UTENSILS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS 153
bronze double-edged axe was also found in the second Semitic
stratum; (see Fig. 160).
(17) Adzes. — A few specimens of the adze were also found;
(see Fig. 161). One of these was of bone.
(18) Whetstones. — Tools, of course, needed sharpening, and
various specimens of whetstones were found; (see Fig. 158). It
is difficult to distinguish these from "rubbing-stones," which were
used when bathing to rub hardened skin from the body. The same
stone may at times have served both purposes.
(19) Files. — A bronze file was made by perforating a tube of
bronze with holes and leaving the rough edges made in the per-
foration protruding; (see Fig. 153). These were probably used,
however, for crumbing bread, and not for sharpening tools.
(20) Hammers. — Many stone hammers from every period of
Palestinian history have been found. The stone hammer seems to
have persisted even after the introduction of metal. Bronze ham-
mers are rare. Probably the hammer with which Jael killed Sisera
(Judges 4 : 21; 5 : 26) was of stone; also the one referred to in Jer.
23 : 29; (see Fig. 155).
(21) Nails have been found in profusion, made both of bronze
and of iron; (see Fig. 159). As soon as iron was introduced into
the country it was generally employed in making nails. Christ,
as a carpenter, must have employed a hammer, and often have
driven nails.
(22) Baskets are used in Palestine, as in other countries, for all
sorts of purposes. They are frequently referred to- in the Bible.
(See Deut. 26 : 2, 4; 28 : 5, 17; Judges 6 : 19; Amos 8 : 1, 2.) The
basket of the modern Palestmian peasant is usually made by sewing
together a coil of rope made of straw or reeds. After the mat thus
formed has become large enough for the bottom of the basket, it is
given an upward turn to form the sides. In excavating the water-
passage at Gezer interesting evidence came to light of the existence
of such baskets in ancient times. One of them had been left on
some soft earth in the tunnel, and, although the basket itself had
long ago decayed, the form of it was still visible on the hardened
clod on which it had rested; (see Fig. 163).
(23) Arrows. — Of implements of warfare some portions have
survived. One of these was the arrow, which is mentioned more
than fifty times in the Bible, and is employed in many metaphors.
Arrows were made of a light perishable shaft to which an arrow-
154 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
head of flint or bronze was attached. This head terminated in a
point, which inflicted the wound. Arrow-heads were found in the
Palestinian strata later than the cave-dwellers; (Figs. 164, 165, 166).
(24) Spears. — The spear consisted of a long shaft with a metal
head, that could be thrown at an enemy. It is often called a
javelin. Such weapons are alluded to in the Bible almost as often
as arrows. The excavations have yielded a good variety of bronze
spear-heads; (see Fig. 167).
(25) Swords. — The swords of ancient Palestine were used for
thrusting rather than for cuttmg. (See 1 Sam. 31 : 5; 2 Sam. 2 :
16.) The blades are, therefore, short and pointed; (see Fig. 166).
Sometimes the edges are actually thickened. A fine scimitar,
foimd in a tomb in which other objects revealed Mycenean in-
fluence, is a great exception to the ordinary form of sword found in
Palestine; (see Fig. 162).
(26) Fish-hooks. — Spears and arrows could, of course, be used m
hunting as well as in war, but a fish-hook found at Gezer (see Fig.
156) is of especial interest to the student of the Bible, since some of
the most prominent apostles, Peter, Andrew, James, and John, were
fishermen. The fishing on the Sea of Galilee seems to have been
done usually with nets. Nevertheless, perhaps even there a hook
was sometimes, employed.
(27) Styli. — The implements of the scribe which have survived
are all. specimens of a- stylus for writing on clay or wax ; (see Fig.
178). The usual length of these styli was 3| to 4| inches. In the
Hellenistic stratum at Gezer, however, one was found as short as
2| inches; also one as long as 12 inches. It was a stylus of the
average kind found at Gezer that Isaiah was directed to use as re-
corded in Isa. 8:1.
(28) Seals. — Closely connected with the work of the scribe are
the seals which are found wherever a mound is thoroughly exca-
vated. These were sometimes Egyptian scarabs, but more often,
especially in the later periods, various figures and devices carved on
a stone; (see Fig. 175). They might or might not contain the
name of the owner. The famous seal of Shema, mentioned on
p. 97, contained his name, but often they appear simply to have
been a kind, of mark of their owners. They might be impressed on
clay or wax, and, as we have seen (p. 144), potters used them to
identify their work. If the writing was on a clay tablet the
seals were rolled over its edge (see Job 38 : 14), or over any un-
UTENSILS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS 155
written portion of its surface. This took the place of the signa-
ture of the writer. On the use of seals in Bible times, see 1 Kings
21 :8.
(29) The ^^Pipey — The people of Palestine have always been
fond of music, though in modern times their music is of a rude and
primitive sort. Probably in ancient times it did not rise to any-
thing like modern standards. At least one musical instrument has
been brought to light by the excavations. It is a part of a stone
whistle or "pipe" found in the third Semitic stratum — the period
just before the coming of Israel. It is conical in shape, and about
4 inches long, 1| inches wide at one end, and about | inch wide
at the mouthpiece. It was perforated at the side by two
holes; (see Fig. 168). Probably a mouthpiece of reed was fitted
into it. It was possible to make several notes on it. This is
probably a rude example of the "pipe," said to have been invented
by Jubal (Gen. 4 : 21), and often mentioned in the Bible. (See
1 Sam. 10 : 5; 1 Kings 1 : 40; Isa. 5 : 12; 1 Cor. 14 : 7.) The
Hebrew word for pipe means "a pierced" or "perforated thing,"
and this stone whistle answers the description well.
(30) Harps. — Other musical instruments were not made of
material that could, survive; nevertheless from the Babylonian,
Assyrian, and Egyptian sculptures we have some idea of their form.
Of these, the harp is mentioned more than forty times in the Bible.
For the forms of ancient harps, see Figs. 169—172.
(31) The Dulcimer. — This musical instrument is mentioned in
Dan. 3 : 5, 15. An Assyrian dulcimer is shown in Fig. 174.
(32) Lyres. — A kind of lyre is pictured on certain Jewish coins;
(see Fig. 173).
{2)S) Children's Toys. — ^A touch of nature that links the ancient
world with ours is found in the toys of children. Both from
Babylonia and Palestine clayjatj.les have been recovered. A series
found at Gezer is shown in Fig. 1 79. In addition to these rattles
many grotesque animal figures came to light through the various
excavations; these figures were probably made for children to play
with. One or two had a hole drilled through a leg, apparently for
the insertion of a string by which a child could drag it. The
workmen who removed the earth sometimes begged for permission
to take them home for their own children to play with^; (see
Fig. 177).
' For a fuller discussion of children's toys, see Rice, Orientalisms in Bible Lands, pp. 49-58.
156 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
2. Personal Ornaments.
(1) Combs. — Of toilet articles the most universal is the comb.
These were made of bone or ivory. They were both straight and
curved, ornamented and unornamented. A fragment of one from
Gezer is shown in Fig. 176.
(2) Perfume-boxes. — The ancients were fond of perfume. "Per-
fumed with myrrh and frankincense, with all powders of the
merchant" is a Hebrew poet's description of an elegantly dressed
man. (See Cant. 3 : 6.) Perfume-boxes, in which the various
kinds of perfume were kept, frequently are found in excava-
ting; (see, for example. Fig. 180). Women's perfume-boxes are
denounced in Isa. 3 : 20.
(3) SpatulcB for Eye-paint, etc. — Little spatulae, or tools for
lifting small quantities of cosmetics, were also found; (see Fig. 183).
These were probably most often used to apply kojil to the eyelids —
a practice that was thought to enhance the beauty of women (see
Ezek. 23 : 40) and which is still followed in the East.
(4) Fibulce. — Another article of the toilet which is found in
abundance in all ancient excavations was the fibula — a rude kind of
safety-pin. The garments were held together by these. They
consisted of a kind of perforated bow through which a pin could
be thrust. In the earlier periods the bow and the pin were not
fastened together.
The dress of the ancient Palestinians was much like that of
the modern peasants of the country. It was not, however, made
of materials that would last when buried in a mound. All that has
survived of it are some articles of personal adornment.
(5) Beads were highly valued from the earliest times and are
found in all strata. In the earlier periods they were made of
various colored stones; it is only in the later strata that some
glass beads are found.
(6) Necklaces. — Beads, cylinders, and irregularly shaped penaants
were strung so as to form necklaces. One found at Jericho is
shown in Fig. 181. They are called "chains" in Isa. 3 : 19; Prov.
1 : 9, and "strings of jewels" in Cant. 1 : 10.
(7) Bracelets and armlets have been found in abundance from
nearly all periods. They were made of bronze, iron, ivory, glass,
silver, and gold. For some of their forms, see Fig. 182. They are
frequently mentioned in the Bible. (See, for example, Gen. 24 :
30; Exod. 35 : 22; 2 Sam. 1 : 10; Ezek. 16 : U.)
UTENSILS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS 157
(8) Anklets of bronze and silver have also been found in vari-
ous places. They are like bracelets, only larger. In a country
where the ankles were usually left bare, it was as natural to wear
ornaments on them as on the arms. These, too, are denounced
along with the other ornaments of women in Isa. 3 : 18.
(9) Rings, too, of various kinds have been found in profusion.
Most of the finger rings were simple circles of metal; usually they
were of bronze; sometimes of iron. Silver and gold rings were
comparatively few in number and of small size. Several signet
rings were found at Gezer. Finger rings are not often mentioned
in the Bible. (See, however, Num. 31 : 50.) They evidently
were highly regarded by well-to-do people, for in the Parable of the
Prodigal Son Jesus tells us that the father "put a ring on his hand"
(Luke 15 : 22). Signet rings were the possessions of the great and
of kings. (See Gen. 41 : 42 and Esther 3 : 10, 12, and Fig. 184.)
CHAPTER X
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY
Measures. Weights. Inscribed Weights. Money: Who invented coinage?
Darics. Maccabiean coins. Asmomcan coins. Herodian coins. Roman coins. The
Widow's Mite. The Piece of Silver. Coinage of the Revolt of 66-70 a. d.
1. Measures, — The Hebrew units of dry measure were: 1. The
Homer (or Cor), which contained 10 Ephahs (Ezek. 45 : 11, 14).
2. The Ephah, which contained 3 Seahs (Isa. 40 : 12) or 10 Omers
(Exod. 16 : 36) or 18 Cabs (2 Kings 6 : 25, and Josephus, Antiquities,
IX, iv, 4).
Corresponding to these were the units of liquid measure: 1. The
Homer (or Cor), which contained 10 Baths (Ezek. 45 : 11, 14). 2.
The Bath, which, according to Josephus and Jerome, contained 6
Hins (see Exod. 29 : 40). 3. The Hin, which contained 3 Cabs,K)r,
according to the Talmud, 12 Logs.
These two systems have the Homer as their major unit. The
Homer had the same capacity in each system. The Ephah of dry
measure equalled the Bath of liquid measure, and the Cab was the
same in each. If, then, the capacity of one unit in either measure
could be determined, we should know the capacity of all the others.
It has been the custom of archaeologists to strike a kind of aver-
age of the confused statements of Josephus and Epiphanius^ and
correct these by estimates based on Babylonian measures.
Calculations based on this method will be found in recent works
on Hebrew archaeology and dictionaries of the Bible. It has been
impossible, however, to reach certainty. Three systems will be
found in the books referred to: one based on the supposition that
the Log = TTT of a pint; one based on the supposition that the Log =
tA of a pint; the third on the supposition that the Log = 1 pint.
The estimates of the Homer vary accordingly from 80 gallons to
81.25 gallons, and 89.28 gallons.^
' An early Christian writer, born in 315, died in 103 a. d., who was bishop of Salamis in Cyprus.
2 From this eciuivaicnce the reader can easily compute the value which the intermediate
measures would have according to this theory. The multiples of the Log which formed the
Cab, etc., are given above.
158
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY 159
Under these circumstances some discoveries of the Augustinians
of the Assumption, in the grounds of their monastery in Jerusalem,
appear to be of importance.'^ They found at various times in
excavating for building purposes four vessels, which seem to have
been a series of measures. Taking the larger one as the unit, the
capacity of the one next smaller is three-quarters of the capacity
of the first; the third was just half the first; the fourth, a quarter
of it. These vessels all appear to have been in a building v/hich
had a Hebrew inscription over its door. Although the inscription
was broken, the word "Corban"^ was still legible. Pere Germer-
Durand assumes, accordingly, that the building was used as a place
where temple tithes were paid, and that this series of vessels were
standard measures employed in collecting tithes. The quantities
of material contained by these vessels are as follows:
Largest, 21.25 litres or 19.6 quarts.
Second, 15.937 litres or 14.7 quarts.
Third, 10.625 litres or 9.8 quarts.
Fourth. 5.312 litres or 4.9 quarts.
Pere Germer-Durand thinks from a study of Josephus and Epi-
phanius that the largest of his vessels represents the Ephah of dry
measure or the Bath of liquid measure. If this assumption is
right, it gives a series of measures which are each about ^ smaller
than the smallest of the series referred to above.
On this basis Hebrew dry measures become:
Homer or Cor = 196 quarts or 6 bushels and \ peck.
Ephah = 19.6 quarts or 2 pecks, 3.6 quarts.
Seah = 6.533 -|- quarts.
Omer = 1.96 quarts.
Cab = 1.888+ quarts.
Liquid measure becomes:
Homer or Cor = 196 quarts or 49 galbns.
Bath = 19.6 quarts or 4.9 gallons.
Seah = 6.533+ quarts.
Hin = 3.266+ quarts.
Cab = 1.888+ quarts.
Log = .272 quarts or approximately J pint.
'See P4re Germer-Durand, "Mesures de capacite des Hebreux au temps de I'^vangile" in
Conferences de Sainl-Atienne, Paris, 1910, pp. 89-105, and Fig. 185.
* The Jewish name for an offering to God. (See Mark 7 : 11.)
160 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
It is not certain that the vessels found by the Augustinians rep-
resent the measures that Germer-Durand supposes, but it is as
likely that they do as that the confused statements of Josephus and
Epiphanius afford an accurate basis for calculations.
It is probable that in actual business there was in ancient times
a great deal of variation allowed from the ordinary standard of
measures. We know of no rigid regulation of the matter by a
central authority.
2. Weights. — The two weights most often mentioned in the Bible
are the talent and the shekel. The Bible nowhere tells us of how
many shekels a talent was composed. In Babylonia the talent
consisted of 60 manas/ and each mana of 60 shekels, so that the
talent consisted of 3600 shekels. The Phoenicians divided the mana
into 50 shekels, and it is thought by scholars that the Hebrews did
the same, though we have no positive evidence on the point.
Manas are not mentioned in the Bible, unless in Dan. 5 : 25.^
In the course of the excavations by Bliss in the Shephelah a num-
ber of weights were found, some of which were inscribed. Macalis-
ter also found a large number of weights at Gezer, a few of which
bore inscriptions. Some others have been found by natives and
purchased by travelers. The writer had the pleasure of discovering
two weights in this way.
3. Inscribed Weights. — These inscribed weights are of the
greatest interest to the students of the Bible. Five weights are
known that are inscribed in old Hebrew characters with the word
neseph, "half"; see Fig. 186. These are undoubtedly half-shekels.
Two of the three are broken, and one is perforated. The other
two weigh, respectively, 157.56 grains and 153.6 grains. The
average of these is 155.5 grains, which would make the shekel 311
grains.
Another weight, said to have come from Samaria, was described
some years ago by Dr. Chaplin. It bears the inscription roba
neseph, "the quarter of a half," and weighs 39.2 grains. Another
weight from Samaria is in the possession of Mr. Herbert Clark,
of Jerusalem. It is made in the form of a turtle and bears the
inscription honiesh, "a fifth," and weighs 38.58 grains. Probably
it was intended as the fifth part of a shekel.
• "Mana" is both the Babylonian and the Hebrew term. In English it has usually been
corrupted to "Mina."
' Some scholars understand MENE to be such a reference.
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY 161
Another series of inscribed weights, of which three examples are
known, bears the inscription beqa. The word comes from a root
that means "cleave" or "split." This word occurs twice in the
Old Testament, in Gen. 24 : 22 and Exod. 38 : 26. In the passage
last mentioned it is defined as half a shekel; (see Fig. 188).
A third variety of weight bears the . inscription payim. Tlie
first of these to be discovered was found by the writer in the hands
of a dealer in Jerusalem. On one side it bore the word payim
and on the other lezekaryahu yaer, "belonging to Zechariah son
of Jaer." This weight is cubic in form (see Fig. 187) and weighs
117.431 grains.^ Macalister found another of similar shape, which
bore only the inscription ^ayiw. It weighed 114.81 grains. The
word payim is very puzzling. It has been interpreted by Cler-
mont-Ganneau as meaning "two-thirds," and as designating two-
thirds of a shekel. Possibly this is right. This weight is men-
tioned in 1 Sam. 13 : 20, 21, and its discovery has explained a
Hebrew phrase which has puzzled all translators. We now know
that these verses should be rendered: "But all the Israelites went
down to the Philistines, to sharpen every man his plowshare, and
his axe, and his adze, and his hoe, and the price was a pirn (or
payim) for the plowshares, and for the axes, and for the three-tined
forks, and for the adzes, and for the setting of the goads." The
name of the weight here expresses the price, just as shekel, the name
of another weight, does elsewhere.^ One bronze weight found at
Gezer bore words meaning "belonging to the king," but it is not
clear to what king it referred.
A glance at the weights here described makes it evident that the
standards of the ancient Hebrews were not exact. If these are rep-
resentative weights, the shekel must have varied from 200 to more
than 300 grains Troy. This is what one acquainted with the Pales-
tine of today would expect. The peasants still use field-stone as
weights, selecting one that is approximately of the weight they
desire. Even among the merchants of modern Jerusalem, where
» The weight is now in the library of Haverford College, near Philadelphia.
'The words rendered "the price was a pirn" are translated in the Authorized Version, "they
had a file," margin, "a file with mouths"; in the Revised Version, "they had a file," margin,
or "when the edges . . . were blunt." The Revisers add, "The Hebrew text^ is obscure/^
The Hebrew vrord rendered "file" and "blunt" comes from a root that means "to prescribe"
or "appoint." It could easily mean the "established price," but can mean neither "file" nor
"blunt." Pint means "mouths" and is employed figuratively for "edges," but neither of those
meanings fits the passage. The discovery of these weights has cleared up the whole obscurity.
This interpretation was suggested by Pilcher in the Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly State-
ment, 1914, p. 99.
162 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
one would expect more exact standards than among the peasantry,
odd scraps of old iron are used for weights.^
A large number of uninscribed weights of the same general size
and shape of those described"' were found at Gezer. Whether
larger weights or multiples of a shekel were discovered is uncertain.
A number of stones might have been used for weights, but they were
not inscribed and may have been used for other purposes. A large
bronze weight found at Tell Sandahanna is just sixty times the
weight of a 311-grain shekel, and may be a mana.^
Where weights and measures differed so, the words of Amos
(8:5), "making the ephah small and the shekel great," gain an
added significance, and we understand why the wise man denounced
"false balances" (Prov. 11 : 1; 20:23).' Indeed, of the weights
found at Gezer so many were under the average standard, and so
many above it, that the inference lay close at hand that many men
had one set of weights by which to purchase and another set by
which to sell.^
4. Money. — Down to the seventh century before Christ money
was not coined. W^henever it was employed as a medium of
exchange, it was weighed. In western Asia and Egypt our sources
show that in the period from 1500 to 1300 b. c. gold and silver were
prepared for commercial use by being formed into rings.^ These
rings were of no standard weight; they were weighed in the mass by
scales. Probably the rings were small, so that the weight could, at
the will of the merchant, be increased by very slight amounts. The
ring-form was probably selected because this shape would present
no corners that would rapidly wear away. This t^^De of commer-
cial ring can be traced in the inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II of
Assyria,*^ 884-860 b. c. It was used, then, in Egypt, Syria, Phoe-
nicia, by the Hittites, the Aramaeans, and the Assyrians.
(1) Who Invented Coinage? — The oldest coins yet found were
made by the Lydians, and on this account it is usually said that the
Lydians were the first to coin money. The date of these coins is
uncertain. They bear the name of no king, but are usually assigned
to the seventh century b. c. Mr. Head, of the British Museum,
' See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 279.
2 See Macalister, ibid., pp. 278-293.
» See Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900, p. 61.
* See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II. 291.
' See Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, II, §§ 436, 489, 490, 518, and History of Egypt, 2d ed.,
pp. 277, 307.
« See Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, I, 105 (cl. Ill, 62).
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY 163
dated them tentatively at 700 b. c. They probably were made
under the Lydian dynasty founded by Gyges in 697 b. c, the last
king of which, the famous Croesus, was overthrown by Cyrus the
Great, in 546 b. c. It is improbable that these coins were invented
earlier than the reign of Gyges, and they may not have been put
into circulation until he had been some years on the throne. It is
recognized that the weight of these coins conforms to a Babylonian
standard.
There seems to be evidence that coined money was employed by
the Assyrians in the reign of Esarhaddon. None of the coins have
been found, but a series of loans and payments, dated in the years
676-671 B. c, designate the amounts of money in "shekels of silver-
heads of Ishtar.""- As has been noted by Menant and Johns, this
can hardly mean anything else than silver made into coins of the
value of a shekel and stamped with the head of Ishtar. As Gyges
was a contemporary of Esarhaddon, it seems probable that Lydia
borrowed the idea of coinage from the Mesopotamian Valley.
Be this as it may, the coinage of money was a great step for-
ward. To have the value of a piece of metal determmed before-
hand and guaranteed by an official stamp greatly facilitated the
transaction of business. It eliminated the delays incident to
weighing the metal, and the disputes that were sure to ensue as to
the correctness of the weights which were put into the balances.
(2) Darks. — The invention of coined money first affected Pales-
tine during the Persian period. Darius I of Persia, 521-486 b. c,
organized the coinage of that realm. The gold coins issued by him
were of the weight of a Babylonian shekel. They weighed from
125 to 130 grains Troy. One in the British Museum weighs 129
grains. They bore on the face a picture of Darius with a bow to the
left; (see Fig. 189). Because of this picture they were called
"darics," just as the French 20-franc piece is called a "napoleon."
The daric is mentioned in several Biblical books that were written
after the beginning of the Persian period. (See 1 Chron. 29 : 7;
Ezra 2:69; 8:27; Neh. 7:70-72.) It is wrongly translated
"dram" in the Authorized Version.
After the Persian period the coinage of all the nations to whom
the Jews became subject circulated in turn in Palestine. Foreign
coins also found their way into the country. Many of these ulti-
1 See C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, I, Nos. 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, SO, and
108: cf. also III, 8.
164 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
mately were lost and buried in the soil, so that many, many coins
have been brought to light by archaeological research. We have
space here to mention only those that are of the greatest interest to
students of the Bible.
Palestine passed under the sway of Alexander the Great in 332
B. c, and after his death in 323 it was attached to the territorv of
Ptolemy Lagi of Egypt and his successors. In 199 b. c. Antiochus
III wrested it from the Ptolemies and the Jews passed under the
sway of the Syrians. During this time the coins of these rulers cir-
culated in the country and are still frequently dug up there, although
they are not mentioned in the Bible. Samples of these coins are
shown in Figs. 190, 195. Not until the Jews had gamed their inde-
pendence under Simon the Maccabee, in the year 143 b. c, did they
issue any coinage of their own. Indeed, it now seems clear that no
coins were issued by Simon until after the year 139-138 b. c, when
the Syrian king by an especial grant accorded him that liberty.
The coins then issued appear to have been made of bronze only.^
A silver coinage formerly attributed to Simon the Maccabee is
now regarded as belonging to the time of the Jewish revolt of 66-70
A. D.
(3) MaccabcBan Coins. — The coins of Simon consist of bronze half-
shekels and quarter-shekels all dated in the year four. Antiochus
VII of Syria apparently prevented the issue of others during the
reign of Simon. His coins bear on their face the picture of a cit-
ron between two bundles of twigs. Around the border runs the
inscription in old Hebrew characters, "year four; one-half." On
the other side is a palm-tree with two bunches of fruit between
two baskets filled with fruits, and around the border runs the in-
scription, "belonging to the redemption of Zion;" (see Fig. 192).
The weights of these coins vary from 232.6 to 237 grains. The
lighter ones are considerably worn.
The quarter-shekels have on one side two bundles of twigs, around
which run the words, "year four; one-fourth." On the other side is
pictured a citron with the stalk upward, around which runs the
inscription, "belonging to the redemption of Zion." The weights
of the known coins of this denomination vary from 113.7 to 192.3
grains. The form of the letters on these coins shows that they are
older than other Jewish coins.
(4) Asmoncean Coins. — There are many coins from the rcign of
• See Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine, London, 1914, p. xciii, ff.
MEASURES, WEIGHTS, AND MONEY 165
John Hyrcanus, the son and successor of Simon, but they are all of
copper; (see Fig. 193). They bear on their face the inscription:
''Johanan, the high priest and the congregation of the Jews"; on
the reverse is a poppy head between two cornucopias. Similar
coins were issued by the other Asmonaean princes.
(5) Herodian Coins. — As Herod the Great was a vassal of Rome,
he was permitted to issue copper coins only. These exist in consid-
erable variety. Figure 198 shows one, the face of which is stamped
with the image of a vessel with a bell-shaped cover, above which
are two palm-branches; on the reverse the words meaning "of
King Herod" run around the edge, while a tripod occupies the
center. At the left of the tripod is an abbreviation for "year 3";
at the right is a monogram. Several other patterns are known.
Coins of Archcelaus, Antipas, Herod Philip (Matt. 14 : 3; Mark
6 : 17; Luke 3 : 19), and of Herod Agrippa I are known. One is
shown in Fig. 200.
(6) Roman Coins. — The most common silver Roman coin was
the denarius, rendered in the Authorized Version "penny" and in
the Revised Version "shilling." Its weight varied at different
times. In the time of Christ it weighed about 61.3 grains Troy,
and was worth 16f cents of American money. As the ministry
of Christ occurred in the reign of Tiberius, the tribute money shown
to Christ (Matt. 22 : 19; Mark 12 : 15-17) was probably a denarius
of Tiberius, such as is shown in Fig. 196. The denarius was so
named because it originally was equivalent to ten asses or small
copper coins, but the as was afterward reduced to t& of the de-
narius. The as is mentioned in Matt. 10 : 29; Luke 12 : 6, where
A. V. renders it "farthing" and R. V. "penny." It was worth
about a cent. The Roman coin quadrans, or the fourth part of an
as, worth about j of a cent, is mentioned in Matt. 5 : 26; Mark
12 :42. It is translated "farthing"; (see Fig. 199).
(7) The Widow's Mite. — Another coin, translated "mite," is in
Greek lepton, "the small one" or the "bit." It was two of these
that the widow cast into the treasury, Mark 12 : 42,^ where it is
said that two of them equaled a quadrans. The "mite" was, then,
of the value of | of a cent. It was doubtless the smallest coin in
circulation, but it has not yet been identified with certainty with
any coin that archaeology has discovered.
(8) The Piece of Silver.— In Luke 15 : 8 the Greek drachma is
iCf. Luke 21 : 2.
166 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
mentioned. It is translated "piece of silver." The drachma corre-
sponded roughly in value to the denarius. Drachmas had been
issued by many different cities and many different kings, and were
still in circulation in Palestine in the time of Christ. One still sees
in that country today coins of the first Napoleon, and of many other
sovereigns who have been long dead, passing from hand to hand as
media of value; (see Fig. 194).
(9) Coinage of the Revolt of 66-Jo A. D. — ^Two silver coins, a
shekel and a half-shekel (see Fig. 201), were formerly attributed to
Simon the Maccabee. The shekels weigh 212.3 to 217.9 grains and
bear on their face above a cup or chalice the legend "shekel of Israel"
and a numeral. The numeral stands for the first year. Examples
are known which carry the enumeration up to the year "five." On
the reverse a triple lily is pictured, and in similar Hebrew characters
the words "Jerusalem, the holy" are inscribed. The half-shekel is
smaller and has the same markings except that the legend on its
face is simply "half-shekel." On the coins issued after the first
year a Hebrew sh precedes the number of the year. The sh is an
abbreviation of the Hebrew word shana, ytzx. For various reasons
the consensus of expert opinion now is that these coins were issued
during the Jewish war of 66-70 a. d., which, according to Jewish
reckoning, extended into the fifth year.
Coins of the Roman Emperors, Augustus and Claudius, are
shown in Figs. 195, 197.
CHAPTER XI
HIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES^
A Sanctuary of the Pre-Semitic Cave-dwellers. A Rock-altar at Megiddo.
A Rock-altar at Jerusalem. High Place at Tell Es-Safi. High Place at
Gezer: Choice of site. Child-sacrifice. Corrupt worship. At Ta.'^nach: Pillars.
An altar of incense. High Places at Petila.. A Supposed Philistine Temple. At
Megiddo: A Hebrew temple. A palace chapel. Another chapel. The Temple
TO Augustus at Samarla.
1. A Sanctuary of the Pre-Semitic Cave-dwellers. — The oldest
sanctuary which we can trace in Palestine appears to have been one
of the caves at Gezer. This cave was 32 feet long, 20 feet broad,
and 7 feet 11 inches at its maximum height. There were two en-
trances: one on the east, a tall, narrow doorway, was approached by
a passage sloping downward; the other, on the west, was a low, nar-
row passage, just wide enough to admit a person. At the northern
end there was a projection in the form of an apse, the floor of which
was about 2 feet higher than that of the rest of the cave. In the
roof of this apse there was an opening, about 1 foot wide at the bot-
tom, leading to the upper air. The rock of the roof here was 3 feet
5 1 inches thick. This opening was 2 feet 8 inches in diameter at
the top, and a channel 4 feet 6 inches long cut in the surface of the
rock was connected with it. On the surface of the rock above the
cave and about this channel there were a number of "cup-marks"
similar to those found near ancient sacred places. Some of these
were, perhaps, intended for places to set jars, but some of them were
connected with the channel which emptied into the opening in the
roof of the cave^; (see Fig. 202).
The suggestion which the excavator. Prof. Macalister, makes is
that this was a sanctuary of the cave-dwellers, that they killed
their victims on the surface of the rock above, and let the blood
run through the channel and the opening into the cave underneath,
where their deity was supposed to dwell. They lived in caves them-
selves, and it was natural for them to think their deity did the same.
1 The temples of Solomon, Zerubbabel, and Herod are treated in Chapter XIII, on Jerusalem.
2 See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 102; II, 378. £E.
167
168 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
This suggestion received some confirmation from the fact that on
the floor of the apse under this opening there were found, upon
removing a layer of earth, a number of pig bones. The presence
of these might be accounted for on the supposition that they were
offered in sacrifice by the cave-dwellers to their deity. Swine were
unclean to all Semites, and, no doubt, the later Semitic inhabitants
would have thrown the bones away, if they had ever cleaned out
the cave sufficiently to discover them.
2. A Rock-altar at Megiddo. — Another rock-altar of high an-
tiquity was discovered on the slope of the mound of Tell el-Mutesel-
lim, the ancient Megiddo.^ It was situated on the slope of the tell,
about half-way down. Its surface was covered with "cup-marks,"
like those on the altar at Gezer, and an opening about 2| feet wide
at the top and ih feet wide at the bottom made it possible for blood
to trickle down through 3 feet of rock intc a cave below. This
cave contained several rooms, the largest of which was about
18 feet 6 inches long, 7 feet 8 inches wide, and 8 feet 6 inches high.
In the most northerly of the rooms were found various implements
of black flint, potsherds, coals of a wood-fire, the bones of sheep and
goats, olive-stones, and ashes. In the midst of the central room
there lay a heap of human bones, the skulls of which were badly
destroyed. These human bones show that after the cave had been
used as a sanctuary it was employed as a sepulcher. The same
thing happened at Gezer and elsewhere; (see Fig. 205).
3. A Rock-altar at Jerusalem. — We are told in Gen. 22 : 2
that Abraham went to the land of Moriah to offer up Isaac, and in
2 Chron. 3 : l,ff.that Solomon built the temple on Mount Moriah
on the threshing floor which David acquired from Oman (Arau-
nah) the Jebusite. Just to the east of the site of Solomon's
temple in the open court where the altar of burnt-offering stood,
there was a rock surface similar to the two rock-altars described
above. It is still visible in Jerusalem and is now enclosed in the
Mosque of Omar. The Mohammedans regard it as a sacred rock.
One can still trace on it the channels which conducted the blood to
an opening which in turn conducted it to a cave underneath. This
cave is still regarded by the Mohammedans as sacred. There is
little doubt that the sacrificial victims offered in the temples of
Solomon and Herod were slain on this stone, and that that part
of the blood not used in sprinkling drained into the cave underneath.
•See Schumacher, Tell el-Mulesellim, 156, S.
HIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES 169
This rock-altar is on the hill to which we arc told Abraham came
for the sacrifice of Isaac ^; (see Fig. 208).
4. ffigh Place of Tell es-Safi.— In the Old Testament the "high
place" is frequently mentioned as a place of worship. (See 1 Sam.
9 : 12, f.; 1 Kings 3 : 2; 2 Kings 23 : 5, 8, etc.) It follows from 2
Kings 23 : 14 that these high places contained "pillars" and "ashe-
rim." The pillars were made of stone, and the asherim of wood.
Recent exploration has brought to light a number of these high
places, and the revelations made by these discoveries greatly il-
luminate the Old Testament narrative. The lirst of these was dis-
covered by Bliss and Macalister at Tell es-Safi.^ The high place
was enclosed by walls, but, as the upper courses of these had been
destroyed, the original height of the walls could not be determined.
Within the largest enclosure stood three monoliths or "pillars."
These rested on bases of stone. The pillars themselves were, re-
spectively, 5 feet 10 inches, 6 feet 5 inches, and 7 feet 1 inch high.
One of them was pointed, and one of them almost fiat on the top.
No tool-mark was discernible on any of them. All showed signs
of having been rubbed. The fat and the blood of sacrifices were
smeared over such stones, and the rubbing was probably produced
by this. The walls enclosing these pillars formed an approximate
square 30 feet from east to west and 32 feet from north to south.
On the north a fairly large room was walled in, as shown in Fig. 212,
and on the south three smaller rooms. In the wall to the north of
the three pillars was a semicircular apse. Facing this apse was a
low semicircle of stones 3 feet 7 inches in diameter, which is situated
much nearer the "pillars." The purpose of this semicircle is un-
known. In the east wall of the court of the high place there was a
"skewed" opening, or a.^ opening which ran diagonally through the
wall. The purpose of this is obscure. It has been suggested by
Prof. Macalister that it was made to permit the rising sun to shine
on a certain spot of the interior on a certain day of the year, but of
this there is no proof.
5. High Place of Gazer. — The foundations of this high place
were in the second stratum below that which contained Israelitish
pottery. It was one of the high places of the Canaanites, therefore,
or of one of the tribes that were in Palestine before the coming of
' In Gen. 22 : Q Abraham, we are told, built the altar. He did not, therefore, intend to use the
rock-altar. The analogy of this altar with the other two is not quite complete. It appears to
have no cup-marks on its surface.
* See Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, lSOS-1900, p. 31, fl.
170 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Israel. This is the most interesting of the high places which
have been discovered in Palestine.^ It contained ten monoliths
or upright "pillars," the tallest of which was 10 feet 9 inches in
height, and the shortest 5 feet 5 inches. These pillars ran in a
curved line the general direction of which was from north to
south. This was in striking contrast to the high place of Tell
es-Safi, where the line of pillars ran from east to west. The center
of the curved line of the pillars of Gezer was toward the east. All
of these pillars except one were of the kind of stone abundant
about Gezer. They had been found near by. None of them bore
the mark of a tool. They had not been shaped by working. One
of them (the one that was the sacred stone, as the smooth spots on
it showed) was a different kind of stone — the kind found at Jeru-
salem and elsew^here, but not near Gezer. There were on it traces
of an indentation, as though a rope for dragging it might have
been fitted around it; (Fig. 206). As Mesha, King of Moab, tells
us twice in his inscription that he dragged altar-hearths of other
deities away from their original locations into the presence of his
god Chemosh,^ it seems likely that this stone was dragged to Gezer
from some other sanctuary — possibly from Jerusalem. Perhaps it
was its capture that first suggested to the inhabitants of Gezer the
establishment of this high place. The other stones of the series
were erected to keep this one company and to do it honor. These
were probably not all set up at once. They were added from time
to time by different rulers of Gezer, and we have no means of know-
ing when the latest of the pillars was erected; (see Fig. 204).
(1) Choice of Site. — Judging from the scarabs found about the
foundations of the high place, its beginnings date from 2000 b. c. or
earlier, and it continued in use down to the Babylonian Exile.
Curiously enough, this high place is not situated on the highest part
of the hill. The land is higher both to the east and to the west of it.
It is situated in a sort of saddle to the east of the middle of the
mound. Why was this spot chosen for it? Two considerations,
perhaps, led to the choice of the site. A great ramifying cave on a
higher part of the hill had already been appropriated by Semites as a
scf)ulcher, and was, therefore, unclean. The cave which the earlier
inhabitants had used as a crematorium was for the same reason un-
acceptable. Why the high place was not built near the cave that
■ See Macalistcr, The Excavation oJCeztr. I, SI, 105-107; II, 381-404.
2 See Part II, p. 364.
HIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES 171
the cave-dwellers had used as a temple, we cannot now conjecture.
Perhaps in some way the memory that that had been a sacred
spot had faded from men's minds. Macalister thinks that the
choice of the site was determined by the presence at this point of the
two caves shown in Fig. 203. These caves had been dwellings of
cave-men in the pre-Semitic time. They were now connected by a
narrow, crooked passage, so that they could be utilized for the giving
of oracles. Macalister conjectures that a priest or priestess would go
into one, while the devotee who wished to inquire of the god was sent
into the other, and that the inquirer would hear his oracle through
this passage. This theory is plausible, though incapable of full proof.
Just back of one of the pillars a square stone was found with a
deep hole cut in its upper side; (see Fig. 209). Several theories
as to the use of this have been put forward; the most probable
one is that it was a laver.
The area of the high place seems to have been approximately
150 feet from north to south and 120 feet from east to west. Some
few walls were found of the same date as the high place, but it was
impossible to tell their purpose. There seem to have been no
buildings that could be regarded as a part of the sanctuary. It
seems to have been entirely open to the air. Two circular struc-
tures, one at the north and the other to the south of the sacred
stones, were found. The one at the south was badly ruined; that
to the north was in a good state of preservation. This structure had
a pavement of stones on a level with the bottom of the sacred pillars.
It was entirely surrounded by a wall 2 feet thick at the bottom and
1 foot 6 inches thick at the top and 6 feet high. There was no
doorway. The wall leaned outward. The diameter of the struc-
ture was 13 feet 8 inches at the bottom and 16 feet 6 inches at the
top ; (see Fig. 207) . On the pavement in this enclosure were the
fragments of many clay bowls, of a type found in Cyprus, but
common at Gezer from 1400-800 b. c, and among these fragments
a brazen serpent, evidently the model of a cobra. This discovery
suggests the possibility that the structure may have been a pen in
which sacred serpents were kept. The practice of venerating ser-
pents as sacred is found in many parts of the world. ^ This brazen
serpent reminds one of Nehushtan, the brazen serpent worshiped by
the Judteans until it was destroyed by King Hezekiah. (See 2
Kings 18 : 4, and Fig. 219a.)
» See C. H. Toy, Introduction to the History of Religions, Boston, 1913, §§ 250, 257.
172 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
(2) Child-sacrifice. — The whole area of the high place was found
to be a cemetery of new-born infants. These were in all probability
first-born children who had been sacrificed to the deity of the high
place. Two of them displayed marks of fire, but most of them had
been simply enclosed in large jars. The body was usually put in
head first. Two or three smaller vessels were put in with them.
These generally included a bowl and a jug. They were usually in-
side the jar between the body and the jar's mouth; sometimes they
were outside near the mouth of the jar. That these were sacrifices
is shown by the fact that they were children. It was not, therefore,
a general place of burial. Indeed, had these children not been
sacrificial, they could not have been buried in the sanctuary, as
dead bodies were unclean.
The Semites generally believed that the first-born were sacred to
deity and must be sacrifi:ed to it. This sort of human sacrifice
persisted for a long tim; among the Phoenicians. It was said that
God called Abraham to sacrifice Isaac, and that he then permitted
him to offer a ram instead (Gen. 22). The law provided for the
redemption of Hebrew first-born by the sacrifice of a lamb (Exod.
34 : 20), but in the time of King Manasseh the old custom was
revived and men "made their children pass through the fire."
(See 2 Kings 21 : 6; 23 : 10; Jer. 7 : 31; 32 : 35.) The gruesome
discoveries of this high place have made very real these horrible
practices and the inhuman fate from which Isaac and other Hebrew
children were delivered.
With the exception of a little unhewn stone about 18 inches
square, found in one of the caves connected with the high place, and
which might possibly have served as an altar, no altar was found.
Possibly none was needed in the rites practised there, but it is more
likely that the altar was simply a mound of earth such as is pre-
scribed in Exod. 20 : 24 — a mound which could not be distinguished,
in excavating, from the common earth.
(3) Corrupt Worship. — Of the nature of some of the services that
went on in this high place in the name of Ashtoreth eloquent testi-
mony was borne by unnumbered Ashtoreth-plaques that had been
presented as votive offerings by the worshipers. These varied in
form and in artistic merit, but were all designed to foster in the
worshiper that type of debasing service described in Isa. 57 : 3, ff.,
as Fig. 214 shows. Symbols of this nature were abundant during
all the period while the high place was in use. No one who was
HIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES 173
not, like the writer, at Gezer during the excavation, can realize how
demoralizing the whole atmosphere of such worship must have
been. Archaeology has here revealed to us in a most vivid way the
tremendous power of those corrupting religious influences which the
Hebrew prophets so vigorously denounced. These practices were
deeply rooted in the customs of the Canaanites; they were sanctified
by a supposed divine sanction of immemorial antiquity, and they
made an all-powerful appeal to the animal instincts in human
nature. We can realize now as never before the social and religious
task which confronted the prophets. That Israel was by prophetic
teaching purged of this cult is due to the power of God!
6. At Taanach.
(1) Pillars. — SelHn^ discovered two monoliths which he believed
to be the pillars of a high place. These stones had, however,
been hewn, which does not accord with the general Semitic re-
quirement that no tool should be lifted up upon such stones;
(see Fig. 211). However, the indentation in one of the sacred
stones of Gezer, apparently made to keep a rope from slipping,
shows that exceptions to the rule against cutting a sacred stone
were allowed. The two pillars at Taanach were situated over a
cave and figures of Ashtoreth were found in connection with them,
so that they probably constituted another high place. The stratum
in which this was found proves that it belongs to the same period
as the high place at Gezer. In connection with this high place an
interesting libation bowl was found which is shown in Fig. 213.
(2) An Altar of Incense. — In another part of the mound at
Taanach Sellin discovered a remarkable incense altar of terra-cotta,
3 feet in height, and 18 inches in diameter at the base, adorned
with protruding animal heads, which remind one of shortened
gargoyles. On one side of it was the figure of a palm-tree, with
two ibexes descending a mountain. Part of an Ashtoreth figure
and fragments of another altar were found near. SeUin thought
that the building that contained these was a private house, and,
if so, we have in these objects some of the implements of private
worship employed by Israehtes; (see Fig. 210).
7. High Places at Petra. — One of the most interesting high places
is cut out of the solid rock at Petra. Petra may possibly be the
Sela of 2 Kings 14 : 7, since Sela means "crag" or "rock" in
Hebrew, and Petra has the same meaning in Greek. The iden-
1 Tell Taanek, p. 68, ff.
174 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
tity of Petra with Sela is not, however, certain. Petra Hes in
the southeastern part of ancient Edom, and was, before the end of
the fourth century b. c, occupied by the Nabathoeans, a Semitic
tribe. These Nabathseans estabhshed a kingdom which continued
until 106 A. D. One of its kings, Haretat IV, is called Aretas in
2 Cor. 11 -.32} When the Roman Emperor Trajan overthrew this
kingdom he organized its territory into the Province of Arabia, and
the beautiful buildings, the remains of which make Petra such an
interesting ruin today, date mostly from the Roman period of its
history. During the Nabathaean period of Petra they constructed
three high places, which are high places indeed, since they are
perched on ledges of rock above the ancient town. The largest of
these high places is still in an excellent state of preservation. It
is a little to the north of the citadel on a ledge which rises about
700 feet above the town. The ledge is 520 feet long by 90 feet
wide; it runs nearly north and south with a slight inclination to the
east.^ The principal features of this ancient place of worship are an
altar on the w^est side of the ledge, a platform immediately south of
this, a large sunken area directly in front of the altar, and a little to
the south of this area a vat or laver.
This high place is approached by a flight of steps cut in the solid
rock; (see Fig. 215). The main area, which corresponds to the
enclosure of the high place at Tell es-Safi, is 47 feet 4 inches long,
24 feet 4 mches wide, and 15 to 18 inches deep, though this depth is
not uniform. In some parts it falls to 10 inches. About midway
of the length of this area and 5 feet from its west side, there is a
rock platform 5 feet in length, 2 feet 71 inches wide, and 4 inches
high. It has been suggested that this platform was intended for
the offerer of a victim to stand upon, in order that he might be
distinguished from other worshipers who were crowding the area.
Another possible view is that the sacred "pillars" stood upon this
platform. No pillars were found in connection with it. Probably
such pillars were not cut out of the solid rock, but were, like the
sacred stone of Gezer, brought from elsewhere. The arrangement
of other high places would indicate that they stood on or near this
platform. As this high place was not buried, but exposed on the
1 Sec Part II. p. 442.
2 For descriptions of this high place, see the article by its discoverer, Georpe L. Robinson, in the
Biblical WorUI, XVII, 6-16; by S. I. Curtis in the Quarterly Staletnenl of the Palestine E.xploration
Fund, October, 1900, pp. 350-355; Savignac in Revue hiblique. 1903, 280-284; Libby and Hoskins,
The Jordan Valley and Petra, New York. 1905. II, 172. fT.; Briinnow and Domaszewski, Provimia
Arabia, Vol. I, Strassburg, 1904, 239-245; Dalman, Petra, Leipzig, 1908, 56-58.
HIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES 175
mountain top, such pillars have in the course of the ages disappeared.
The altar is separated from the adjoining rock by a passageway
which was cut on its north, south, and west sides. It is of the
same height as the adjoining rock. On the east the ledge has been
cut down to the level of the foot of the altar. The altar is 9 feet 1
inch in length from north to south and 6 feet 2 inches wide. It is
3 feet high at its highest point. On the top of the altar is a hollow
pan, perhaps to receive the fire. This is 3 feet 8 inches long, 1 foot
2 inches wide, and 31 inches deep. Ascent to the altar was made
by a flight of steps leading up to its top on the east side. The top
step is wider than the others and forms a platform on which the
ofl&ciating priest might stand; (see Fig. 217).
Just south of the altar and separated from it by the passageway
was the place where the victims were slain. This has been called
the round altar; (see Fig. 218). This consists of a platform 16
feet 6 inches long from east to west, 11 feet 9 inches wide. It is
approached by a flight of steps. Near its center are two circular
and concentric pans, the larger 3 feet 8 inches in diameter with a
depth of 3 inches, the smaller 1 foot 5 inches in diameter with a
depth of 2 inches. From this inner basin a conduit 3 feet 2 inches
long, 2 inches wide, and 3 inches deep conducted the blood to the
edge of the platform. This platform was undoubtedly intended for
the place of slaughter. The Samaritans, when they assemble on
Mount Gerizim for the celebration of the Passover, still dig a round
hole in the turf, over which to slay the victim. This hole is about
18 inches in diameter and 10 inches deep. From it a conduit is dug,
through which the blood flows off to be absorbed by the earth. ^
The supposed laver at Petra is to the south of the area of the
high place. It is 9 feet 9 inches in length and 8 feet 6 inches in
width. It is now partially filled with earth, and has above the
earth an average depth of 3 feet.
The remains of three other supposed high places have been found
at Petra, but lack of space forbids their description here.- The
pillars supposed to have been connected with one of them are
shown in Fig. 219.
8. A Supposed Philistine Temple. — Turning now to Palestinian
temples: Macalister discovered the remains of a building at Gezer
1 See the writer's A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands. Philadelphia, 1904, pp. 193, 194.
2 Those interested in them will find them described in Briinnow and Domaszewski's Provincia
Arabia, I, 246, ff., and in Dalman's Petra, 142, 225, 272, etc.
176 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
which he thinks may have been a temple.^ This building belonged
to the third Semitic stratum; in other words, to the period just be-
fore the coming of the Israelites. A general plan of its walls is
shown in Fig. 220. In a court in one part of the structure were
five pillars which may have had the same religious significance
as the pillars of the high place. The two circular structures
// remind one of the circular structures of the high place of
Gezer, These were filled with the fragments of the bones of sheep
and goats. As these bore no marks of cooking, they could not have
been mere domestic ash-pits, and it is plausible to think of them as
receptacles for the bodies of slaughtered victims. In a forecourt of
the structure a line of bases, apparently intended for the support
of columns, was found. Macalister conjectured that these sup-
ported a roof over a part of the portico, and it reminded him of the
story of Samson in the temple of Dagon. (See Judges 16 : 23-30.)
It is quite possible that the feast of Dagon described in Judges 16
may have been held in a structure similar to this, that the lords of
the Philistines may have been gathered in such a porch, and that
Samson may have pulled such pillars as rested upon these bases from
under the roof that sheltered them, and caused their destruction
and his own death. It is all possible, but conjectural.
9. At Megiddo.
(\) A Hebrew Temple. — In the course of the excavation at
Megiddo a temple was found concerning the sacred nature of
which there can be no such doubts as in the case of the build-
ing just mentioned^; (Fig. 222). This temple was in the Israel-
itish stratum, and so is of especial interest to the students of
the Bible. It was situated in the highest part of the city. The
whole space was not excavated, but the portion uncovered was
131 feet long and 115 wide. It was of the same period as the
palace in which the seal of Shema the servant of Jeroboam was
found, and contained more drafted stones than the walls of that
palace. In one of the rooms of the temple stood two stones that
were certainly "pillars" such as are denounced in Deuteronomy.
One of these was 7 feet 8 inches high ; the other, 7 feet high. The
room in which these pillars stood was 30 feet long and 10 feet 7
inches wide. In building the wall of this temple a stone was used
that had once formed the voluted capital of a column; (Fig. 224).
Probably this stone was taken from an earlier Philistine building.
I See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 405, S. » Schumacher, Tell cl-Mulesellim, 1 10-124.
HIGH PLACES AND TEMPLES 177
In the grounds of the temple, which were once regarded as holy,
several jars containing the skeletons of children were unearthed.
These had apparently been offered in sacrifice and buried like those
found in the high place of Gezer.
While the walls of this temple were built of larger and more care-
fully cut stones than most of the other walls in the city, no effort
seems to have been made to give the temple a definite architectural
plan. Large towers were found near it, but, as the temple was at
the east end of the city, these formed part of fortifications. The
fortifications and other buildings crowded upon the temple, so
that, had an effort been made to make it architecturally imposing,
the effect would have been lost.
(2) A Palace Chapel. — The people of Megiddo seem to have been
particularly fond of the t}^e of worship represented by this temple,
for in a room to the east of the palace of the Hebrew governor was a
room containing three "pillars," in which the remains of a number of
terra-cotta goddesses were found.^ This was apparently the pri-
vate chapel of the palace. This room was almost 40 feet long and 32
feet 10 inches wide; (Fig. 223). Its beginnings antedate the Israel-
itish period, since they come from the stratum before the conquest.
(3) Another Chapel. — What seems to have been still another
place of worship equipped with the necessary "pillars" was found in
the Hebrew stratum between the governor's palace and the southern
gate of the city.^ It would appear from the connecting walls that
this sacred place may also have been intended for the special use of
the occupants of the palace. This room was not quite 30 feet long
and a little less than 20 feet wide. It contained six stones which Dr.
Schumacher took to be "pillars." Like those at Petra and Taanach,
they had evidently been shaped with tools. They did not stand
in a row or in any regular relation to one another. This might
throw some doubt upon the religious significance of the stones.
Could they not have been columns used in supporting the roof
of the building? Since a small stone object that had religious
significance in the high places was found in this room, together
with a most remarkable incense burner, it is probable that these
were religious "pillars" and that the room was a little chapel.
The object was of limestone and about 7 inches long. It was lying
at the foot of one of the "pillars." The incense burner was made of
a greyish soft limestone. It was a little over 9 inches in height.
> Schumacher, Tell el-Miilesellim, 105-110. ^Ibid., 125-130.
178 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
The diameter of the bowl was 6f inches. The stone was cut so that
the bowl rested on a pedestal, which was divided by rings into two
portions, each of which was cut so as to represent a circle of over-
hanging leaves; (see Fig. 225). The whole was decorated with
reddish-brown and cobalt-blue paints. The decoration of the rim
of the bowl is a geometrical design, that on the bowl itself repre-
sents a sort of conventionalized lily blossom, while the leaves sug-
gest those of the palm.
These discoveries make it plain that the Canaanite temples of
Palestine, which the Hebrews took over, were simply high places in
miniature, enclosed in walls and probably roofed over, though the
roofs have disappeared. The feeling that led to the change from the
open air high place was the same as that underlying the saying of
Da\dd: 'T dwell in a house of cedar, but the ark of God dwelleth
within curtains" (2 Sam. 7:2).
10. The Temple to Augustus at Samaria. — The excavations at
Samaria^ have brought to light the foundation of the temple erected
by Herod the Great in honor of Augustus.^ This was a temple
of a very different type. It was patterned on Graeco-Roman models
and ever}'thing was done to make it architecturally impressive.
Unfortunately, the results of the Harv^ard expedition have not yet
been given to the public in detail, but from the imposing stair^-ay,
discovered during the first season of the excavation, together with
the partial plan of the building as then uncovered, and the outlines
of its walls as a later season's work disclosed them, one can form
some idea of the imposing appearance of this structure. A massive
stains-ay led up to a large platform surrounded by large pillars.
This formed the portico. Back of this stretched the walls of the
temple. The general form of the building seems to have been
similar to that of the large temple at Jerash, which will be described
in Chapter XIV. ^ At the foot of the stairway leading up to the
temple was found a large altar, and near this a fallen statue of
Augustus. For outlines of the temple, see Figs. 216 and 221.
These ancient places of worship which archaeology has brought to
light are eloquent witnesses of the pathetic way the men of Pales-
tine "felt after God, if haply they might find him" (Acts 17 : 27),
and the pathos is not lessened by the fact that they thus continued
to grope, even after the clearer light was shining about them.
> See Harvard Theological Review. II, 102-113; III, 248-263.
* See Josephus, A ntiquilies of llie Jews, XV, viii, 5, and Wars of the Jews, I, xxi, 2.
' See especially Fig. 269.
CHAPTER XII
THE TOMBS OF PALESTINE
Burning the Dead. Cave Burials. Cistern Burial. Burial under Menhirs.
Earth-graves. Rock-hewn Shaft Tombs. Doorway Tombs. Tombs with a
Rolling-stone.
1. Burning the Dead. — As noted in a previous chapter/ the cave-
dwellers of Gezer burned their dead. The Semitic inhabitants of
Palestine did not follow this custom, but buried theirs. At Gezer
the caves that had formed the dwellings of the first inhabitants were
put by the Semites to various uses. Sometimes they, too, lived in
them; sometimes they made cisterns of them; and sometimes they
utilized them as places of burial for their dead.
2. Cave Burials. — A cave that became a tomb after the Semitic
occupation was the one that had been the crematorium of the
pre-Semitic inhabitants.^ All over the floor of the cave above the
burned bones was another stratum of bones that had never been
burned. These were scattered over the floor of the cave, and, al-
though they had been much disturbed by rats, it appeared that they
belonged to that early type of burial in which the body is placed on
its side with the knees drawn up toward the chin. These bodies
had apparently been deposited in all parts of the cave. Ranged
around the sides of the cave was a series of enclosures marked off
from the floor by lines of stones. In these, portions of various
skeletons were found. These enclosures seem to have been reserva-
tions made for persons of distinction. For a time, therefore, the
cave seems to have been used as a general place of burial. In some
of the other caves of Gezer evidence was found that they had been
used as tombs. ^ Beautiful pottery and alabaster vessels were
found with the bones. Wine and possibly food for the dead had
been placed in these. Underneath the pottery in one cave a con-
siderable number of scarabs were found, some of them mounted in
1 See Chapter V, p. 105.
* See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 286.
» Ibid., p. 122, f.
179
180 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
gold. This must have been, accordingly, the burial place of persons
of comparative wealth. Similar cave burials were found by Mac-
kenzie at Beth-shemesh.^
Such cave burials as these at once recall Abraham's purchase of
the cave of Machpelah as recorded in Gen. 23. The kind of
burial presupposed in that chapter is just that found at Gezer.
The mouth of the cave could be closed up and opened at will for
later burials. (See Gen. 50 : 13.)
The custom of placing food or drink or both in the sepulcher was
all but universal in Palestine. It is silent testimony to a faith in a
kind of after-life. That that life as they conceived it was of a
shadowy and an unsatisfactory nature is shown by the references
to it in Isa. 14 : 9-11 and Ezek. 32 : 22-32.2 Nevertheless, these
evidences that the mourners who stood by every ancient tomb
provided food for their loved ones to eat in the after-life is elo-
quent testimony to the fact that even in that age the loving
heart found it impossible to believe that the life of its dear ones
had been altogether terminated.
3. Cistern Burial. — Another burial at Gezer that must have been
connected with some unusual circumstance led to the deposit of
fifteen bodies in a cistern,^ and a number of spear heads were found
with them. The skeletons were all males except .one, which
was that of a girl about sixteen years old, whose spine had been
severed and only the upper part of the skeleton deposited in the
cistern; (see Fig. 229). The cistern is too deep to favor the sup-
position that the bodies had been deposited at successive times.
Macalister hazards the conjecture that the men died of plague
and that the girl was offered as a sacrifice to propitiate the
deity. A plague, however, would have attacked women as well
as men. Perhaps the men were slain in defending Gezer from
the attack of an enemy that had succeeded in severing the body
of the girl. The real cause of the tragedy is, however, unknown
to us.
4. Burial under Menhirs. — A very old form of burial, still prac-
tised by the half-nomadic tribes east of the Jordan, is to place the
dead in the earth within one of the prehistoric ^ilgals or menhirs.
How old this form of burial is, it is impossible to tell. It is assumed
'Palestine Exploration Fund's Anntuil, II, 42, ff.
' For a Babylonian parallel, see Part II, p. 423, ff.
' See Macalister, Excavalion of Gezer, II, 429, f.
THE TOMBS OF PALESTINE 181
by some writers that it was practised by the neoUthic people who
erected these monuments, and who are beUeved by such writers to
have been ancestor worshipers. If, however, these neolithic men
were akin to the neolithic cave-dwellers of Gezer, they burned their
dead. Another explanation is, accordingly, more probable. All
through the history of Palestine the sanctity of certain spots has
persisted. A place once considered as holy, if not so regarded by
the next wave of conquerors, nevertheless often has enough sanctity
clinging to it to make it taboo. No thief will disturb objects left
witliin its precincts, lest the spirit of the place bring disaster upon
him. It seems probable that the wandering tribes on the border of
the Arabian Desert have utilized the sacred places of these pre-
historic men for the burial of their dead, in order that the fear of
violating the taboo pertaining to these places may secure the bodies
from disturbance. Whatever the reason may be, they still bury
their dead in such precincts and place their tribal wasms or marks on
such stones.^
5. Earth-graves. — The simplest form of burial was to place the
body in the ground without accessory of any kind. In the course
of the excavation of Gezer a few burials of this sort came to light. ^
The skeleton was in these cases stretched out; sometimes it was ly-
ing on its back; sometimes on its side. As these bodies were buried
without accessories, so contrary to the custom of the Palestinians
who placed food or drink by the dead, the excavator thought that
they were probably the graves of murdered persons, who had been
hastily concealed in the earth.
Another form of burial, when the interment occurred within a
city, is illustrated by the five "Philistine" graves found at Gezer.^
These graves wxre excavations in the earth, lined with cement, and,
after the interment, covered with four or five massive stones
and earth; (Fig. 226). In these graves the usual deposits of food
and drink had been made in beautiful bronze and silver vessels,
which show kinship to the art of Cyprus; (see Fig. 137). They
are probably, therefore, Philistine.
6. Rock-hewn Shaft Tombs. — A form of tomb of which many
examples are to be found in all parts of Palestine is the rock-hewn
tomb. The limestone of the country is easily cut, and lends itself
1 See Bihlkal Worhl. Vol. XXIV. p. 177.
2 See Macalister, Excavaliun of Gezer, I, 288, f.
»Ihid., 289, a.
182 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
readily to the construction of this kind of burial-place. Such
tombs are of two kinds — "shaft" tombs and "doorway" tombs.
The structure of a shaft tomb is as follows:^ The tomb chamber
or chambers are cut in the rock and are approached by a perpen-
dicular rock-hewn shaft, which is usually rectangular. This shaft
is closed at the bottom with slabs and then the shaft is filled with
earth. Such tombs are usually constructed in ledges covered over
with soil, so that, when the hole leading to the rock-cut shaft is
filled, the tomb is effectually concealed. Such tombs are very
numerous all the way from pre-Israelitish times to the Greek period.
For a plan of one, see Fig. 228.
7. Doorway Tombs. — The "doorway" tombs are sometimes cut
in a ledge that is altogether under ground. In that case a flight of
steps is excavated leading down to the door; (Fig. 232). Often
the tomb is cut in a ledge on the slope of a hill, so that the
doorway is approached from the level of the ground; (see Fig. 227).
Doors were, no doubt, fitted into the doorways. The places cut in
the rock for the latches or bars of such doors are sometimes still
visible. These tombs consisted sometimes of one room, sometimes
of several. Sometimes the bodies were laid on the floor of the
tomb; sometimes elevated benches or shelves were cut in the rock
on which bodies might be placed. Quite as often shafts or niches
were cut into the rock, into which a body or a sarcophagus could be
shoved endwise. Such a shaft is called technically a kok, in the
plural, ^o^/w. For examples of them, see Figs. 233, 237. The date
at which this kind of tomb was introduced has not been satisfac-
torily determined.
Sometimes numerous small tombs, each one resembling some-
what a kok, were cut in a hillside. Archaeologists call such a group
of tombs a "columbarium"; (see Fig. 230).
In the Hellenistic and Roman periods efforts were made to give
adornment to such tombs. The so-called "Tombs of the Judges" -
near Jerusalem, of which the writer was the first to make a scientific
examination, is a good example of this kind of tomb''; (see Fig. 231).
This tomb consisted of three rooms in its upper level and three in
its lower level; (see Fig. 235). The ledges and kokitn in it made
provision for seventy bodies, and a rough chamber opening out of
' Sec Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, iSoS-igoo, p. 9, ff.
2 So called because of a tradition that the members of the Sanhedrin were buried there. The
tradition probably arose because the kokim and shelves make provision for seventy bodies,
a See Journal of Biblical Literalurc, XXII, 1903, p. 164, ff.
THE TOMBS OF PALESTINE 183
room D was evidently used for the deposit of the bones of those
who had been long dead, when a niche or kok was needed for the
reception of another body. Sometimes the pillars of a porch were
carved out of the solid rock. A number of such tombs are to be
found near Jerusalem. There is one in the Kidron Valley near
Gethsemane, cut wholly out of the rock and finished to a spire
at the top. This is the so-called "Absalom's pillar."
In the time of Christ the tombs of Israel's heroes were adorned
and venerated. Jesus alludes to this in Luke 11 : 47, 48. Elisha
must have been buried in a doorway tomb, into which by opening
the door the body of a man could be easily thrown. (See 2 Kings
13 : 20, 21.) It was, no doubt, the memory of such narratives as
this that led to the reverence paid to the tombs of the prophets in
the time of Christ.
Another tomb at Jerusalem, called the "Tombs of the Kings," has
a large open court cut down into the rock, from the different sides
of which entrances lead to the other tomb chambers. This tomb
was built for Queen Helena of Adiabene, the ancient Assyria, who,
in the days of Herod the Great, was converted to Judaism and re-
moved to Jerusalem. She died and was buried there.^
Sometimes in the Seleucid period the ulterior of the tombs was
also made very ornate. Such were the tombs, discovered in 1902,^
of some wealthy Greek-speaking citizens of Marissa. A plan of
one of them is shown in Fig. 234, and examples of its inner
ornamentation in Fig. 236. These tombs were also adorned with
pictures of vases, trees, animals, etc.; (see Fig. 239). The figures,
as well as the interior generally, were decorated with red, yellow,
and brown paints. One of them was that of ApoUophanes, chief
of the Sidonians at Marissa. Over the different niches in the
tombs the names of the persons buried were inscribed in Greek
letters.
Rock-cut tombs, whether large or small, were regarded as im-
portant possessions, and the people who might be buried in them
were frequently carefully specified by their builders. An example
of this may be found in Part II of the present work, p. 442.
8. Tombs with a Rolling-stone. — One other type of tomb must
be noticed even in this hasty sketch. To close a "doorway"
tomb securely must always have been a matter of difficulty in Pales-
1 See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XX, ii. 1; iv, 3.
' See Peters and Thiersch, Painted Tombs at Marissa, London, 1905.
184 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
tine. It was not easy with the kind of locks they had to keep in-
truders out of tombs. This led to the cutting of a large groove by
the side of the doorway into which a rolling-stone was fitted. When
it was desired to open the tomb, the stone could be rolled back.
The stones were too heavy to be easily disturbed. It was in a new
tomb of this type that the body of Jesus was laid, and it was such a
stone that the women found rolled away on the resurrection morn-
ing. (See Matt. 28 : 2; Mark 16 : 3, 4; Luke 24 : 2; John 20 : 1,
and Fig. 238.)
CHAPTER XIII
JERUSALEM^
Situation. Gihon. Cave-dwellers. The El-Amarna Period. Jebusite Jeru-
salem. The City of David: Millo. David's reign. Solomon's Jerusalem: Site
of Solomon's buildings. Solomon's temple. Solomon's palace. From Solomon to
Hezekiah. Hezekiah. From Hezeklah to the Exile. The Destruction of
586 B. c. The Second Temple. Nehemiah and the Walls. Late Persian and
Early Greek Periods. In the Time of the Maccabees. Asmon^an Jerusalem.
Herod the Great: Herod's palace. Herod's theater. Herod's temple. The Pool
OF Bethesda. Gethsemane. Calvary. Agrippa I and the Third Wall.
1. Situation. — Since 1867 excavations have been made at Jeru-
salem from time to time. The most important of these were
mentioned in Chapter IV. An attempt will be made here to set
before the reader the growth and development of Jerusalem from
period to period, as that growth is now understood by foremost
scholars. Our knowledge of the situation and form of the city in
the different periods is based partly on formal excavations, partly
on remains that have been accidentally found, and partly on a study
of the references to Jerusalem in the Bible and other ancient writ-
ings. These references are interpreted in the light of the topog-
raphy and of the archaeological remains.
Jerusalem is situated on the central ridge of Palestine, where
the ridge broadens out to a small plateau. The plateau at this
point is approximately 2,500 feet above the level of the Mediter-
ranean Sea. In a narrower sense the site of the city is two rocky
promontories which run south from the plateau with the valley
El-Wad (in Roman times the Tyropoeon) between them. On the
north these promontories merge into the plateau, but on the east,
south, and west the valleys of Hinnom and the Kidron sharply
separate them from the surrounding land. The steep sides of these
valleys made fortification easy in ancient times. The highest
point of the western hill is about 400 feet higher than the bottom of
the Kidron valley, which in ancient times was 20 to 40 feet deeper
' All who can do so should read George Adam Smith's Jerusalem from the Earliest Times to
A . D. yo. New York, 1908, and Hughes Vincent's Jerusalem, Paris, 1912. Or, if this is not possible,
L. B. Paton's Jerusalem in Bible Times, Chicago, 1905.
185
186 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
than now; (see Fig. 240). Indeed, the position was almost im-
pregnable. Only on the north was the city vulnerable.
West of the city hills gently rise to a slight elevation and shut
out the view. The easternmost of the two promontories is lower
than the western, which in its turn slopes to the east. Just south
of the Mount of Olives, to the east of Jerusalem, there is a rift in the
hills through which the distant mountains of Moab can be seen.
From elevated buildings in the city the Dead Sea is also visible.
The slope of the hills of Jerusalem and her broader outlook to the
eastward are significant of the influences that moulded her earlier
history. During the centuries that Israel was an independent
nation the Philistine plain was nearly always in the hands of a
hostile people. Jerusalem was thus cut off from influences that
might otherwise have reached her from across the Mediterranean,
and was shut up to influences that reached her through kindred
tribes and nations to the east. Thus in intellectual kinship, as well
as in physical outlook, the gaze of Jerusalem was directed toward
the Orient.
All Palestinian cities of importance were situated near per-
petual springs. There are at Jerusalem but two unfailing sources
of water — the Ain Sitti Miriam (the ancient Gihon) and the Bir
Eyyub (Biblical En-rogel). These are both in the Kidron vaUey,
the former just under the brow of the eastern hill some 400 yards
from the southern point of the hill, the latter at the point where the
valley of Hinnom and the Kidron unite. Of these two sources of
supply, the Gihon is pre-eminently fitted to attract an early settle-
ment. It is almost under the hill, whereas the other is out in the
midst of the open valley. Gihon, too, is at the base of a hill that
can be defended easily on three sides, whereas a town built on a
hillside above En-rogel, as the modern Silwan is, could be easily
attacked from above. These conditions determined the situation
of the earliest settlement, which was near Gihon.
2. Gihon. — The Parker expedition of 1909-1911 revealed by its
excavations the fact that the source of the spring of Gihon is a
great crack in the rock in the bottom of the valley far below the
present apparent source.^ This crack is about 16 feet long, is of
great depth, and runs east and west. The western end of it just
enters the mouth of the cave where the apparent source is today,
but the eastern end passes out into the bed of the valley. All the
« See Dr. Masterman in the Biblical World, Vol. XXXIX, p. 295, f.
JERUSALEM 187
water would discharge into the valley but for a wall at the eastern
end of the rift, built in very ancient times, which confines the water
and compels it to flow into the cave. This wall was constructed by
some of the earliest inhabitants of the place. The spring thus
produced is intermittent. Its flow is not ceaseless. The water
breaks from the hole in the rainy season, three to five times a
day; in the summer but twice a day; and after the failure of the
spring rains, less than once a day. This fact indicates that the
waters collect in some underground cavern from which they are
drained by a siphon-like tunnel. The "troubling" of the Pool of
Bethesda (John 5 : 4) is thought by some scholars to have been due
to the action of such a siphon-like spring.
3. Cave-dwellers.— About this spring the Parker expedition
found large caves and rooms excavated in the rock, and indications
that these had once been inhabited. A great deal of pre-Israelite
pottery was also found around the spring. These indications seem
to show that the site was inhabited for at least a thousand years
before David, and perhaps for two thousand, and that its first in-
habitants were cave-dwellers. One naturally thinks in this con-
nection of the cave-dwellers of Gezer. It is possible that the first
Jerusalemites belonged to the same period and were of the same race.
One thinks, too, of the sacred cave and the stone altar on the next
peak of the eastern ridge to the north, where the temple afterward
stood, and wonders whether it may not have been the sanctuary of
this early cave-dwelling race. A definite answer cannot be given
to this question. One can only recognize that it may possibly be
true.
4. The El-Amama Period. — ^The next knowledge we have of
Jerusalem comes from the letters of Ebed-Hepa, which were written
to Amenophis IV of Egypt between 1375 and 1357 b. c. At that
time it was already a walled city, for Ebed-Hepa speaks of "throw-
ing it open."^
The fortified city of Ebed-Hepa was, no doubt, identical with the
later Jebusite city. It was situated on the eastern hill just above
the spring of Gihon. Probably in the period just before this time
it had, like Gezer, been surrounded by a massive wall. In connec-
tion with this fortification the rock near Gihon had been scarped
(cut to a perpendicular surface) in order to increase the difficulty of
» See Part II, Chapter XV, Letter V, and the writer's note in the Biblical World, XXII, p.
11, n. 5.
188 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
scaling the wall.^ As the wall of Gezcr lasted for a thousand years,
so this Egyptian wall continued to the reign of David.
It is privately reported that Weil in his excavation in 1913-14
found on the eastern hill remains of a wall with a sloping glacis
similar to that belonging to the earliest period of Megiddo. This
would not only confirm our inference that Jerusalem was a walled
city in the time of Ebed-Hepa, but indicate that its wall had been
built at a much earlier time. It was also in the fourteenth century
B. c. the capital of a considerable kingdom which Ebed-Hepa ruled
as a vassal of the king of Egypt. This kingdom extended as far
west as Beth-shcmesh and Keilah (1 Sam. 23 : 1), including, per-
haps, Gezer. Aijalon seems to have been included in it on the
north, and Carmel in Judah (1 Sam. 25 : 2) on the south.
When the letters of Ebed-Hepa were written, his kingdom was
being attacked and apparently overcome by the Habiri, a people
who may have been the first wave of the Hebrew conquest.^ The
letters of Ebed-Hepa cease without telling us whether or not the
Habiri captured his city. If they did and they were really Hebrews,
they did not hold it long, for, when the Biblical records lift the veil
that hides so much of the past, Jerusalem was in the hands of the
Jebusites. (See Josh. 15 :63; Judges 1 : 21.)
5. Jebusite Jerusalem. — The Jebusites held it all through the
period of the Judges (Judges 19 : 10, 11). Israel did not capture it
until the reign of David. (See 2 Sam. 5 : 6-8.) At some earlier
period of the history of Jerusalem an underground rock-cut passage
similar to the one at Gezer^ had been made, so as to permit the in-
habitants in case of siege to descend to the spring for water without
going outside the walls; (see Fig. 241). The natural slope of the
hill had been reinforced at this point by the escarpment of the
rock, and the Jebusites felt so secure that they taunted the He-
brews from the top of the walls. Joab, however, discovered the way
to this underground passage through the cave back of the spring,
Gihon, and, leading a band of men up through it, appeared suddenly
within the city, taking the Jebusites by surprise, and captured it.
6. The City of David. — David then took up his residence at
Jerusalem, thus making it the capital of the kingdom of Israel.
Thus the city of the Jebusites, situated on the eastern hill, which
was called Zion, became the "city of David."
> See Biblical World. XXXIX, 306.
2 See Part II, Chapter XV. » See Chapter VI, § 8.
JERUSALEM 189
A few modern writers still insist that the "city of David" was on
the western hill, which since 333 a. d. has been called Zion. This,
as most scholars have seen, is an impossible view. Solomon built
a palace for Pharaoh's daughter near his own on the temple hill,
and, when she moved into it, she went up out of the city of David
(1 Kings 9 : 24). As the western hill is higher than the eastern,
she must have gone from a point on the eastern hill lower than the
temple. When the temple was completed, Solomon brought the
ark up from the city of David to the holy of holies in the new
temple (2 Chron. 5 : 2). Scripture thus confirms the inferences
from the pottery and the water supply, that the "city of David"
was on the eastern hill, and that that hill was Zion. It was a small
town, since the space it could occupy was not more than thirteen
acres, and may have been less.
(1) Millo. — After occupying his new capital David "built round
about from Millo and inward" (2 Sam. 5:9). What was Millo?
This is a great puzzle, and there are many varying opinions about
it. The word literally means a "filKng," and is employed in Assy-
rian for the building up of a terrace on which a building may be
erected. It may have been a "filling" on the line of the valley that
separated the hill of the citadel of David from Moriah or the temple
hill. It would seem to have been on the edge of the city, since
David built from there "inward." Some have supposed it to be a
fortress, and the Septuagint translated it by "akra," which means
"citadel." Some have thought of it as a fort, others as a solid
tower. If on the line of the valley mentioned, it may have been at
the northeast corner, or at the northwest corner of the town. Some
have supposed that it was at the southern end of the eastern hill in
order to protect a pool there. Just below the southern end of the
eastern hill in the valley of the Kidron lay the "King's Gardens,"
and just across the valley, the village of Siloah. In 2 Kings 12 : 20
it is said that Joash was killed in Millo, leading down to Silla. We
know of no Silla. Is it a corruption of the Hebrew word for "shade"
or is it a corruption of Siloah? In the former case the reference
might be to the King's Gardens, in the latter- to the village of
Siloah. Either of these suppositions would favor a site for
Millo at the south end of the hill, but the words "leading down
to Silla" may have had quite a different origin and meaning.'
1 Some scholars think the words are a distorted repetition of "in Millo," which was accidentally
repeated by a scribe.
190 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
We must, therefore, confess that the location of Millo cannot at
present be determined.
(2) David's Reign. — As David's reign advanced and his success
in war compelled neighboring nations to pay tribute, probably the
population of Jerusalem increased. Such an increase would natur-
ally lead to the erection of houses outside the walls, as it has in
recent times. It is altogether probable that a settlement on the
western hill was thus begun in the reign of David. There is no
hint, however, that he took any steps to enclose such a settlement
within a wall. The phrase "the way of the gate" in 2 Sam. 15 : 2
implies that there was still but one gate in the walls. This is in
striking contrast to the number of gates in later times. The only
record that we have of further action on David's part that affected
the future growth of Jerusalem refers to the way in which he took
over the rock on Mount Moriah and the sacred cave under it and
made a sanctuary to Jehovah. (See 2 Sam. 24.) This action,
at a later time, determined the site of the temple.
7. Solomon's Jerusalem. — David left Jerusalem a military for-
tress; Solomon transformed it into a city with imposing buildings.
This creation of a more imposing city was in accord with the general
character of Solomon's reign. He established a large harem, made
marriage alliances with many neighboring kings, maintained such
an establishment that it was necessary to make a regular levy on a
different portion of the country each month for supplies, and en-
deavored to make his capital as splendid as the capital of a rich
commercial Phoenician monarch. Such a policy necessitated,
probably, the enlargement of Jerusalem. David, who began life
as a shepherd-boy, was content to live the simple life to the end;
Solomon, born to the purple, desired to surround himself with a
pomp befitting his rank. The Biblical writers were more interested
in the construction of the temple and of Solomon's palace than in
any other phase of his work, but they have left us some hints of his
activities in other directions.
They tell us that he "built Millo and the wall of Jerusalem"
(1 Kings 9 : 15), that he "built the wall of Jerusalem round about"
(1 Kings 3:1), and that he "built Millo and repaired the breach
in the city of David, his father" (1 Kings 11 : 27). Evidently
Millo had fallen into disrepair since David rebuilt it, and the walls
of the city of David on the eastern hill were also in need of repairs.
These repairs he made, but did he go further? It is intrinsically
JERUSALEM 191
probable that he did. The king who fortified Hazor in Naphtali,
Megiddo, Gezer, Beth-horon, Baalath, and Tamar would hardly
leave a large suburb of his capital on the western hill unfortified.
The statement that he "built the wall of Jerusalem round about,"
while it does not clearly state that he did more than fortify the
"city of David" on Zion, seems to imply that he did. This view is
strengthened by Bliss's discovery on the western hill of some walls
that connected once with a great fortress at the southwest corner
of the western hill, which he believed to be the work of Solomon.
The site of. this fortress is now occupied by "Bishop Gobat's
School," an Enghsh foundation for the education of native boys.
When the school was rebuilt in 1874 Mr. Henry Maudsley
examined the surface of the rock, which is escarped, or cut per-
pendicularly, for about 100 feet to the southeast of the school
and 43 feet north of it. The scarp is about 40 feet high at
the highest point; (Fig. 242). The school is built on a large pro-
jection of the scarp 45 feet square and 20 feet high. The sur-
face of the rock under the school bears unmistakable signs that
there was once an ancient tower there. To the eastward of this
Bliss discovered the foundations of an ancient tower. Beyond this
to the east there was a deep rock-cut ditch. The tower on its
northeast corner fitted into another rock-scarp which ran north-
ward into land on which they could not excavate.^ The deep
rock-cut ditch or moat at the east of the scarp suggests that at the
period of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099-1188 a. d., this
fortress formed the fortification of the southwest corner of the city,
from which the wall ran off sharply in a direction a little east of
north. This view is confirmed by the discovery which Bliss made
of a wall, apparently built by the Crusaders, that ran in a north-
easterly direction by an irregular course along the high part of the
western hill toward the temple area. As this wall rested on re-
mains of the Roman time it cannot well have belonged to a time
earlier than the crusading period. May not, then, Maudsley's
scarp itself have been cut by the Crusaders who were most energetic
and masterly builders? This seems hardly probable, for Josephus,
in describing the course of the wall on the west side of the western
hill, says that beginning at Herod's palace (the modern Turkish
fortress) the wall ran southward through a place called "Bethso."^
1 Bliss and Dickie, Excavations at Jerusalem, 1894-1897, passim, and p. 319, ff.
* For " Bethso," see Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, iv, 2.
192 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Bethso is a corruption of Beth-zur, which means rock-fortress — an
apt description of the tower on Maudsley's scarp. As Josephus
makes no mention of the construction of a fortress at this point by
Herod, it was probably built, at an earlier period. The writer holds
with Bliss that it is probable that the original fortress on the site of
Bishop Gobat's School was constructed by Solomon and that he
enclosed the top of the western hill with a wall. Whether that
wall simply enclosed the top of the hill and followed something of
the same course as the wall of the Crusaders mentioned above (so
Bliss thinks), or whether it ran down the eastern slope pf the western
hill to the southern point of the "City of David," it is impossible
now to determine.
The view that Solomon extended the city to the western hill
cannot be proved, since there is no definite reference in the Bible
to the western hill in the time of Solomon, and there is no inscrip-
tion on the masonry found definitely to connect it with him. In
consideration of all the conditions it seems probable that Solomon
enclosed a part of the western hill. If so, the. wall built by Solomon
on the north side of the western hill was probably on the line of what
Josephus called the "first wall." This wall, was rebuilt from time
to time. The debris of a part of it seems still to be in place at the
east end of "David Street" in modern Jerusalem. A short street,
high above the surrounding levels, now runs on the top of this
debris.^
(1) Site of Solomon's Buildings'.— Concerning the building of
Solomon's palace and the temple there can be no doubt, for the
Bible contains accounts of the construction of these. Their
general location is also well known. They were across the little
valley which separated the part of Zion called Ophel (where the city
of David was situated) from the part sometimes called Moriah.^
This hill-top included the threshing-floor of Araunah, the Jebusite
(2 Sam. 24), and Solomon now enclosed this with a wall. Sir
Charles Warren believed that he found portions of this wall at the
southeast angle of the ancient temple area, 80 feet below the present
surface of the ground. During his excavations in the years 1867-
1870 he sunk at this point a shaft to the native rock, from the bottom
of which a tunnel was carried inward to the base of the wall. He
1 See J. E. Hanauer, Walks about Jerusalem. London, 1910, 88, 89.
2 The writer is well aware that the name Moriah for this part of the hill rests on slender evidence,
but he employs it nevertheless as a convenient term, since it is well understood by readers of the
Bible.
JERUSALEM 193
found twenty-one courses of drafted stones below the surface at this
point, and the stones in the lower courses bore quarry marks which
resemble old Hebrew or Phoenician characters.^ The lower courses
of stones were from 3 feet 6 inches to 4 feet 3| inches in height.
Some of the characters were cut in the stones; some painted on
them. It is most probable that these were remains of the work of
Solomon; (see Figs. 244, 245, and 246).
The enclosure of this hill-top with a wall set it apart from the
rest of Jerusalem. It was a kind of separate fortress. At the
time it emphasized the majesty of Solomon — his apartness from his
people. This separate enclosure of the temple hill was perpetuated
through the whole history of Jerusalem and is maintained today.
In all periods the temple hill has been a fortress that could be de-
fended apart from the city.
(2) Solomoti's Temple. — Of the form and situation of the build-
ings of Solomon on the hill that was enclosed by this new wall,
there is a wide diversity of opinion. This diversity arises in part
from the fact that some scholars take at their face value statements
of Josephus, the Talmud, and other late sources concerning Solo-
mon's temple, while others attribute less weight to the statements
of those sources which were written long after this temple was
destroyed, and base their views rather on the earlier documents.
The last is the only sound method of study, and is the course fol-
lowed here. We shall take as evidence of the plan and situation of
the buildings the Biblical writers who had seen them.
We are at the start confronted, however, with a difficulty, since
no Biblical writer has given us an exact statement as to what part
of the hill Solomon's temple occupied. Most modern scholars hold,
nevertheless, that it was built at the highest point of the hill just
west of the sacred cave, which has already been mentioned,^ and
the old rock-altar above it. This view is confirmed by Josephus^
and is undoubtedly correct, although three or four modern scholars
have doubted it. The temple would naturally be built near the
spot where the angel is said to have appeared to David (2 Sam. 24 :
16), and as angels are frequently represented in the Old Testament
as appearing upon rocks (see Judges 6 : 11, f.; 13 : 19)"* it is alto-
gether probable that the appearance to David was on the rock-altar
•Warren and Conder, Jerusalem, pp. 148-158.
2 See Chapter XI, p. 168.
' Wars of the Jews, V, v, 1.
* So Stade. Geschichte des Volkes Israels, Berlin, 1889, 1, 314, and G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 60.
194 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
at the top of the hill. On this rock the animals for sacrifice were
slain, as the conduits for blood still visible on its top indicate.
Near it, then, or on it the altar of burnt-offerings stood. We learn
from Ezekiel, who had served as a priest in the temple of Solomon,
that the temple faced the east, that it stood to the west of the altar,
and that there was room between the temple and the altar for
twenty-five men. (See Ezek. 8 : 16.) The temple was a rectangu-
lar building with its greatest length running east and west. Its
measurements were 124 feet for the length, 50 for the breadth, and
55 for the height. It was constructed of stones and cedar beams.
The outer temple, afterward called the holy place, was 70 feet
long, 34| feet wide, and 52 feet high. Back of it was the holy of
holies, where the ark was placed. It was a cube 34| feet each way.
Apparently there was a chamber above it.^ This room was adorned
with carvings of cherubim, palms, and open, flowers (1 Kings 6 : 29,
32, 35). It had no window. According to 2 Chron. 3 : 14, it was
separated from the holy place, by a veil. The holy place contained
the table of show-bread and ten golden lamp-stands (1 Kings 7 :
49). 2 The lattice work high up in the walls of this room (1 Kings
' In giving the dimensions of the various temples, the writer has followed the calculations of
George Adam Smith in his Jerusalem. W. Shaw Caldecott has published four volumes, one on the
Tabernacle, one on Solomon's Temple, one on the Second Temple, and one on Eerod's Temple, in
which he claims to have discovered a key that harmonizes all the Biblical statements as to the
measurements of these structures. His supposed key is his belief that, the Babylonians had three
different cubits which they used side by side, that these cubits were known to Moses, and that their
use was perpetuated in the temple. Should these pages be read by one who has accepted that
claim as true, it is but fair that he be informed that Caldecott's whole system is based upon a mis-
interpretation of a Babylonian tablet that was published in Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of
Western Asia, Vol. IV, p. 37. (See Tabernacle, pp. 107-139, and Solomon's Temple, pp. 215,
216.) This tablet contains a table of time and of distances. The unit of time in Babylonia was a
kaskal-gid. An astronomical tablet published thirty years ago in the book most widely used by
beginners in Assyrian says that at the equinox "six kaskal-gid was the day. six kaskal-gid the night."
The kaskal-gid was. then, a period of two hours' duration. Just as in many countries the word for
"hour" is used for distance, and a place is said to be so many "hours" away, so in Babylonia and
Assyria kaskal-gid was used as a measure of distance. The tablet referred to gives a table of the
ways of writing fractions of kaskal-gid and its other divisions in the simplest of the two Babylonian
numerical systems. The Assyriologist learns from this tablet that 1 kaskal-gid (the distance of
two hours) equalled 30 ush, that 1 ush equalled 60 gar, that 1 gar equalled 12 u or cubits, and that
1 « equalled 60 situ or "fingers." Caldecott. however, mistook the sign giif for a numeral five, the
sign kaskal for a word meaning "ell," and the word « meaning "cubit" for a sign signifying "plus"!
He accordingly makes gar a " palm "; shu, a " three-palm ell "; ush, a "four-palm ell," and kaskal-gid,
a "five-palm ell"! His whole system is without foundation.
Tables similar to the one published by Rawlinson were compiled in the scribal school at Nippur.
One was published without translation by Hilprecht in 1906 in the Babylonian Expedition of the
University of Pennsylvania, Vol. XX. and interpreted by the present writer in 1909 in The Haverford
Library Collection of Cuneiform Tablets. Part II. pp. 13-18. The writer has examined other similar
tablets in the University Museum. Philadelphia.
" See Chapter IX, p. LSI. According to 1 Kings 7 : 48, there was a "golden altar" here also,
but as this is not mentioned in chapter 6 many scholars think that it is a post-exilic gloss, in-
troducing a feature from the second temple.
JERUSALEM 195
6 : 4) can have admitted only an uncertain light. The building
was richly adorned with cedar and gold. It consisted of three
stories, and the walls were of varying thickness, since ledges were
built in them to receive the beams of the different stories. Each
story contained a series of chambers for storage or the use of the
priests. Those of the first story were five cubits wide, those of the
second six, and those of the third seven; (see Figs. 247-249).
In front of the temple was a porch of unknown height, and before
this were two bronze pillars with ornamented tops, named Jachin
and Boaz. A little to the southeast of the temple in the open air
was a brazen laver supported by twelve brazen oxen (1 Kings
7 : 23-26, 39). Before the temple Solomon also placed a brazen
altar (2 Chron. 1 : 5, 6; 2 Kings 16 : 14). Another article of temple
furniture is described as a "base." It was apparently a portable
holder for a laver. It was made of bronze, provided with wheels,
and ornamented with figures of lions, cherubim, and palm-trees
1 Kings 7 : 27-37); (see Figs. 251, 252).
It is clear that the temple was not, like a modern church, intended
for the accommodation of the people. It was simply Jehovah's
dwelling. Hither the priests might come to bring the offerings
of the people, and to propitiate him. Solomon surrounded the
temple with a court enclosed by a wall of three courses of hewn
stones and cedar beams (1 Kings 6 :36). This court became in
later time the auditorium of the nation. Outside of this was
a larger court with walls of similar construction (1 Kings 7 : 12);
(see Fig. 243).
(3) Solomon''s Palace. — ^Just to the south of the temple court,
separated from it only by a wall, was a middle court in which was
Solomon's own palace and the palace of Pharaoh's daughter (1
Kings 7:8). These palaces were a little lower down the hill than
the temple, and Solomon had a private "ascent" by which he could
go up into the temple (1 Kings 10 : 5). The royal palaces were so
near that a shout in the court around the altar could be heard in the
palace (2 Kings 11 : 12, 13). These palaces were built of hewn stone
and cedar. South of this court was still another, separated from it
by a wall. In this most southerly and lowest of the courts stood the
hall of state, in which was the throne room, where Solomon sat in
judgment. This hall was paneled with cedar from floor to roof.
The throne was of ivory, was approached by six steps, and flanked
on each side by lions (1 Kings 10 : 18-20). South of this and
196 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
probably intended as its vestibule was the "porch of pillars," 86 by
52 feet (1 Kings 7:6). Still south of this stood the "house of the
forest of Lebanon" (1 Kings 7 : 2), so called because its four rows of
cedar pillars'were poetically suggestive of a Lebanon forest. This
was the largest of all the buildings, being 172 feet long, 86 feet wide,
and 52 feet high. There seem to have been two stories, the upper-
most of which was supported by 45 pillars in three rows. Josephus
says that the upper room of this hall was designed to "contain a
great body of men, who would come together to have their causes
determined."^ He may have been influenced, however, in making
the statement by the customs of his own time.
As one went northward, then, up the hill from the "city of
David," he passed through a gateway into the large court. In this
court he came first to the "house of the forest of Lebanon." Be-
yond this he would enter through the "porch of pillars" into the
splendid hall of judgment with its imposing throne. If he were a
favored servant or an honored guest of the king, he might be ad-
mitted to the inner court, in which case he would behold the im-
posing palaces of Solomon and his principal queen. A passageway
to the eastward of this more private court led the person not so
favored to the sacred court about the temple.
In the construction of these buildings Solomon employed Phoe-
nician architects and workmen. His buildings were, therefore,
more imposing than those ordinarily erected in Palestine. The
Phoenicians were the intermediaries of the ancient world, and
were the recipients of influences from Babylonia, Egypt, the
Hittites, Cx^Drus, and the Mycenean world. Through them some-
thing of the world's architectural culture touched the buildings of
Solomon.
8. From Solomon to HezeMah. — Between the time of Solomon
and Hezekiah, the Bible furnishes us with but little information
about Jerusalem. One topographical fact is given us in the
narrative of the war between Amaziah of Judah and Jehoash of
Israel, before 782 b. c. After Jehoash had been victorious in the
battle at Beth-shemesh, he came up to Jerusalem and "brake down
the wall of Jerusalem from the gate of Ephraim unto the corner
gate, four hundred cubits" (2 Kings 14 : 13); (see Fig. 304).
This wall was afterward repaired by Uzziah, who strengthened it
with towers.
^Antiquities of the Jews, VIII, v, 2.
JERUSALEM 197
Indeed, it seems probable that Uzziah's work was more extensive
and that, in order to render the city more impregnable, he added a
second wall on the north. Certainly a wall existed here before the
Exile, for when Nehemiah rebuilt the walls, this wall joined the
temple area at its northwest corner, and we know of no king after
Uzziah who would be likely to construct such a defence unless it was
Hezekiah. As the city easily withstood the attack of Pekah and
Rezin in 735 (Isa. 7 : 1, fT.); it seems probable that Uzziah was the
builder.
This wall by whomsoever it was built was in all probability on
the line of the so-called "second wall" of Josephus. As to just what
its course was we cannot now tell, further than that it started from
near the Corner Gate, near where the modern Turkish fortress now
stands, and terminated at the temple area. Some have supposed
that after leaving the Corner Gate it ran as far northward as the
line on which the northern wall of the modern city runs, then east-
ward from there to a point near the present Damascus Gate, and
then turned southward to the temple area. This seems improbable,
however, since in the time of Zechariah the tower of Hananel, which
stood near the northwest corner of the present area of the Mosque of
Omar, was the most northerly point of the city. It is thus pos-
sible that this second wall may have run south of the site of the
Church of the Holy Sepulcher. Its whole course accordingly lies
underneath the present city. None of this has been excavated ex-
cept a short part of the course near the ancient Corner Gate. In
1885, when digging was in progress for the foundations of the Grand
New Hotel, just inside the Jaffa Gate and north of the Turkish
fortress, a course of large Jewish stones was laid bare which the late
Dr. Merrill and others believed to be a part of this second wall.
The nature of the digging did not, however, disclose its course
for any great distance; the part revealed ran nearly north and
south.
Unless Solomon built the wall which ran from Maudsley's scarp
at the northwest corner of the western hill eastward down the slope
of that hill to the southern point of the eastern hill, it must have
been built by some king of this period. No hint is given us as to
who built this wall. It may have been done in the reign of Jehosha-
phat, which was a period of prosperity and expansion (2 Kings
3 : 4-12) , or in the reign of Uzziah, which was also a very prosperous
time. The need of stronger defenses created by the advance of
198 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the Assyrians into western Asia in the ninth and eighth centuries
B. c. makes it probable that Uzziah was the builder. At all events
it was accomplished by the time of Hezekiah.
In the reign of Ahaz there was a conduit (Isa. 7 : 3) leading from
the "upper pool," or Gihon, to a lower pool, which probably lay
somewhere near the mouth of the Tyropccon valley. This conduit
has been discovered. It was designed partly to conduct water
from Gihon out into the valley of the Kidron for the irrigation of the
king's gardens, and partly to fill the lower pool so that cattle could
come and drink. Isaiah refers to the waters of this conduit as
"the waters of Shiloah that go softly" (Isa. 8:6). Of course, this
conduit was in Isaiah's time an old one. It is impossible to
tell when it was first constructed. It may have been made as
early as the time of Solomon or David, or even in Jebusite
times.
In the reign of Ahaz a change was made in the nature of the altar
of burnt-offerings in the temple. When Ahaz went to Damascus to
do homage to Tiglath-pileser IV of Assyria, he saw an altar that
pleased him, and sent a pattern of it home to the high priest, Urijah,
with directions to have one made like it for the temple. This
Urijah did. This altar was apparently constructed of stone.
It displaced the brazen altar of Solomon, which was hence-
forth kept for the king's private use (2 Kings 16 : 10-16). It
is thought by some that the measurements of this stone altar
are reproduced in Ezekiel 43 : 13-17. The brazen altar had
always been out of accord with the Hebrew law. (See Exod.
20 : 24-26.)
9. Hezekiah. — Apart from his reform (2 Kings 18 : 1-6) and the
invasions of Sennacherib (2 Kings 18 : 9, ff.), the event of especial
interest mentioned in connection with Hezekiah is that "he made the
pool and the conduit and brought the water into the city" (2 Kings
20 : 20). Scholars are agreed that this refers to the rock-cut aque-
duct in which the Siloam inscription was found.^ This was for the
time of its construction a notable engineering achievement, though
recent exploration of the tunnel shows that the workers frequently
went astray and cut in directions that they did not intend. Indeed,
it is probable that the great bends in the tunnel were made on ac-
count of such mistakes and not as Clcrmont-Ganneau formerly
thought in order to avoid the tombs of the kings. Up to the pres-
> See translation, Part II, p. 377.
JERUSALEM 199
ent, search for these tombs has been vain. They must have been
somewhere on the eastern hill, but there is no reason to believe that
they were at the great depth at which this tunnel was cut through
the rock.
If the supposition made above as to the walls of Uzziah is cor-
rect, it was Hezekiah who built the first wall across the mouth of
the Tyropoeon valley so as to enclose within the city his new pool.
This wall was found by Bliss. It formed the dam of the pool. It
was strongly buttressed and had been rebuilt from time to time.
Bliss detected five periods in its history.^
10. From Hezekiah to the Exile. — After Hezekiah, the general
features of Jerusalem remained the same down to the time of the
Babylonian Exile in 586 b. c. We hear of a Fish Gate, probably
where it was at a later time, at the north of the city in the wall built
by Uzziah. Zephaniah mentions in connection with it "the second
quarter" of the city (Zeph. 1 : 10), which was probably the part of
the town between the north wall of Uzziah and the older north wall
of Solomon on the western hill. The prophetess Huldah lived there
in the time of Josiah (2 Kings 22 : 14). Zephaniah also mentions
a part of the city called Maktesh or the Mortar (Zeph. 1 : 11).
This was a part of Jerusalem occupied by Phoenician traders and
craftsmen. It was probably in the hollow between the two hills,
i. e., in the Tyropoeon valley.
In the reign of Manasseh we hear of the sacrifice of children.
For this purpose a pit was excavated on the floor of the valley of
Hinnom, to the south of the city, and arrangements were made to
burn the victims. This was called Topheth (Jer. 7 : 31). Later it
was defiled (2 Kings 23 : 10), and to perpetuate the defilement re-
fuse from the city seems to have been burned there. The valley of
Hinnom is in Hebrew gai hinnom. Later generations conceived
that the heavenly Jerusalem had also its valley of Hinnom for the
consumption of its refuse, hence gai hinnom is used in the New
Testament in the form Gehenna as a name of hell. (See Matt.
5 : 29; 10 : 28.)
11. The Destruction of 586 B. c— Toward the end of the siege of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar in the year 586 it is said that the men
of war fled by the way of the gate between the two walls which was
by the king's garden (2 Kings 25 : 4). This was evidently a gate
by the Pool of Siloam, where the two walls of the eastern hill and
' See Bliss, Excavations at Jerusalem, pp. 96-109.
200 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the wall which came down the western hill and crossed the mouth
of the Tyropoeon valley all came together.^
In August of the year 586 b. c. Jerusalem was destroyed by
Nebuchadrezzar. The temple, the royal palace, and the residences
of the principal men were burned and the walls of the city were
broken down (2 Kings 25 : 9, 10). All that was combustible was
burned, including the city gates (Neh. 1:3). All portable things
of value were carried away. Jerusalem now entered on a period of
desolation. The city was probably not entirely deserted. Some of
the poor who still managed to extract a subsistence from the desolate
hills still found shelter in her ruins. All the well-to-do inhabitants
were transported to Babylonia.
It is often assumed that the site of the temple was unused during
the Exile and that no offerings were made there, but Jer. 41 : 4, 5
shows that this was not the case. Probably an altar was repaired
very soon, and the poor people still went through their most indis-
pensable religious ceremonies amid the desolation, for men came
from Samaria two months after the destruction of the city to cele-
brate there the Feast of Tabernacles.
This destruction of the city and the deportation of its population
made a very deep impression on the Jews. How their affections
clung to the desolate and defaced city is touchingly depicted in the
book of Lamentations and in the 137th Psalm. Indeed, the de-
struction of the real Jerusalem was the beginning of that ideal
Jerusalem which has been so influential in the religious history of
the world. ^
12. The Second Temple. — Beyond the erection of an altar, al-
ready mentioned, the first steps toward the rebuilding of the temple
were taken, so many scholars think, in the second year of King
Darius of Persia, i. e., in 520 b. c. Eighteen years earlier Cyrus had
made it possible for this to be done,^ but for various reasons it had
not been undertaken.^ The man whose preaching moved the people
to begin the rebuilding was Haggai, and the cireumstances under
which he did it are recounted in his book. Haggai's persuasion
was later seconded by the efforts of Zechariah. Through four
1 See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, 226. For another view, sec Palon, Journal of Biblical Litera-
ture, XXV, 1-13.
2 See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem. II, Chapters X and XI.
3 See Chapter II, p. 66; also Part II, p. 385, f.
< Ezra 5:16 states that Shcshbazzar laid the foundations of the house in the reign of Cyrus, but
as Haggai and Zechariah give no hint of this, many scholars think there must be some error in the
text.
JERUSALEM 201
years the house slowly rose, and was finally completed in March of
the sixth year of Darius (516 b. c), five months less than 70 years
after it was destroyed.
There is no doubt that the second temple was built on the
lines of the first, which were probably still traceable in the debris.
It was also constructed of stone which still lay about the top of the
hill — stone that had been used in the work of Solomon. It was not
because it was smaller than the first temple that old men who had
seen that wept as they looked on the new one (Ezra 3 : 12), but
because it was less ornate. It was probably without ornament.
Josephus {Contra Apion, i, 22) says that the temple court was en-
closed by a wall a plethra in length and 100 Greek cubits in breadth,
i. e., 485| by 1451 feet. It was not, then, very large. It is un-
certain whether there was at this time more than one court; 1
Mace. 4 : 48 speaks of "courts," but Josephus tells^ how the people
pelted Alexander Jannaus with citrons while he was officiating at
the altar during the Feast of Tabernacles, so that it is probable
that the courts were not separated by a wall, but by a difference
of elevation. The inner court was probably higher than the other,
as it is around the Mosque of Omar today.
Within this court was an altar of unhewn stones. The temple
itself consisted as before of the holy place and the holy of holies.
Before the holy place was a porch, and around the building there
were many small chambers as formerly. The holy of holies was
separated from the holy place by a veil (1 Mace. 1 : 22), but now it
contained no ark of the covenant, as that had been lost in 586 b. c.
The holy of holies in the second temple was empty except for the
"stone of foundation" on which the high priest placed his censer on
the day of atonement.^ In the holy place the table of show-bread
stood in front of the veil. Instead of the ten golden lamp-stands of
Solomon's temple there now stood there the lamp with seven
branches (see Zech. 4). A golden altar of incense replaced it
(1 Mace. 1 : 21) in the time of the Maccabees, though it may not
have been placed there before the time of Ezra.
Such was the temple as reconstructed after the Exile. In one
important respect its perspective was changed. The royal palace
and the administrative buildings, which before the Exile had shared
the crest of the northern spur of Zion with the temple, were not
'■Antiquities of the Jews. XIII, xiii, S.
» See the Mishnah, Middolh 3 : 6.
202 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
rebuilt. The temple stood there alone. Little by little the part of
the hill to the south of the temple was cleared of the debris and the
ground became a temple court. This was significant of the religious
condition of the post-exilic time. Kings had vanished; the w^orship
of Jehovah held the supreme place in the thought of the people.
13. Nehemiah and the Walls. — For seventy- two years after the
temple was rebuilt, the walls of the city still lay in ruins. That they
were at last restored was due to the patriotism and energy of a noble
young Jew, Nehemiah, who had been a cup-bearer to Artaxerxes
I of Persia. The story of how he obtained the royal permission to
return to Jerusalem as governor, with authority to rebuild the walls,
how upon his arrival he traced by their ruins the Unes of the old
walls, with what energy and amid what difficulties he pushed their
rebuilding to completion in the course of three months in the year
444 B. c, is told in detail in Nehemiah 1-7 and need not be repeated
here.
At the northwest corner of the western hill there was placed in
the wall at this time a gate called the Valley Gate (Neh. 3 : 13).
This was the gate discovered by Bliss^ a little to the east of the old
fortress on Maudsley's scarp. When the wall was completed, a
ceremony of dedication was held. At this festival two processions
started from this Valley Gate ; one of these went around the south
side of the city, the other around the north side (Neh. 12 : 31-40).
They met at the temple. The procession that went around the
south side of the city passed by the Dung Gate, which was situated
in the southern wall well down the hill, then by the Fountain Gate,
near the Pool of Siloam, then up the "ascent of the wall" by the
stairs of the "City of David," and passed the Water Gate somewhere
above the spring of Gihon. Still above this, probably just to the
east of the temple area, was the Horse Gate (Neh. 3:28). The other
company, starting from the Valley Gate at the southwest corner of
the city, passed northward by the "Tower of the Furnaces" unto
the broad wall, above the Gate of Ephraim, by the Old Gate, and
by the Fish Gate, past the Tower of Hananel and the Tower of
Hammeah, unto the Sheep Gate. This description, together with
the line of the previous wall, enables us approximately to deter-
mine the outline of post-exilic Jerusalem; (see Fig. 305). The one
point of doubt has to do with the line of the second wall on the north
of the city, laid out probably by Uzziah. As that line is directly
^Excavations at Jerusalem, 16, ff.
JERUSALEM 203
under the present city it has never been possible to follow it by ex-
cavations. We can only conjecture what its course may have been.
The towers of Hananel and Hammeah were clearly north of the
temple area. They probably fortified the wall along the edge of a
shallow valley which separated Moriah from the hill north of it.
This hill was later called Bezetha.
14. Late Persian and Early Greek Periods. — After the time of
Ezra and Nehemiah, we have no clear topographical references to
Jerusalem until the second century b. c. It seems probable that
Jerusalem and Judah rebelled against one of the later Persian kings
and that the city suffered.^ We hear that Ptolemy I of Egypt also
captured Jerusalem,- but whether these experiences led to any
modification in the form of the city, we do not know. The Wisdom
of Jesus, the Son of Sirach, often called Ecdesiasticus, which was
written about 180 b. c, indicates that Jerusalem was a carefully
organized city. Many professions and much commerce were rep-
resented in it, as well as many human sins and foibles.^ The author
declares^ that a high priest, Simon, the son of Onias (probably
Simon II, 218-198 b. c), repaired the temple and fortified the
city. What the nature of either work was, we do not know. So
far as can be ascertained, he confined himself to the strengthening
of old defenses, and did not change the topography.
In the early part of the reign of Antiochus IV, while many Jews
were kindly inclined to Greek culture and to Greek ways, an out-
door gymnasium was established in Jerusalem.^ This was in a
hollow just above the Tyropoeon valley to the west of the south end
of the temple enclosure.^ Josephus calls it the Xystus, a Greek
name that reveals its character. Some reminder that it was once a
gymnasium perhaps lingers in Maidan, the modern Arabic name for
the locality, which means hippodrome, or place of combat.
15. In the Time of the Maccabees. — In the Maccabaean period
the city was divided into three parts — the city proper, the temple,
and the Akra or citadel. As to the situation of the Akra, there is
a wide difference of opinion. Into the different theories it is
impossible to go.^ The writer agrees with George Adam Smith,
1 See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XI, vii, 1; cf. also G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 358-361.
2 See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XJI, i.
3 See Ecdesiasticus iii-v, vii, ix, xxiii, xxv, ff., and xxviii.
♦ See Eccies. 50 : 1-4.
' Cf. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews. XII, v, 1.
8 See Seiah Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, New York, 1908, pp. 83-88.
' See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 447-452.
204 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
that in all probability the Akra was the "City of David" of the
earlier time, as 1 Maccabees states (1 :33; 7 : 32, 33; 14:36).
We first hear of this Akra in 198 b. c, when an Egyptian garrison
held out in it against Antiochus III.^ It was so shut off from the
rest of Jerusalem that, though, after the onslaught of Antiochus IV.
on the Jews in 168 b. c, Judas Maccabaeus recovered the city and
temple as early as 165 b. c, the Syrians kept possession of the
Akra for twenty-three years more, until they were finally dislodged
by Simon the Maccabee in 142 b. c.^
16. Asmonsean Jerusalem. — During the Asmonsean dynasty
which grew out of the Maccabsean struggle,^ three new features
were added to Jerusalem. One was a castle, to the northward of
the temple area built by John Hyrcanus I, 135-105 b. c* This
was known to Greek-speaking Jews as Baris, which is a corruption
of the Helirew Birah, a fortress. Its walls are massive and high.
It commanded the approach to the temple area from the north, and
greatly strengthened the effectiveness of the temple fortification.
One of the Asmonaeans, probably John Hyrcanus I, built a palace
in Jerusalem.^ This palace apparently stood on the site now occu-
pied by the Synagogue of the German Jews in Jerusalem.^ It was
connected with the temple area by a bridge,'' of which a remnant of
the easternmost span, now called "Robinson's Arch,"^ is still visi-
ble on the western wall of the temple enclosure. This bridge was
destroyed by Pompey when he captured Jerusalem in 63 b. c.,^ and
its remains were found by Warren in the bottom of the Tyropoeon
valley, 80 feet below the present surface of the ground.^" As the
Asmonseans were high priests as well as kings, this bridge gave them
easy access to the temple from their palace. The palace itself,
situated on a part of the western hill that overtopped the temple
hill, was so placed that the royal priest could sit in his palace and
watch what was transpiring in the temple courts and in the valley
below.
' Josephus. Antiquities of the Jews, XII, v, 1.
2 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, vi, 7.
» See Chapter V, p. 119.
* Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, xi, 4; XVIII, iv, 3.
^ J osephui, A ntiquites of the Jews, XX, viii, 11; Wars of the Jews, II, x\i, 3.
' Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, p. 88.
'Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIV, iv, 2, and Fig. 2,SS.
8 Because its identity as a part of this bridge was first perceived by Prof. Edward Robinson, of
Union Seminary, New York.
» Josephus, Wars of the Jeivs, I, vii, 2.
'"Warren and Condcr, Jerusalem, 178, f.
JERUSALEM 205
The third accompHshment of the Asmongeans was probably the
c6nstruction of Solomon's Pools and the High Level Aqueduct by
which the water was brought into Jerusalem.^ This work appears
also to have been accomplished by John Hyrcanus I, for Timarchus,
the biographer of Antiochus VII, who was a contemporary of
Hyrcanus I, says of Jerusalem that "the whole city runs down with
waters, so that even the gardens are irrigated by the water which
flows off from it."^ Such a description would be quite unfitting, if
all the water had been supplied by Gihon, En-rogel, and the cisterns
about Jerusalem. It implies that a perpetual stream of water,
such as came through one of the aqueducts, flowed into the city.
One other structure is attributed to an Asmonaean. Alexander
Jannaeus was very unpopular with the Pharisees, and once, as
already noted, he was pelted by the people with citrons. He
thereupon erected a wooden barrier around the temple and the
altar, thus excludmg the laity from a close approach to the temple,^
and creating a court for the priests alone.
Jerusalem suffered from four sieges in the troublous days when
the Asmonaean power was waning and that of Rome was being es-
tablished. The first was by Haretat, King of the Nabathaeans, in
65 B. c, but was lifted without result.'' The second was that of
Pompey in 63 b. c. It resulted in the capture of the city and
in considerable damage. The bridge across the Tyropoeon to the
royal palace was broken down.^ The third was that of the Par-
thians in 40 b. c, when they captured the city and placed Anti-
gonus, son of Aristobulus II, on the throne.^ The fourth was that
by which Herod the Great became master of Jerusalem in 37 b. c.
At this time a part of the two northern walls were broken down.''
The topography of the city was in no way changed until after the
conquest by Herod, who changed the face of Jerusalem in many
ways.
17. Herod the Great. — The first work of Herod was to rebuild
and strengthen the fortress to the north of the temple. This he
did at the beginning of his reign while Mark Antony was still in
power in the East. He accordmgly renamed the castle Antonia.^
»See Chapter VI, p. 131.
2 Quoted by Alexander Polyhistor and Eusebius; see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 462.
' Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, xiii, 5.
^ Ibid.. XIV, ii, 1.
' Ibi,l., XIV, iv, 2. 6 IhiJ.. XIV, xiii, 3, 4, 5.
' Ibid., XIV, XV, 2; xvi. a /j^y., XV, viii, 5.
206 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Herod also rebuilt and strengthened the walls which he had bat-
tered down in taking Jerusalem, adding towers to make them more
impregnable. At the southwest corner of the city he erected three
new towers, — Hippacus, Phasael, and Mariamne.^ These all prob-
ably stood in or near the space now covered by the Turkish fortress
at the Jaffa Gate. Hippacus was apparently the northwest tower
of the present citadel, Phasael the easternmost of the towers in the
same structure, which still bears the name "Tower of David";
Mariamne lay to the east of these. Hippacus was 80 cubits high,
Phasael 90, and Mariamne 50. On the north of these, perhaps near
the point where the northwest corner of the present city wall is,
stood Psephinus, an octagonal tower 70 cubits high.
(1) Herod's Palace. — In connection with the towers Hippacus
and Phasael and on the site of the present Turkish citadel, Herod
built a. new and splendid royal palace. ^ Its walls on the west and
north were the same as the' old city walls; on the east and south,
walls of the same massiveness were erected. It contained two halls,
each the size of the sanctuary, with couches within for a hundred
guests. There were many other richly furnished chambers. The
towers and the palace were faced with marble. Stretching to the
southward, of the palace were colonnades which bordered on open
courts, in which shrubberies, fountains, and long walks abounded.
These fountains were fed by the High Level Aqueduct.
This palace commanded the highest point of the southwestern
hill. Its construction finally transferred the controlling power to
the western hill, or as Josephus calls it, the "Upper City." Ever
after this the western hill was the seat of political power. When
Procurators ruled Judaea this palace became the prastorium.' It
was to this castle that our Saviour was brought to be tried by
Pontius Pilate. It was to its entrance, probably on the east, that
Pilate brought Jesus and offered to release him, when the people
cried: "Away with this man . . . crucify him" (Luke 23 : 18, 21).
This palace, built by one of the ablest and most unscrupulous of men,
is thus associated with one of the most sacred and tragic moments
of history. From that day to this it has remained the seat of
political authority in Jerusalem. Its presence on the western hill
has gradually drawn the name Zion from the original city of David
' Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, iv. 3.
« Ibid.. V, iv. 4. (See Fig. 256.)
' Joseplius, A Kliquilies of the Jews, XVII, ix, 3; Wars of the Jews, II, ii, 2; xiv. 8.
JERUSALEM 207
to the western hill, and so distorted the Old Testament traditions
that even several modern scholars^ still refuse to give credence to the
clear voice of the Old Testament as to the site of the original Zion.
The palace, battered down and rebuilt again and again, still retains
in its walls many of the massive stones of Herod. This palace was
completed about 23 b. c.
(2) Herod's Theater.— khont 25 b. c. Herod founded an athletic
gathering to be celebrated every five years in honor of Augustus. ^
Josephus, in speaking of this fact, says that Herod built a theater in
Jerusalem, and also a very great amphitheater in the plain. If he
actually built a theater in the city, all traces of it have disappeared.
To the south of the city on a hill considerably beyond the Valley of
Hinnom, the remains of a great theater were discovered some years
ago by the late Dr. Schick.^ This theater faced the north, its
diameter was more than 130 feet, and spectators seated in it could
see Jerusalem in the distance. It is thought by some scholars that
this is the theater to which Josephus alludes, as Herod would hardly
have ventured to outrage Jewish feeling by placing such a structure
in the sacred city. If the discovery of Dr. Schick represents
Herod's theater, it is quite unknown where the "amphitheater in
the plain," to which Josephus makes reference, was situated.
(3) HcrocVs Temple.— When the palace of Herod was com-
pleted, the splendid structures of Antonia and the palace quite
overshadowed the old dingy temple. The temple had frequently
been repaired by the high priests, and perhaps during the Macca-
bsean time had been somewhat embellished, but it nevertheless
remained essentially as it had been rebuilt after the Exile. Herod
had built Sebaste on the site of ancient Samaria in 27 b. c, and
began about 22 b. c. to build Casarea. In these and other cities
he had erected splendid temples to heathen deities; naturally he
desired to make the temple of his capital city worthy to stand
beside them. He had difficulty in persuading the Jews to let him
touch the sacred house, but yielding in many things to their scruples,
work was finally begun in the year 20-19 b. c. Some of the priests
became carpenters and stone-cutters, so that no profane hands need
touch the sacred shrine.^ The old temple was taken down and the
1 Colonel Conder, the late Dr. Merrill, Georg Gatt, Dr. Ruckert, and Dr. Mommert.
2 Josephus. Antiquities of the Jews, XV, viii, 1.
> See Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1887, p. 161, ff. Dr. Schick calls
it an amphitheater, but it is simply a theater of the Greek type.
* Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, xi, 2.
208 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
new one erected in the space of eighteen months. But much re-
mained to be done and the work dragged along until after Herod's
death. In the time of Christ "forty and six years was this temple
in building" (John 2 : 20), and it was not then completed. It was
finished only in 64 a. d., six years before it was finally destroyed.^
The temple itself occupied the site of its predecessor, and was of
the same plan and dimensions. These Herod did not dare to
change. They were consecrated by nearly a thousand years of
sacred associations. If he could not enlarge it, however, he could
make it higher, and he made its elevation a hundred cubits or 172
feet. He also enlarged the porch, making it 120 feet broad. The
whole was built of huge blocks of white stone, with plates of gold
upon the front.^ The holy of holies consisted, as before, of a dark,
empty room, 35 feet in each dimension. It was separated from the
holy place by curtains, an outer and an inner, which were a foot
apart. The holy place was still 40 by 20 cubits, but was now
made 40 instead of 30 cubits high.^ Its furniture was the same as
in the second temple: the table of show-bread, the altar of incense,
and the lamp with seven branches; (Fig. 250). The entrance to
the holy place, 15 cubits wide and 70 cubits high, was not closed
by doors. Josephus declares that it was left open to set forth
the "unobstructed openness of heaven."'*
On the top of the temple, spikes with sharp points were arranged
to prevent birds from lighting upon it and defiling it. Twelve
broad steps led down from the temple to the court of the priests.^
These steps occupied nearly all the 22 cubits of space between the
porch and the altar. Not far from the steps at the south stood the
great laver, which had replaced the brazen sea of Solomon's temple.
The altar of unhewn stones rose upon the sacred rock — sacred since
the days of the Jebusites (and possibly since the stone age), to
which it was fitted by masonry. The base of the altar was 32 cubits
square and 1 high. On this rose a structure 30 cubits square and 5
cubits high. On this was a ledge 1 cubit broad, to which the horns
of the altar were attached. Not far above was another ledge, also a
cubit broad, on which the officiating priests might stand. Above
this was the altar hearth itself, which was 24 cubits square. South
' Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XX, Lx, 7.
2/Wr/., XV, xi, 3.
' Above it was a chamber 30 cubits high.
* Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V. v, 6.
■■ See Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, v, and the Mishna tract Midilotk Uit the authority for this
description. For a fuller description, see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, 11, Cliaplir XVIII.
JERUSALEM 209
of the altar was a structure of masonry on which priests could stand ;
north of it, the place for the slaughter of the victims. Here the
victims to be slain were tied to rings in the pavement. There were
tables of marble on which they could be washed and flayed. Beams
supported by pillars also contained hooks on which they could be
hung for quartering. Herod, as noted above,^ probably con-
structed the Low Level Aqueduct. By means of this he brought a
larger supply of water into the temple area, so that there was an
abundance of water with which to flush the holy place, and wash
away the blood and refuse with which the place must often have
reeked, especially on festal days.
A low wall a cubit in height marked off the court of the priests
from the court of Israel. Accounts differ as to whether this wall
was on the east only or whether it ran around the whole temple.
The court of Israel lay to the east of the court of the priests. Again
our sources of information differ as to its exact size. Here the
"congregation of Israel" could assemble to witness the sacred sacri-
fices. To the east of the court of Israel lay the court of the women.
These were separated by a wall, but, owing to the downward slope
of the hill, the court of the women was fifteen steps lower than that
of Israel. Indeed, the level of the court of Israel was only main-
tained by a series of arches which supported a pavement. Perhaps
the idea of a court for the women had been a gradual development of
the post-exilic time, in which they had been permitted to watch the
sacrifices from a definitely defined position in the rear of the men.
At all events, this court became a prominent feature in the temple
of Herod, and from elevated seats on its eastern side women could
still watch the sacred ceremonies of the temple. With the excep-
tion of this gallery, the court of the women was open to men. It
was 135 cubits square and so was relatively large. Apparently the
temple treasury was situated in this court, together with the money
boxes, for women had access to these. Here probably Christ was
sitting when he saw the poor widow cast into the treasury her two
mites (Mark 12 : 41, f.; Luke 21 : 1, f). Around these courts ran
a wall 43 feet high. This wall was pierced by nine gates, four on
the north, four on the south, and one on the east. A gate also
separated the court of the women from the court of Israel. Either
the gate that opened out of the court of the women to the eastward,
or the one between the court of the women and the court of Israel (it
iSee Chapter VI, p. 131.
210 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
is uncertain which one) had been given by one Nicanor and was of
fine Corinthian bronze. It was sometimes called "the gate beauti-
ful" and sometimes " Nicanor's gate." It was by this gate, and so
near the treasury where people were devoting their money to relig-
ion, that Peter and John found the lame man begging (Acts 3 : 2, f.).
Outside all these courts lay the court of the Gentiles. This was
separated from the courts described above by a Soreg or ritual wall,
which no Gentile might pass. Herod placed inscriptions in Greek
at the various gates in this ritual wall, which warned Gentiles on
pain of death not to enter. The court of the Gentiles surrounded
the other courts on the north, east, and south; it was, however, most
extensive on the east and south; (Fig. 257). To obtain a greater area
for this court on the south, Herod extended the level of the hill by
erecting great arches which supported a pavement. This structure
still remains; it is now called "Solomon's stables"; (Fig. 258).
In the Crusading period horses were stabled there. Around the
court thus enlarged ran a beautiful colonnade. The pillars for this
and for Herod's palace were quarried from the rock around Jeru-
salem. One pillar which had a defect and was accordingly never
moved from the quarry was found a few years since in front of the
Russian cathedral north of the city.
Although the temple has passed away and other sacred buildings
have since the second century been erected in succession near its
site, the expanse of the court of the Gentiles remains, and as the
devout Christian visits it he seems almost to hear the footfalls of
Christ and of Paul !
18. The Pool of Bethesda. — Another spot connected with the
life of Christ lay not far from the temple on the north; it was the
Pool of Bethesda. It was situated near the Sheep Gate, which was
just northeast of the temple. Since the thirteenth century the
Birket Israin} which lies between the temple area and the modern St.
Stephen's Gate has been identified by some with Bethesda. Since
1889 it has been thought by many that two pools discovered in that
year, now far under ground, in the land of the Church of St. Anne,
just north of St. Stephen's Gate, constituted the Pool of Bethesda;
(see Fig. 259). It is really impossible to decide between the two
possibilities on the evidence we have. Both are in the region
where we should look for the Pool of Bethesda.
19, Gethsemane. — Two other spots near Jerusalem are of the
iThat is, the " Pool of Israel."
JERUSALEM 211
deepest interest to the Christian student— the Garden of Geth-
semane and Golgotha. The fact is certain that the Garden of
Gethsemane lay on the western slope of the Mount of Olives. (See
Luke 22 : 39; John 18 : 1; Mark 14 : 26, 32.) Since the sixteenth
century the Roman Catholics have shown a little garden, which
lies just above the Kidron, as the Garden of Gethsemane.
More recently the Russian Church has walled in the space next
above it as the real garden. There is no certainty that the
garden was on either site. To the Jews of the first century a
garden was not a place for flower-beds, but an olive orchard, and
such an orchard may have extended widely over the hillside. We
cannot now identify the spot made sacred by the Master's agony,
but we know as we look at this hillside that it was somewhere on it.
20. Calvary. — The site of Calvary or Golgotha is not so easily
discerned. Since the year 326 a. d., when Helena, the mother of
the Emperor Constantine, visited Jerusalem, there has been a con-
tinuous tradition in favor of the site on which the Church of the
Holy Sepulcher stands. We know from Hebrews 13 : 12 that the
crucifixion took place outside the city walls. Unfortunately, we
cannot tell whether the second wall of this period ran north or
south of the spot on which the Church of the Holy Sepulcher
stands, for the whole region lies under the modern city, where exca-
vation has been impossible. If the second wall turned eastward
before it had gone as far north as this spot, it may well be that the
crucifixion occurred where the church now stands. Pilate con-
demned Jesus at the palace of Herod near the gate Gennath at
the northwest corner of the city of that day. Doubtless the mob
swept along with Jesus through the gate Gennath to the spot called
Golgotha. If the Church of the Holy Sepulcher was on that spot,
the walk was not a long one; (see Fig. 260).
In 1849 Otto Thenius suggested that the hill north of the modern
Damascus Gate above "Jeremiah's Grotto" was the real Golgotha;
(Figs. 261, 262). This was also suggested by Fisher Howe in
1871, and advocated by Gen. C. E. Gordon in 1881. Near it
is a garden in which is a rock-hewn tomb; (Figs. 263, 264).
Since the days of Gordon a kind of Protestant tradition and cult
has grown up about this spot that in certain quarters evokes
some of the devotion called forth among Catholics and Oriental
Christians by the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. It must be said
that the tomb in the garden is, like many similar tombs in the
212 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
neighborhood, probably not earher than the third or fourth century
A. D., and there is really no more reason for regarding this spot as
Golgotha than any other hill-top near the city. The exact spot
where our Lord suffered is not certainly known.
Ecclesiastical tradition has fixed upon many other spots in Jeru-
salem as the places where certain events in the life of Christ oc-
curred, but none of these has a sufficient degree of probability in
its favor to merit a mention in an archaeological work.
21. Agrippa I and the Third Wall. — In the reign of Herod Agrippa
I (41-44 A. D.), Jerusalem was again enlarged. Agrippa built a
third wall on the north. Its course is described by Josephus,^
but as most of the landmarks mentioned by him are unknown,
opinions differ as to its course. It is certain that it started at the
tower Hippacus and went northward to the tower Psephinus, that
it enclosed the hill Bezetha, and that it ran along the edge of the
Kidron valley to join the old wall. Some scholars suppose that it
ran about on the line of the present northern Turkish wall of the
city; others, as Robmson and Merrill, thought it ran much further
north so that its northeastern corner was near the "Tombs of the
Kings." While there is not decisive evidence in the matter, the
first view, that the third wall ran near the line of the modern wall,
seems the more probable. This wall was begun by Agrippa, who
did not dare to finish it lest Claudius should suspect him of an in-
tention to rebel. It was, however, completed by the Jews before
the last tragic struggle of the years 66-70, and formed one of the
features of Jerusalem when Paul made his later visits to the city.
We have not space to follow the fortunes of Jerusalem further.
The history of the "Virgin Daughter of Zion" since 70 A. d., when
the walls were broken down and the temple destroyed never to be
rebuilt, has been no less checkered and tragic than in the centuries
that preceded," but the hearts of all Christians as well as of Jews and
Mohammedans turn to her with sympathy and affection, because of
their debt to the holy men who at various times, from David to
Paul, lived in her and walked her streets, and because of her tragic
associations with the life and death of One who was more than man.
> Wars of the Jews, V, iv, 2.
2 The city, restored under the heathen name of .T.lia Capitolina by the Emperor Hadrian in 135
A. D., made Christian by Constantine in 325, saci^ed by the Persian Chosroes in 614, taken by the
Arabs in 636, captured after many vicissitudes in 1072 by the Seljult Turks, made by the First
Crusade the seat of the Latin kinKdom of Jerusalem from 1099 to 1 187, when Saladin took it, was
once more after many other vicissitudes captured by the Ottoman Turks in 1517.
CHAPTER XIV
THE DECAPOLIS
Origin. Daivl\scus. Scythopolis. Cities East of the Sea of Galilee. Gadara.
Pella and Dion. Gerasa. Philadelphia. Jesus in the Decapolis.
1. Origin. — Three times in the Gospels the Decapolis is men-
tioned: Matt. 4 : 25; Mark 5 : 20 and 7 : 31. Decapohs is a Greek
name and means "the ten city" (region). The ancient writers who
mention it agree that it originally consisted of ten cities in which
, Greek population was dominant and which were federated together.
Pliny^ gives the ten cities as Damascus, Philadelphia, Raphana,
Scythopolis, Gadara, Hippos, Dion, Pella, Gerasa, and Kanatha.
Ptolemy, the astronomer and geographer, in the second century
A. D. enumerated eighteen cities as belonging to it. In the time of
Christ it probably consisted of but ten. The Decapolis apparently
was created by the Roman General Pompey, when he conquered
this region for Rome in 65-63 b. c. These cities with Greek popula-
tions appear to have appealed to him and he granted them certain
privileges, including a degree of autonomy. They were, however,
subject to the Legate of Syria. Hippos, Scythopolis, and Pella
were released by him at this time from the Jewish yoke.^ Josephus,
at the end of the first century a. d., does not reckon Damascus in
the Decapolis, but before the time of Paul, Damascus had been cap-
tured by the Nabathteans or Arabians, and may not, when retaken
by Rome, have been again accorded the privileges of the cities of
the Decapolis.
2. Damascus, which is mentioned in the annals of Thothmes III
before 1447 b. c, and in the accounts of Abraham (Gen. 14 : 15;
15 : 2), has been continuously in existence as a city ever since, and
is one of the most flourishing cities of Syria at the present time.
It was occupied in the thirteenth or fourteenth century b. c. by
Aramaeans who held it all through the Old Testament period.
Kings of Damascus frequently fought with Israel. From the time
of Alexander the Great it came under Hellenic influences. After
1 Eistoria Naturalis, V, xviii, 74. 2 Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, vii, 7.
213
214 ARCH/EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
his death it was first possessed by the Ptolemies of Egypt, but was
taken by the Seleucid kings of Antioch before 261 b. c. It is situ-
ated in one of the most fertile oases of the world — an oasis that
Arabian poets delighted to compare to Paradise. Probably Alex-
ander's successors, who, as we shall see, built many Hellenic cities,
beautified this oasis with one of them, but as the site has been occu-
pied continuously, no buildings from this time remain. One fea-
ture at Damascus that still recalls Biblical times is the street called
Straight, which runs westward from the eastern gate into the heart
of the city. It was in a house on the ancient forerunner of this
street that Paul first lodged at the time of his conversion (Acts
9 :11); (see Fig. 265).
One other part of Damascus recalls a Biblical narrative. This
is the river Barada which still runs through the heart of the city.
It is the river called Abana in 2 Kings 5:12, and was said by Naa-
man to be "better than all the waters of Israel"; (see Fig. 266).
3. Scythopolis was the only one of the cities of the Decapolis
west of the Jordan. It was on the site of the Beth-shean of the Old
Testament (Josh. 17 : 11; 1 Sam. 31 : 10, 12; 2 Sam. 21 : 12; 1 Kings
4 : 12). Beth-shean was already a city at the time Palestine was
conquered by Thothmes III^ and there has apparently been a town
near this spot ever since. It seems to have been called Scythopolis
by the successors of Alexander the Great, probably because a group
of Scythians had taken the city and settled there. When it came
into the possession of Scythians we can only conjecture, but it was
probably at the time of the great Scythian invasion of Palestine,
about 625-615 b. c. This invasion called forth the dark prophecies
of the book of Zephaniah. Scythopolis appears from certain coins-
to have become a Hellenic city in the time of Alexander the Great.
In the time of Ptolemy Euergetes I, 247-222 b. c, it was subject to
Egypt,^ but it passed to the dominions of the Seleucidae of Antioch
in 198 B, c. Upon the break-up of the Syrian empire in 65-63 b. c,
Pompey made it one of the cities of the Decapolis.
The remains of the Hellenic city have now entirely disappeared
with the exception of the great stone amphitheater. This may still
be seen* in the valley on the south side of the mound which covers
> See Chapter V, p. 111.
« See Schurer, Geschichte des Jildischen Volkes im ZeitalUr Jesu Christ! . Leipzig, 1907, II, 172,
and note 321.
» See Josephus, Aniiquilics of the Jews. XII. iv, 5.
* Sec Barton, A Year's WanJerins in Bible Lauds, Philadelphia, 1904, p. 176-
THE DECAPOLIS 215
the ruins of the ancient Beth-shean, where it is overgrown with
briers. The name Scythopolis has long since disappeared, and the
old Hebrew name for the place still survives in the name of the
modern town Beisan. This modern town is situated on the south
side of the valley mentioned above, a little distance from the mound
which covers the ancient city. Scythopolis was situated at the
point where the plain of Jezreel or Esdraelon joins the Jordan valley.
In the time of Christ the Jews from Nazareth and its vicinity, when
going to the three annual festivals at Jerusalem, came down the
plain and then followed the Jordan valley down to Jericho (see
Luke 19 : 1), in order to avoid going through Samaria. From the
time that Jesus was twelve years old he must, therefore, have often
passed by Scythopohs on his way to Jerusalem. As it was a
Gentile town, however, neither he nor his companions would enter
it on such occasions, as they would thereby be rendered unclean.
4. Cities East of the Sea of Galilee. — To the east of the Sea of
Galilee lay three of the cities of the Decapolis. Hippos was com-
paratively near the sea, where Susiye now lies. The Jews of the
Talmudic period called the place Susitha.^ Hippos is the Greek
for horse. Susitha is a Hebrew translation of this and Susiye is an
Arabic corruption of the Hebrew. All traces of the ancient Hippos
except the name have disappeared.
Where Raphana was situated has not yet been definitely deter-
mined. It is probably the same as Raphon mentioned in 1 Mace.
5:37, which was near to Ashteroth-karnaim^ (Gen. 14:5).
Ashteroth-karnaim was situated either at Tell Ashtara or at Tell
Ashary, both of which are between twenty and twenty-five miles
east of the Sea of Galilee. Raphana, then, probably lay about
twenty miles due east from Hippos.
Still eastward of this lay the city of Kanatha, though scholars
are divided in opinion as to whether its site is to be identified with
El-Kerak or with Kanawat. If its site was at El-Kerak it was about
forty miles east of the Sea of Galilee; if at Kanawat it was about
fifty-five miles distant from the sea. As there are at Kanawat
abundant rums of a beautiful Hellenic city,^ Kanatha was probably
situated here rather than at El-Kerak. This was the Kenath of
Num. 32 : 42.
1 See Neubauer, Geographic du Talmud, Paris, 1868, 238-240.
' Josephus, Aniiquilies of the Jews, XII, viii, 4.
» Briinnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, III, 107-144, and Fig. 267.
216 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
5. Gadara. — A little to the south of the southern end of the Sea
of Galilee on the east of the Jordan and south of the Yarmuk lay
the city of Gadara, another member of the Decapolis. Its site is
now marked by the ruins of Umm Keis or Mukes. Here ruins of
the Hellenic city are still to be seen, including a great theater cut
out of the black basaltic rock. Gadara was a strong fortress as
early as the time of Antiochus the Great in 218 b. c.,^ and was
afterward besieged by Alexander Jannaeus,- 104-79 b. c.
6. Pella and Dion. — On the east of the Jordan, a little further
south than Scythopolis or Beth-shean, but in the deep depression
of the river valley, Pella, another city of the Decapolis, was situ-
ated. The site now bears the name Fahl. The city is mentioned in
the list of Thothmes III, 1503-1447 b. c, as Pahul. Pella is a
Greek form of this name. The Greek city of Pella is said by
Stephen of Byzantium-'' to have been founded by Alexander the
Great. In the Talmud it is called Pahal,"* and the modern name
Fahl is an Arabian form of this. Extensive ruins of the Hellenic
city are still visible at Fahl.^
Dion is also said to have been founded by Alexander the Great
and was apparently not far from Pella. It is thought by Merrill^
and G. A. Smith to have been situated on the site of the modern
Eidun, about twenty miles east of Pella, though this is doubted by
others.'^ If Dion was at this point few, if any, antiquities remain
to bear witness to the fact.
7. Gerasa, the modern Jerash, lay on one of the tributaries of
the Jabbok about fifty miles southeast of Pella. We do not know
what the name of the place was in Old Testament times. It is
first mentioned in the time of Alexander Jann^eus (104-79 b. c.).*
It was then called Gerasa and was probably already at that time a
Hellenic city. By whom it was built, we do not know, but it was
probably one of the early Ptolemies of Egypt. From 100 b. c.
till the Mohammedan conquest in 637 a. d., it flourished as a beau-
tiful city, and later it was a city of some importance. It probably
was overtaken by some calamity and the site of the Hellenic city
» See Polybius, V, 71.
' Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, xiii, 3.
» Schiirer, Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes im Zeitaller Jesu Chrisli, 4th ed., II, 1907, p. 175.
< Ncubauer, Geographie du Talmud, 274.
5 See Merrill, East of the Jordan. New York, 1883, 184, 5. and 442, f.; also Schumacher, Across
the Jordan, London, 1886, p. 272, f.
' Merrill, ibid., 298, and G. A. Smith. Historical Geography of the Holy Land, map.
' So Briinnow and Domaszcwski, Provincia Arabia, III, 264.
' Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, iv, 8.
THE DECAPOLIS 217
abandoned soon after the year 637, as there are no Arabic remains
above the Graeco-Roman material. In the year 1121 Baldwin II,
of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, made a campaign against
Gerasa, where the ruler of Damascus had caused a castle to be
built. In the next century the Arabian geographer, Yakut, de-
scribes it as deserted. It appears to have been ruined by an earth-
quake.
Apparently the Hellenic city at Gerasa lasted longer than any of
the other cities of the Decapolis unless it be Kanatha. One can,
accordingly, gain from the ruins of Gerasa an excellent idea of the
general appearance of one of these cities.^ The writer has never
seen more beautiful ruins than those at Jerash except the ruins at
Athens. As one approached the site from the south he faced a
beautiful arched gateway. After passing this gateway one looked
northward down a long colonnaded street, which at a little distance
from the gate broadened out into a circular forum. At distances
approximately equal from one another this main street was crossed
by other colonnaded streets. A number of these columns are stand-
ing in different parts of the town. The remains of two imposing
temples, of two theaters, of a large Christian basilica, and of various
other buildings, impress one with the former glory of the city. A
number of the buildings at Gerasa were built in the second century
A. D. in the reign of the Antonines; (see Figs. 268, 269).
8. Philadelphia, the most southerly of the cities of the Decapolis,
was on the site of Rabbah Ammon (Deut. 3:11; Josh. 13 : 25; 2
Sam. 11:1, etc.). This was situated on the upper Jabbok about
twenty miles east of the Jordan valley, where Amman now lies.
The Hellenic city here was built by Ptolemy Philadelphus of Eg}T3t,
who reigned from 283-247 b. c. It was named Philadelphia from
him. In 218 b. c. the city was taken by Antiochus III, who
captured the cistern to which in time of siege the Philadelphians
went for water by an underground passage,^ after which thirst
compelled them to surrender. Joab centuries before had captured
the city for David by the same method,^ and in 30 b. c. Herod the
Great again took it in the same way.'* The remains of the Hellenic
' See Merrill, East of the Jordan, 281-284; Schumacher in Zeitschrift des deutschen Paldstina-
Vereins, XXV, 1912, 111-177; Briinnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, II, 234-139; Barton,
A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands. 158, f.
2 See Polybius, V, 71.
» See 2 Sam. 12 : 27 and Barton in the Journal of Biblical Literature, XXVII, 147-152.
* See Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, xi.x, 5.
218 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
temple, of the theater, and of other buildings, including a Christian
basilica, are still to be seen at Amman/ In the fourth century
A. D. Philadelphia was one of the prominent cities of the Roman
province of Arabia; (see Figs. 270, 271).
These cities of the Decapolis appear to have been built on a
similar plan. Each had a colonnaded street through the center of
the town, each had at least one temple and one theater, and some of
them more. All were architecturally beautiful. They all pos-
sessed a similar government also, and each appears to have con-
trolled the villages in its district.
9. Jesus in the Decapolis. — The prevailing influences in the
Decapolis were pagan, and yet there were Jews living in it, for mul-
titudes of them from the Decapolis followed Jesus (Matt. 4 : 25).
On at least two occasions our Lord himself went into the territory
of the Decapolis. We read in Mark 5 : 1 that Jesus and his disci-
ples "came to the other side of the sea to the country of the Gera-
senes." The Authorized Version reads "to the country of the
Gadarenes." The country to which Jesus came at this time cannot
have been that of the Decapolitan city Gerasa, for, as we have seen,
that lay far to the south. It was in a direct line nearly fifty miles
from the Sea of Galilee. Neither can it have been to the region of
Gadara that he came, for Gadara lay at least five miles to the
south across the deep valley of the Yarmuk. There was, however,
on the east shore of the Sea of Galilee a town called Gergesa, the
modern Kursi. This place was near the city of Hippos, and possibly
one of the towns subordinate to Hippos. As Jesus and the disciples
walked back from the sea they met the demoniac, whom Jesus
healed. It was in connection with this healing that the herd of
swine was destroyed — an incident that could happen in no part of
Palestine except Decapolis or Philistia, for swine were unclean to
Jews and they never kept them. The demoniac, when cured, went
and preached Jesus in the Decapolis (Mark 5 : 20).
Again, toward the end of the ministry of Jesus, after he had with-
drawn for a time to Phoenicia, he returned by crossing the high
lands of northern Galilee and coming down east of the Jordan
"through the midst of the borders of Decapolis" (Mark 7 : 31).
1 See Merrill, East of the Jordan. 399, fl.; Schumacher, Across the Jordan, 308; Briinnow and
Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, II, 216-220, and Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands,
155, {.
CHAPTER XV
ATHENS, CORINTH, AND THE CHURCHES OF ASIA
Athens. Corinth. The Churches of Asl\: Ephesus. Pergamum. Thyatira.
Sardis. Philadelphia. Smyrna. Laodicea.
The greater part of Biblical history was enacted in Palestine and
the great valleys of Mesopotamia and the Nile. The Apostle
Paul, however, broke the Jewish bonds of primitive Christianity and
carried the Gospel to the coasts of the .Egean Sea. In cities of this
region he spent years of his active missionary life; to churches of
this region most of his epistles were sent, and to churches of this
part of the world the seven messages to the churches were addressed.
We cannot, therefore, conclude this sketch of what archaeology has
done to throw light upon the Bible without saying a few words
concerning exploration and excavations in certain parts of Greece
and Asia Minor. It will be impossible for lack of space to go thor-
oughly into the history of this region, but as these lands were not,
like Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria, and Palestine, closely connected
with Biblical history for a long period, detailed history of them
before the ApostoHc age will not be missed by the student of the
Bible.
The results of scattered discoveries at Thessalonica and else-
where will be presented in Part II, Chapter XXVII. At this point
attention will be directed to a few important cities.
1. Athens, the chief city of Attica, one of the least productive
parts of Greece, is the far-famed mistress of the. world's culture and
art. Emerging from obscurity in the seventh century before
Christ, gaining a position of leadership in the Persian wars after
500 B. c, Athens established a considerable empire. In this period
fell the age of Pericles, 460-429 b. c, when the artistic and literary
genius of Athens reached a height never equaled in human history.
Socrates was born here in 469 and lived till 399 b. c. Here Plato,
who was born about 428, became a pupil of Socrates and afterward
taught. Hither came Aristotle, after the year 367, to sit at Plato's
feet. Here from the age of Pericles the acropolis was crowned with
219
220 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
those architectural creations that are at once the admiration and
the despair of the world; (see Fig. 277). It stirs the imagination
to think of Paul in such a city.
In the time of Paul, Athens was a Roman city, though still one
of the great artistic and philosophical centers of the world. At a
little distance from the acropolis on its northern side, a forum of
the Roman period was laid bare in 1891; (see Fig. 272). Possibly
this is the market-place in which Paul, during his stay there, rea-
soned every day with them that met him (Acts 17 : 17), though of
this we cannot be certain, for, while this was a market-place in the
Roman period, the older market of the Athenian people lay to the
westward of it.
To the west of the acropolis lies the old Areopagus, or Mars'
Hill (Fig. 273), from which it was long supposed that Paul
made the address recorded m Acts 17 : 22-31. Ramsay,^ following
Curtius, has made it probable that the address was delivered to the
city-fathers of Athens, not because they were putting Paul to a
judicial trial, but because they wished to see whether he was to be
allowed to teach Christianity, which they took for a new philosophy,
in the univeristy of Athens — for Athens itself was a kind of univer-
sity. It seems probable that the meetings of the city-fathers, who
were collectively called the Areopagus (Acts 17 : 22), were held not
on the top of the rock, but in the market-place. The Athenian altar
"to an unknown god" is treated in Part II, Chapter XXVII, § 2.
2. Corinth. — From Athens, Paul went to Corinth, where he spent
a year and a half (Acts 18 : 1, 11). Corinth was one of the old
cities of Greece. In Homeric and earlier times it appears to have
been subject to Argos. Situated on the isthmus between northern
Greece and the Peloponnesus, the sea-trade of Corinth made it an
important city. It rose to prominence in the seventh century
before Christ. At some early time foreigners from the east, prob-
ably Phoenicians, had settled in Corinth and established the worship
of the Semitic goddess Astarte on Acro-Corinthus, a hill that rises
some five hundred feet above the city. The goddess was here
known as Aphrodite, ^ and the debasing character of her worship
tended to foster that lack of sensitiveness in matters of social moral-
ity with which Paul deals in his First Epistle to the Corinthians.
The trade of Corinth made it rich and its riches excited the enmity
« Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen, New York, 1S96, 243, ff.
» Sec FarncU, Culls oj the Greek States, II, Oxford, 1896, 618-699.
ATHENS, CORINTH, CHURCHES OF ASIA 221
of Rome. It was accordingly destroyed by the Romans in 146 B.C.,
but a century later was rebuilt by Julius Caesar. Ancient Corinth
has now entirely vanished.
Excavations were begun at Corinth by the American School of
Classical Studies at Athens in 1896 under the direction of the late
Prof. Rufus B. Richardson. The work has been carried forward
season by season ever smce.^ Although there were no topographical
indications to help the excavators at the start, the theater, the
Agora or market-place, a Roman street, the road to Lechoeum,
and the temple of Apollo have been discovered; (Figs. 274,276).
Of greatest interest to the student of the Bible is a stone dis-
covered in 1898 on the Lechsum road near the propyla;a, or gate-
way leading to the market-place. This stone once formed the lintel
of a door and bore an inscription in Greek letters. Although the
beginning and the end of the two words written on it are broken
away, it is clear that the inscription was "Synagogue of the He-
brews. "^ The cutting of the letters was poorly done, and the block
was a second-hand one, adapted from some other use. It seems
probable, therefore, that the Jewish community at Corinth was not
wealthy. The block was of considerable size and so was probably
found not far from where the synagogue stood. If so, this syna-
gogue, which is probably identical with the one in which Paul
preached (Acts 18 : 4), stood on the Lecha^um road not far from the
market-place. Other discoveries in the neighborhood indicate that
this was a residence quarter of the city, and we learn from Acts
18 : 7 that the house of Titus Justus, where apparently Paul organ-
ized the first church in Corinth, "joined hard to the synagogue."
The house of Justus must, then, have been here, and the Lechseum
road often echoed to the footsteps of Paul. Probably the judg-
ment-seat to which the Jews dragged Paul for the hearing before
Gallio (Acts 18 : 12) was in the market-place, so that the excava-
tions have revealed to us the parts of Cormth of special interest to a
reader of the Bible.
3. The Churches of Asia.
(1) Ephesus was situated on the Cayster river in western Asia
Minor, about three miles from the sea, but in ancient times the sea
was navigable up as far as the city. Cities which form the point of
' See American Journal of Archccology, 2d series
II, 133, f.; Ill, 204, f.; IV, 306, f.; VI. 306, f ,
439, f.; X, 17, f., and XIV, 19, f. . ^,„ ^^ , .~ ,-.
« See Benjamin Powell in American Journal of Archeology, 2d series, \ II, 60, {., and tig.iii.
222 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
contact between land and sea traffic become in most countries
populous and wealthy. In western Asia Minor four cities, situated
at the mouths of the four river valleys through which caravans
could proceed into the interior, became populous and important.
These were Miletus (see Acts 20 : 15, 17, f.) at the mouth of the
Maeander, Ephesus at the mouth of the Cayster, Smyrna at the
mouth of the Hermus, and Pergamum on the Caicus. In the earliest
times known to us Ephesus was eclipsed in importance by Miletus,
but before the beginning of the Christian era Ephesus had out-
stripped her rival. This was due to several causes, one of which was
the partial silting up of the harbor of INIiletus. In Roman times
Ephesus lay on the great line of communication between Rome and
the East in general.^ In later centuries the harbor of Ephesus was
in its turn silted up, and the site is now deserted except for a neigh-
boring wretched Turkish village.
In Homer's Iliad'^ the Carians are called the ''barbarous-speaking
Carians." This would indicate that they were not Greek, and it is
thought by some that they may at this time have been of Hittite
stock. Miletus was in Caria, and at that time Ephesus also. It
is certain that the earliest inhabitants of Ephesus were not Greek,
but of Asiatic origin. They established here, either on a mountain
top about five miles from the sea, just above the modern railway
station of Ayassuluk, or on a mountain a little to the south, the
worship of an Asiatic goddess, probably Hittite. Later, in the
seventh century before Christ, the Ionian Greeks came and settled
among the Asiatics. They identified the goddess with their own
Artemis (Authorized Version, Diana), and moved her temple down
into the plain,^ where it continued to stand far into Christian times.
In the sixth century b. c. Ephesus was conquered by the Lydians,
and then by the Persians. In later centuries it passed under the
control of Alexander the Great, of the Seleucidte of Syria, and of the
kings of Pergamum. In 133 b. c. it passed with the rest of the
kingdom of Pergamum into the hands of Rome and became a part
of the Roman Province of Asia. Because of its situation it quickly
became the most important city of the province. It was noted for
its wealth and its commerce. Rome became the patron of Hellenic
culture in the East, so Ephesus was, of course, made an architectur-
ally beautiful city.
' See Ramsay's article "Ephesus" in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. Vol. II, p. 721, f., for
further details.
» Book II, 1. 868. » See Hogarth's Ionia ami the East, Oxford. 1909, p. 45, f.
ATHENS, CORINTH, CHURCHES OF ASIA 223
At first Pergamum was the capital of the Province of Asia. In
the second and third centuries of the Christian era Ephesus had be-
come the capital. Buchner^ thinks that this transfer was made in
the reign of Claudius, 4I754 A. d. If this were true, Ephesus was the
capital of the province at the time of Paul's residence there, but there
is considerable doubt about the facts, and in the beginning of the
second century a. d. Pergamum still ranked as the official capital. ^
The temple of Artemis lay about two miles to the northeast of the
ancient city. Its site was determined in 1869 by the English ex-
plorer, J. T. Wood, who partially excavated it (1869-1874).3
Wood brought to light various marble fragments which are pre-
served in the British Museum, but he was more interested in making
conjectural restorations of the temple than in telling what he found.
As he was not an expert in ancient architecture his work is, accord-
ingly, unsatisfactory. In 1904-1905, the British Museum employed
Mr. Hogarth to complete the excavation of the site. Hogarth car-
ried the excavation down to the virgin soil, and, being a skilled
archaeologist, he was able to reconstruct the history of the building.'*
There seems to have been a small tree shrine on the site of the
temple before the lonians came. Between the seventh century and
the fifth, three different structures were erected on the spot. The
last of these was called the temple of Croesus, because this king of
Lydia presented some beautiful columns to it, though the structure
was not completed till a century after his time, or 430 b. c. This
structure was burned in 356 b. c. on the night that Alexander the
Great was born. Later a larger temple, 425 by 220 feet, was built
on the site, with the help of contributions from the whole of Asia.
This was standing until long after Paul's time. It was very beau-
tiful. Some of the porphyry columns now in Santa Sophia at Con-
stantinople are said to have been taken from it. It has been
thought by some that this beautiful temple suggested to Paul
his figure in 1 Cor. 3 : 10-17, since the words were written from
Ephesus.
This temple was venerated over all of western Asia Minor. To
it came many pilgrims every year, to whom Ephesian silversmiths
sold little replicas of the temple. It was because Christianity
became so popular through the preaching of Paul that the profitable
1 See De Neocoria, p. 38.
2 See Ramsay in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. Ill, 750.
« Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus, London, 1877. See Fig. 279.
* Hogarth, Excavations at Ephesus, London, 1908.
224 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
sale of these shrines was interfered with, that the riot in Ephesus
occurred as described in Acts 19 : 23-4L
Before Mr. Wood had discovered the site of the temple he had
discovered the theater within the limits of the ancient city. This
has been examined more thoroughly by the Austrian, Dr. Wiberg,
who, beginning in 1894, conducted excavations at Ephesus for many
years. All the lower parts of this theater still remain (see Figs. 280,
281) and bring vividly to the imagination the assembly held in it on
the occasion of the riot just referred to. (See Acts 19 : 29-41.)
The Austrians have also laid bare a considerable part of the central
street of the Ephesus of Roman times; (see Fig. 278).
A little to the north of the theater is the ancient stadium. Some
scholars think that when Paul says in 1 Cor. 15 : 32, "If after the
manner of men I fought with beasts at Ephesus," he is speaking of
an incident that literally occurred, and suppose that he was actu-
ally condemned to be thrown to the beasts in the stadium, to make a
spectacle for the Ephesian populace, and that in some way he es-
caped alive. It is possible that this may be true. If so, this sta-
dium (see Fig. 282) presents to the eye a spot which is of great in-
terest to every Christian.
Ephesus, as the mother-church of the churches of Asia, is the first
one to which in the book of Revelation a letter is addressed. By
the time Revelation was written the first glow of Christian enthusi-
asm had worn off, gnostic heresy had found a place in the Church,
and its "first love" was gone.
(2) Pergamum, the modern Bergama, lay in the valley of the
Caicus in Mysia, about fifteen miles from the sea. The city was
built on a hill about three miles north of the river. It was appar-
ently a place of some importance at a comparatively early date,
but its chief importance began with the reign of Philetserus, who
made it an independent kingdom and ruled it from 284-263 b. C.
Philetterus had been a trusted servant of Lysimachus, King of
Thrace, one of the trusted generals of Alexander the Great. Under
the dynasty founded by Philetserus, Pergamum became one of the
chief seats of Hellenic culture. Eumenes I (263-241 b. C.) endeav-
ored to make Pergamum a rival of Alexandria as a literary center,
and when the king of Egypt forbade the exportation of papyrus in
order to check the literary aspirations of Pergamum, the servants
of Eumenes invented a prepared kind of skin on which to write.
It was called pergamcna, but time has corrupted it to "parchment."
ATHENS, CORINTH, CHURCHES OF ASIA 225
In the course of the second century before Christ the kingdom of
Pergamum included all of western Asia Minor north of the Taurus.
When in 133 b. c. Attalus III, the last of the kings of Pergamum,
died, he left his kingdom by will to the Roman republic, with which
Pergamum had long been in alliance. Rome thus came into pos-
session of her Province of Asia, the first of her Oriental provinces.
Pergamum was its capital, certainly until the reign of Claudius, and
probably until the second century a. d. The Romans regarded
themselves as the patrons of Hellenic culture in the East and for
centuries kept Pergamum the beautiful city which the Pergamene
kings had made it. Bergama, the squalid modern Turkish city,
lies apart from the splendid ruins of the ancient town; (see Fig.
283).
More than thirty years ago the Germans began to explore and
to excavate at Pergamum, ^ and the Museum at Berlin is enriched
with many beautiful objects found there. The visitor to Perga-
mum may still see, however, the great gymnasium with many grace-
ful columns still standing. Above it, on a higher slope, are the sites
of theaters and temples, and the great altar of Zeus. Farther
up the hill stood the temple of Athenae Polias, which was also a
library, and above this the temple of Rcme and of Augustus.
In Rev. 2 : 13 the church at Pergamum is said to dwell where
"Satan's throne is." Interpreters have been divided in opinion
as to whether this is a reference to the worship of iEsculapius, or to
the presence of the great throne-like altar of Zeus, or to the fact that
Pergamum was the seat of the worship of the Roman emperor.^
On the whole, it seems probable that "Satan's throne" is a reference
to the fact that Pergamum was the seat of the government and of
the worship of the emperor of Rome. When Augustus inaugurated
emperor- worship in order to give the empire a bond of common sen-
timent, the first temple of the cult was erected at Pergamum.
This was in 29 b. c. Under Vespasian and his successors it became
a test of one's Christianity whether he would or would not^ offer
incense to the statue of the emperor, and Christians were often
persecuted because they would not. It is probable that in the
iSee Couze (and others), Ausgrabungen zu Pergamos, Berlin, 1880, and Thramer, Pergamos,
Leipzig, 1888; also F. E. Clark, The Holy Land of Asia Minor, New York, 1914, p. 67, f.
2 See Bousset, Die Ofenbanmg des Johannes, Gottingen, 1896, p. 245, S.; Ramsay, The Letters
to the Seven Churches, New York, 1905, 283. ff., and Moffat in The Expositor's Creek Testament,
Vol. V, New York, 1910, p. 355. f.
' See Ramsay, The Church and the Roman Empire, New York, 1893, p. 252, f.
226 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
remains of the temple to the emperor archaeologists have brought
to light Satan's throne. If, however, that throne were the altar of
Zeus, it has nevertheless been brought to light.
(3) Thyatira, the modern Ak-Hissar, lay in a valley which joined
the valley of the Hermus to the valley of the Caicus. The general
direction of this valley was north and south. It was made an im-
portant city by Seleucus I of Syria (312-282 b. c.) in the latter part
of his reign. Before this it had been an obscure village. Josephus
declares^ that Seleucus made Jews citizens of the cities which he
founded in Asia, and apparently Thyatira was one of these, for
there appears to have been a flourishing Jewish colony there. A
little later than Seleucus, Thyatira became a city of Pergamum,
and passed in 133 b. c. with the territories of that realm under the
dominion of Rome. Thyatira was noted for its dyeing. Madder
root, with which they dyed a Turkey- red, grows abundantly in the
neighborhood.^ As the ancients employed the names of colors with
great laxity, this was often termed purple. Lydia, an enterprising
seller of this purple, a Jewess from Thyatira, was present at Philippi
when Paul and Silas preached there (Acts 16 : 14). Lydia was
converted, and perhaps it was she who carried the Gospel back to
Thyatira. Nothing has been discovered at Thyatira that throws
light on the message to its church in Rev. 2 : 18-29.
(4) Sardis was one of the oldest cities of western Asia. It is
situated on the south side of the great valley of the Hermus, just
at the point where the river Pactolus issues from the Tmolus moun-
tains. Pottery found in the course of excavations there carries its
history back to sub-Mycenoean, if not to Mycenagan, times.^ It
was the seat of the worship of Atys or Cybele, a goddess that seems
to have been kindred to the mother-goddess of the Hittitcs. It is
probable that, could we penetrate back far enough, we should find
that the place was once occupied by Hittites. Herodotus traces the
descent of the first dynasty that ruled over the country to the god-
dess just mentioned.* Following this dynasty was, he says, another
of twenty-one kings who ruled before the dynasty founded by Gyges.
The Lydian kingdom of which we know began with Gyges in 697
B. c. and ended with Croesus in 546 b. c. Lydian inscriptions found
at Sardis are written in the same alphabet as Etruscan inscriptions
' Josephus, AntiQuilies of the Jews, XII, iii, 1.
' See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 325, ff.
« See Butler in American Journal of Archceology, 2d series, Vol. XVIII, 1914, p. 428.
« Book, I, 7.
ATHENS, CORINTH, CHURCHES OF ASIA 227
found in Italy. This indicates that the Lydians and Etruscans were
closely akin, but, as the inscriptions have not yet been deciphered,
they do not throw much light on either people.^ It is possible that
both peoples were related to the Hittites, but that is at present only
a hypothesis.
The mountains to the south of Sardis are composed largely of
gravel deposits left there by the melting of the glaciers at the end of
the last glacial period. From these gravels the Pactolus brought
down gold in ancient times. This was one of the sources of the
wealth of the Lydian kings, and contributed to those riches which
are still celebrated in the saying: "As rich as Croesus."
The Lydian kingdom fell when Cyrus captured Sardis in 546
B. c. With the fall of the Persian empire the city passed into the
hands of Alexander the Great, and subsequently into the hands of
his general, Antigonous, then to the Seleucidae of Syria, then to the
kmgs of Pergamum, and so to the dominion of Rome.
In 17 A. D. Sardis was shaken by a great earthquake which nearly
destroyed the city. A mass of gravel and conglomerate rock was
then hurled from the hill of the Acropolis of Sardis down into the
city toward the temple, where the work of the excavator shows that
it still lies. 2 A part of the city must have been buried under it.
The city recovered from this disaster and by the end of the first
century a Christian church existed there (Rev. 3 : 1-6). Sardis
continued to be a city of importance until 1400-1403 a.d., when the
Tartar conqueror, Timur or Tamerlane, swept over the country
destroying everything before him. From this destruction Sardis
never recovered. Two or three tiny wretched Turkish villages are
now all that occupy the spot.^
The Acropolis of Sardis was composed of gravel and a compara-
tively soft conglomerate rock. It looks imposing and in ancient
times looked far more imposing than now. It has been gradually
crumbling away through the centuries. Ramsay thinks that this
instability on the part of the city itself is alluded to in the words,
"thou hast a name that thou livest, and thou art dead" and in the
exhortation to be watchful and to strengthen the things that remain,
which follows it (Rev. 3 : 1, 2); (see Fig. 284).
Excavations were begun at Sardis by Princeton University under
1 See Herbis's article, "Etruscan Religion," in Hastings' Encydopadia of Religion and Ethics,
Vol. V, New York, 1912, p. 532, fF.
■i American Journal nf Archeology. Vol. XVII, 1912, p. 474.
' Barton, A Year's Wamiering in Bible Lands, 76-79.
228 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the direction of Prof. Howard Crosby Butler in 1909, and the dig-
ging continued for five seasons until interrupted by the great war.^
The work began at the point where two columns of the ancient tem-
ple of Cybele were still protruding from the soil. The temple has
been cleared and a considerable area around it has been examined.
It appears that the temple was built in the fourth century b. c,
that it suffered greatly in the earthquake of 17 a. d., and never was
as splendid afterwards, though it was still in use in the second
century a. d.^ Many objects have been discovered which throw
light upon the history and art of Lydia, and two bi-lingual inscrip-
tions, one Lydian and Aramaic, the other Lydian and Greek, were
found. These may afford the key to the decipherment of both
Lydian and Etruscan. Jewelry resemblmg Etruscan jewelry
found in Italy was also discovered.^
To the student of the Bible the most interesting discovery at
Sardis was a little Christian church built at the southeast corner
of the temple.^ The entrance to this church was from the temple
platform itself. The structure was entirely of brick and was in a
remarkably good state of preservation. The building had appar-
ently lost only its wooden roof. The apse of the church was
toward the east, and still contained its primitive altar. It is un-
certain at what date altars became a part of Christian worship.
Origen in the third century a. d. admits the charge of Celsus that
the Christians had no visible altar,^ but Eusebius" in the next cen-
tury speaks as though altars existed throughout the Christian world.
This church at Sardis was built after the temple of Cybele had
fallen into disuse, and even if not earlier than the fourth century of
our era, this little structure is evidence that the name of the church
had not been blotted out of the book of life (Rev. 3:5), but that it
had rather appropriated to itself the once splendid precincts of the
ancient heathen goddess.
(5) Philadelphia was situated twenty-eight miles east of Sardis,
and lay in the valley of the Cogamis, a tributary of the Hermus.
It is still a flourishing city of about 15,000 inhabitants. It is now
called Ala-Sheher.' It is not to be confounded with the Philadel-
phia of the Decapolis in Palestine.^
> See American Journal of Archasologv, Vols. XIV-XVIII. and Fi?. 285.
s Ihid., XV, 452. » Ibid., XV, 457. « Ibid., XVI. 475, ff., and Fig. 286.
' See " Altar (Christian) " in Hastings' Encyclopadia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. I, p. 338, f.
« Ecclesiastical History, X, 4.
' See Barton, A Years Watidering in Bible Lands, p. 71. ' See Chapter XIV, p. 217, {.
ATHENS, CORINTH, CHURCHES OF ASIA 229
Philadelphia was founded by Attains II, King of Pergamum,
159-138 B. c, who was called Philadelphus because of his devotion
to his predecessor and brother, Eumenes II. Hence the city was
named Philadelphia. It was founded for the purpose of spreading
Hellenism in the eastern part of Lydia, and so was a missionary city
from the first. With the other Pergamene territories it became a
dependency of Rome in 133 b. c. In 17 a. d. it suffered severely
from the same earthquake that destroyed Sardis. Indeed, at
Philadelphia the quakings were even more severe. The trembling
of the earth lasted for a long time. When Strabo wrote in 20 a. d.
earthquake shocks at Philadelphia were an every-day occurrence.
Few people lived in the city; most of the mhabitants spent their time
outside.^ Allusion to this is, perhaps, made in Rev. 3 : 12: "he
shall go out thence no more."
After the earthquake the city appealed to Rome for help. Tibe-
rius granted it and also permitted the city to change its name to
Neocffisarea, or the city of the young Csesar.^ This, too, seems to be
alluded to in Rev. 3:12, where another new name is to be conferred.
At Ala-Sheher a part of the city wall of Philadelphia may still be
traced, and the sites of the acropolis, the theater, and the stadium
may also be seen, as well as the ruins of an old Christian church. ^
(6) Smyrna, at the mouth of the Hermus, is one of the very old
cities of Asia Minor. A colony of ^olian Greeks founded a city
here more than a thousand years before Christ. A little later the
place was captured by Ionian Greeks, who held it till about 600 b. C,
when it was conquered by the kings of Lydia and destroyed.* For
three hundred years the name designated a district rather than a
city. Lysimachus, the general of Alexander the Great who became
king of Thrace (301-282 b. c), refounded Smyrna as a Greek city
about three miles southwest of the old site, and it has continued
ever since to be an important seaport of Asia Minor. It passed
with the other cities of the region successively under the sway of
the kings of Syria, the kings of Pergamum, and of Rome. Smyrna
is today one of the largest cities of the East with a population of
between two and three hundred thousand.
Smyrna claimed to be the birthplace of Homer. yElius Aristides
(born 117 A. d.), who lived at Smyrna, several times likens the city
» Ramsay, Letters tvthe Seven Churches, 407, S.
ilbid., 410, ff.
» Sec Curtius, Philadelphia, Berlin, 1873, and Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lan.:s, <9, ff.
* Ramsay, Letters to the Semen Churches, 25, 1.
230 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
to a crown, and apparently the crown was in some way associated
with Smyrna; (see Fig. 287). The goddess of the place, who was
a kmd of Cybele, is pictured as wearing a crown.^ This is, no doubt,
the reason why in Rev. 2 : 10 a crown of life is promised to the
church of Smyrna if she is faithful. No excavations have been
made at Smyrna, but above the city the tomb of Polycarp,- said in
tradition to have been a disciple of the Apostle John, is shown.
Polycarp was martyred in 155 a. d. in one of those times of tribula-
tion predicted in Rev. 2 : 10.
(7) Laodicea is situated a hundred miles east of Ephesus, in the
valley of the Lycus, where the Lycus empties into the IMaeander.
It was founded by Antiochus II of Syria, 261-246 b. c.,^ and named
for his wife. Like Philadelphia, it was designed to be a missionary
of Hellenism to the country of the region. Like the other Hellenic
cities it was beautified with temples, theaters, and colonnaded
streets. Later Laodicea passed under the control of Pergamum, and
with that kingdom fell to Rome in 133 B.C. An influential element
in its population was Jewish, and before Paul's imprisonment in
Rome a Christian church had been founded there (Col. 4 : 13).
The city of Laodicea appears to have been devoted to commerce and
to material things. In Rev. 3 : 15 its church is said to have been
lukewarm. Except that its lukewarmness may have come from its
commercial spirit, there is nothing in the history or archaeology of
the city that illustrates the letter-* to it in Rev. 3 : 14-22.
The site of Laodicea is now almost deserted. Only the wretched
Turkish \dllage of Eski Hissar represents habitation, but hundreds
of acres are covered with the ruins of the once splendid city. For
hundreds of years the villagers of neighboring hamlets have used
the place as a quarry, but nevertheless its ruins are impressive.
Two theaters are in a fairly good state of preservation ; the seats are
still in place. ^ The stadium is in a similar condition of preserva-
tion. Its aqueduct and its gates are still imposing in their dilapi-
dation, but the desolation of Laodicea recalls the words: 'T wUl
spew thee out of my mouth" (Rev. 3 : 16); (see Fig. 288).
1 See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 257 and 274, ff.
2 See Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, p. 82.
« See Ramsay. The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, Oxford, 1895, p. 32, f.
* See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches. 424, S.
» See F. E. Clark, Tlie Uoly Land of Asia Minor. New York, 1914, p. 145. f.
PART II
TRANSLATIONS OF ANCIENT DOCUMENTS
WHICH CONFIRM OR ILLUMINATE THE
BIBLE
231
FOREWORD
As noted in the Preface, the inferences drawn by different schol-
ars, when they compare the Bible with the records brought to light
by exploration, diverge according as their critical and theological
views differ. In the comments made throughout Part II, as in
Part I, the writer has endeavored to maintain a neutral attitude
and impartially to report in each case the principal inferences
drawn by the most important groups of scholars, that the reader
may know something of the latitude of opinion that prevails. To
have recorded every opinion would have expanded the work far
beyond the limits prescribed, and would have burdened the reader
with many views that are mere vagaries. The temptation is
always strong to declare that the interpretation of an ancient
record which accords with one's own views must be right, but
unfortunately problems in ancient history that are thus dogmat-
ically settled do not remain settled. A deeper faith, confident in
the ultimate triumph of truth, patiently awaits further light.
233
CHAPTER I
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION WHICH CIRCULATED
IN BABYLON AND ASSYRIA IN THE SEVENTH CEN-
TURY BEFORE CHRIST^
Text of the Epic. Comparison of the Epic with the First Chapter of Genesis.
The Epic and Other Parts of the Bible.
I. Text of the Epic.
Tablet I
1. Time was when above heaven was not named
2. Below to the earth no name was given.
3. Then the primeval Abyss their begetter,
4. The roaring Sea who bore them, —
5. Their waters together were mingled;
6. No field had been formed, no marsh-land seen.
7. Time was when gods had not been made,
8. No name was named, no destiny [determined];
9. Then were created the gods in the midst [of heaven].
10. Lakhmu and Lakhamu were formed [together].
II. Ages multiplied,
12. Anshar and Kishar were created, and over them
13. Days were prolonged, there came forth ... .
14. Anu, their son
15. Anshar and Anu
16. And the god Anu
17. Nudimmud whose fathers, his, begetters
18. Abounding in wisdom, understanding
19. He was strong exceedingly
20. And he had no rival '
21. They were established and
22. In confusion were T[iamat and Apsu]-
23. They were troubled
24. In sin (?)
25. Apsu was not diminished
26. Tiamat roared
27. She smote and their deeds
Other translations of this epic have been made. The most important are as follows:
Zimmern, in Gunkel's SchopfunR und Chaos, pp. 401, ff.; Delitzsch, Das Babylonische Welt-
schopfungsepos (Abhandlungen der sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Bd. XVII,
1896); Muss-Arnolt, in Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, Aldine ed., edited by R. F.
Harper; Jensen in Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Bd. VI; L. W. Kinp, The Seven
Tablets of Creation; Dhorme, Choix de textes religieux assyrobabylonient; Ungnad, in Gressman's
Altoricntalische Texte und Bilder zum Alien Testament; Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old
Testament. A fragment of this tablet is shown in Fig. 290.
^Tliat is, Sea and Abyss, mentioned in lines 3 and 4. Apsu was the -waters underneath the
dry land and Tiamat the salt sea.
235
236 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
28. Their way was not good; they themselves prospered.
29. Then Apsu, the begetter of the great gods,
30. Cried to INIummu, his minister, and said,
31. O Mummu, my minister, who delightest my heart,
32. Come, unto Tianiat [let us go].
33. They went, before Tiamat they lay down,
34. A plan they formed against the gods [their offspring].
35. [Apsu] opened his mouth, [he said to her],
36. Unto Tiamat, the brilliant, a word he spoke:
37. "[Intolerable to me] is their advancement,
38. By day I have no rest, at night, no peace.
39. But I will'destroy their way, an end will I make.
40. Let there be a cry, then we may be at peace!"
41. W'Tien Tiamat heard these words,
42. She was angry and spoke against them [a curse];
43. [She was] grievously [pained] she raged
44. A curse' she let fall, -unto [Apsu she spoke]:
45. "WTiat are we that we [should perish]!
46. Let their way become difficult."
47. Mummu answered, Apsu [he counseled]
48 not favorable was the counsel of the Roarer:
49. "Their way is strong, but do thou confound [it],
50. By day thou shalt be calm, by night thou shalt lie down."
51. Apsu heard and his face brightened,
52. [Since] he planned eval against the gods, his sons,
53 [claspedhis neck],
54. [He took him on] his knees and kissed him.
55. [They 'under took, the evil which] together thev had planned.
56 they. . . .'.
57
58. A cry; a cry in stillness the3'«sat
59
60. Ea the wise went up, he saw their horrors. (?),
(More* than thirty lines here are too broken for connected translation.)
93 thy they subjugated,
94 weeps (?) and sits wailing.
95 of fear,
96 not. shall we ourselves rest.
97 Apsu laid waste,
98. He and INIummu who were bound in
99 quickly thou shalt go
100 we ourselves may rest.
101
102 we ourselves may rest.
103 their mercy avenge!
104 to the storm
105 the word of the bright god,
106 what thou givest, we will indeed do!
107 the gods in
108 the gods [she] created.
109. They separated themselves, to the side of Tiamat they came;
110. They raged, they planned, they rested not night or day.
111. They prepared for battle, fuming, raging;
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 237
112. Their assemblage was formed and they began war.
113. Mother Khubur, who formed all things,
114. Made unrivaled weapons, spawned great serpents,
115. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang;
1 16. With poison instead of blood their bodies she iilled.
117. Fierce dragons with terror she clothed,
118. Luster she made abundant, to loftiness made them equal.
119. Whoever beheld them, terror (?) overcame him;
120. Their bodies they reared up without turning their breast.
121. She established vipers, serpents, and Lakhami,^
122. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men,
123. Mighty storms, fish-men, and rams (?);
124. They bore merciless weapons, fearless of battle.
125. Her behests were mighty; without rival were they.
126. Moreover eleven such as these she created.
127. Among the gods, her firstborn, who at her side gathered,
128. She e.xalted Kingu, made him great in their midst,
129. To march before the forces, to lead the host,
130. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack,
131. To direct the battle, as commander-in-chief;
132. To him she entrusted it, made him sit in purple (?) :
133. "Thy spell I have uttered; in the assembly of gods I have made thee
great.
134. The sovereignty of all the gods, I have placed in thy hand
135. Surely thou art exalted, my only spouse!
136. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki."
137. She gave him the tablets of destiny, on his breast she laid them:
138. Thy command shall be unalterable, established, thy word."
139. Now Kingu was exalted, he received the highest rank,
140. Among the gods, his sons, he fixed fate:
141. "The opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god;
142. Who so is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might."
Tablet II
1. Tiamat made mighty her work
2. [Evil] she cherished against the gods, her offspring.
3. [To avenge] Apsu, Tiamat planned evil.
4. Her [forces] how she joined, to Ea was divulged.
5. Ea [hearkened] to this thing,
6. He was thrown into [great] straits, he sat in silence.
7. [The days] went by; his anger was appeased,
8. [To the place] of Anshar, his father, he proceeded.
9. [He went] before the father who begat him, Anshar,
10. [All that] Tiamat had planned he repeated unto him.
11. "Tiamat, our mother, has come to hate us;
12. Her assembly is set; with rage she is hot;
13. Turned unto her are the gods, all of them,
14. With those ye created, they walk at her side.
15. They have separated themselves; at the side of Tiamat they go;
16. They rage, they plan; they rest not day or night."
(Lines 17-48 continue the literal repetition of lines 109-142 of the first tablet
wMch was begun in lines 15, 16. After this the narrative continues:)
' /. e., the spirits of earth.
238 ARCHM)LOGY AND THE BIBLE
49. [WTien Anshar heard how Tiamat] was greatly in disorder,
50. [He smote his breast], he bit his lip,
51. [His mind was disturbed], his heart was not at rest,
52 his cry was wrung from him.
. 53. [Away Ea, my son, go forth to] battle!
54 my work (?) thou shalt establish!
55. [Mummu and] Apsu thou hast already struck down.
56. [Kill also Kinjgu who comes up before her
57 deliberation.
58 gods Nudimmud.
(A break of ten or twelve lines occurs at this point in the tablet.)
72. [Anshar] spoke to his son [a word]:
73. "Thou, this [son of mine], my warrior,
74. [Whose strength is mighty], whose attack irresistible,
75. [Go], stand before Tiamat,
76. [That] her wrath [may be appeased], her heart softened,
77. [But if] she will not hearken to thy word,
78. Our [word] shalt thou speak to her, that she may be appeased."
79. [He heard] the utterance of his father Anshar,
80. He took the straight path to her, he entered the way.
81. Anu [drew near], he beheld the terror (?) of Tiamat,
82. [He did not ascend to her presence], but turned back,
83. [Then turned he to Ea and called] him, he, Anshar,
84. [Opened his mouth] and spoke to him,
85. ["Hateful are the ways of Tiamat] to me."
(Some twenty lines here are too fragmentary for translation.)
108. [Ea opened his mouth (?)] and spoke to him:
109. ["Marduk, my son, hear the word of] thy father.
110. Thou art he, my son, who canst enlarge his heart.
Ill to the battle draw nigh,
112 [to] Emarukkai ^^q peace."
113. Then the lord rejoiced at the words of his father;
114. He drew near and stood before Anshar.
115. Anshar beheld him and his heart was tilled with joy,
116. He kissed his lips and his fear departed from him.
117 is not hidden; open thy lips.
118. Verily I will go, I will attain the wish of thy heart.
119 is not concealed; open thy lips.
120. Verily I will go, I will attain the wish of thy heart.
121. Who is the man, who would bring thee out to his battle?
122. [And now] shall Tiamat, a woman, come against thee with weapons?
123 rejoice and exult;
124. On the neck of Tiamat thou shalt shortly tread.
125 ; rejoice and exult;
126. On the neck of Tiamat thou shalt shortly tread."
127. "My son, who knows all wisdom,
128. Tiamat pacify with thy pure incantation.
129. Thy way speedily take;
130 thou shalt not fear, thou shalt use a spell afterward."
131. Then the lord rejoiced at the word of his father,
132. His heart exulted and to his fatlier he spoke:
I Another name for Tiamat.
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 239
133. "O Lord of the gods, fate of the great gods,
134. If I accomplish your preservation,
135. Take Tiamat captive and save your lives,
136. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in.
137. In Upshukkunnaku seat yourselves joyfully together,
138. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you.
139. Let there not be changed whatever I create,
140. May the command of my lips not be altered or opposed."
Tablet III
1. Anshar opened his mouth and said,
2. [To Gaga] his [messenger] a word he spoke:
3. "[O Gaga, thou messen]ger, thou rejoicest my heart.
4. [To Lakhmu and Lakh]amu will I send thee;
5. [The desire of my heart] mayest thou attain.
6 bring (?) before me.
7. [May there come] the gods, all of them,
8. [Let them prepare for converse], at banquets let them sit,
9. [Bread may they eat], wine may they prepare,
10. [For Marduk], their [avenger], let them decree the fate.
11. [Go, Ga]ga, before them stand,
12. [And all that] I tell thee repeat unto them
13. [Anshar], your son, hath sent me,
14. [The purpose of his heart he] hath disclosed to me,
15. [Saying]: Tiamat, who bore us, hates us,
16. An assemblage is appointed, angrily she rages,
17. Turned to her are the gods, all of them,
18. With those whom ye created, they march at her side,
19. They are rebellious, at Tiamat's side they come,
20. They rage, they plot, they rest not day nor night,
21. They prepare for battle, fuming and raging,
22. An assembly is made, they start a revolt.
23. Mother Khubur, who formed all things,
24. Has made weapons without rival, has spawned monster-serpents,
25. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang,
26. With poison like blood their bodies she has filled;
27. Fierce dragons with terror she has clothed,
28. Luster has made abundant, to loftiness made equal.
29. Whoever beholds them, terror (?) overcomes him.
30. Their bodies they raise up without turning their breasts.
31. She has established vipers, serpents, Lakhami,
32. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men,
33. Mighty storms, fish-men, and rams;
34. They bear merciless weapons, fearless of battle.
35. Her behests are mighty, without rival are they.
36. Moreover eleven such as these she has created.
37. Among the gods, her firstborn, who are gathered at her side,
38. She has exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst,
39. To march before the forces, to lead the host,
40. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack,
41.' To direct the battle as commander-in-chief;
42. To him she has entrusted it, made him sit in purple, [saying,]
43. 'Thy spell I have uttered, in the assembly of gods I have made thee
great,
240 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
44. The sovereignty of all the gods I have placed in thy hand,
45. Surely thou art exalted, O my spouse!
46. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki.'
47. She has given him the tablets of destiny, on his breast has laid them,
[saying,]
48. 'Thy command shall be unalterable, established be thy word.'
49. Now Kingu has been e.xalted, has received highest rank,
50. Among the gods, her sons, he fixes fate, [saying]:
51. 'The opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god,
52. Whoso is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might.'
53. I sent Anu; he had no power before her,
54. Nudimmud feared and turned back,
55. Marduk has set forth, the leader of the gods, your son,
56. As a foe of Tiamat his heart prompts him to go.
57. He opened his mouth and spake to me, [saying]:
58. 'If I accomplish your preservation,
59. Take Tiamat captive, and save your lives,
60. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in.
61. In Upshukkunaku seat yourselves joyfully together,
62. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you.
63. Let there not be changed whatever I create,
64. May there not be altered or opposed the command of my lips.'
65. Hasten, therefore, and quickly decree your fate,
66. That he may go and fight your strong enemy."
67. Then Gaga went, his way he pursued,
68. To the place of Lakhmu and Lakhamu, the gods, his fathers;
69. He kissed the ground at their feet,
70. He bowed himself; he stood up, he addressed them, [saying]:
71. "Anshar, your son, hath sent me,
72. The purpose of his heart he has disclosed to me
73. Saying: Tiamat, who bore us, hates us;
74. An assemblage is appointed, angrily she rages,
75. Turned to her are the gods, all of them,
76. With those whom you created, they march at her side,
77. They are rebellious, at Tiamat's side they come.
78. They rage, they plot, they rest not day nor night,
79. They prepare for battle, fuming and raging,
80. An assembly is made, they start a revolt.
81. Mother Khubur, who formed all things,
82. Has made weapons without rival, has spawned monster-serpents,
83. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang,
84. With poison like blood their bodies she has filled;
85. Fierce dragons with terror she has clothed;
86. Luster has been made abundant, to loftiness made equal.
87. Whoever beholds them, terror (?) overcomes him.
88. Their bodies they raise up without turning their breasts.
89. She has established vipers, serpents, Lakhami,
90. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men,
91. Mighty storms, fish-men, rams;
92. They bear merciless weapons, fearless of battle.
93. Her behests are mighty, without rival are the^'.
94. Moreover eleven such as these she has created.
95. Among the gods, her firstborn, who are gathered at her side,
96. She has exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst,
97. To march before the forces, to lead the host.
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 241
98. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack,
99. To direct the battle as commander-in-chief;
100. To him she has entrusted it, made him sit in purple, [saying]:
101. 'Thy spell I have uttered, in the assembly of the gods I have made thee
great;
102. The sovereignty of all the gods I have placed in thy hand
103. Surely thou art exalted, O my spouse!
104. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki.'
105. She has given him the tablets of destiny, on his breast has laid them,
[saying] :
106. 'Thy command shall be unalterable, established be thy word.'
107. Now Kingu has been exalted, has received highest rank,
108. Among the gods, her sons, he fixes fate, [saying:]
109. 'The opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god,
110. Whoso is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might.'
111. I sent Anu, he had no power before her,
112. Nudimmud feared and turned back,
113. Marduk has set forth, the leader of the gods, your son,
114. As a foe of Tiamat his heart prompts him to go.
115. He opened his mouth and spake to me, [saying:]
116. 'If I accomplish your preservation,
117. Take Tiamat captive and save your lives,
118. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in.
119. In Upshukkunaku seat yourselves joyfully together,
120. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you,
121. Let there not be changed whatever I create,
122. May there not be altered or opposed the command of my lips.'
123. Hasten, therefore, and quickly decree your fate,
124. That he may go and fight your strong enemy."
125. Lakhmu and Lakhamu heard, they cried aloud;
126. The Igigi, all of them, wailed bitterly, [saying:]
127. "What has changed that they should desire to take us (?)
128. We do not understand what Tiamat has done."
129. Then they massed themselves together, they went,
130. The great gods, all of them, who decree fate.
131. They entered in before Anshar, they filled, [Upshukkunaku].
132. Brother kissed brother in the assembly
133. They prepared for converse, sat down to the banquet,
134. Bread they ate; wine they prepared.
135. The sweet drink confused their minds (?),
136. Drunk were they with drink, their bodies were filled (?),
137. They became very unsteady, their hearts were exalted,
138. For Marduk, their deliverer, they decreed the fate.
Tablet IV
1. They prepared for him a princely chamber:
2. In the presence of his fathers for sovereignty he became mighty.
[They said:]
3. "Thou art most honored among the great gods,
4. Thy destiny is without rival, thy command is Ann's!
5. O Marduk, thou art most honored among the great gods,
6. Thy destiny is without rival, thy command is Anu's!
7. From today without opposition shall be thy command;
8. To exalt and to abase is verily in thy power;
242 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
9. Established is thy utterance, irresistible thy command.
10. None among the gods shall invade thy province.
11. Sustenance, the desire of shrines of the gods,
12. While they are in need, shall be certain in thy sanctuary!
13. O Marduk, thou art the preserver of our lives!
14. We give thee sovereignty over the totality of all the world.
15. Sit thou in the assembly, thy word shall be exalted!
16. Thy weapon shall never be o'ercome, may it destroy (?) thy foe!
17. O lord, he who trusts thee — his life save!
18. But the god that is wed to evil, its life pour out!"
19. Then they placed in the midst a garment,
20. And unto Marduk, their firstborn, they spoke,
21. "Thy fate, O Lord, let it be first among the gods!
22. To destroy and to create — speak, let it be estabhshed!
23. At thy command let a garment perish!
24. Again at thy command let the garment re-appear!"
25. Then he spake with his mouth, the garment perished;
26. Again he commanded and the garment was recreated.
27. As the utterance of his mouth the gods, his fathers, saw,
28. They rejoiced, they uttered blessing: "Marduk is king!"
29. They bestowed upon hun the scepter, the throne, and the battle-axe;
30. They gave him an unrivaled weapon, which turns back (?) the foe.
31. "Go, Tiamat's life cut ofT;
32. May the winds bear her blood to secret places!"
33. When the gods, his fathers had fixed Bel's fate,
34. The way of prosperity and success they caused him to take.
35. His bow he prepared, his weapon he chose,
36. A spear he bound on him at his waist,
37. He raised the heavenly weapon, with his right hand grasped it,
38. His bow and quiver at his side he hung,
39. He placed the lightning before his face,
40. With quivering flame his body he filled.
41. He made a net to enclose Tiamat's body,
42. He caused the four winds to seize so that nothing of her could escape;
43. The south wind, the north wind, the east wind, the west wind,
44. He brought to the side of the net, the gift of his father Anu,
45. He made the evil wind, the bad wind, the tempest and the hurricane,
46. The four winds, the seven winds, the whirlwind (?), the unhealthy wind;
47. He brought forth the winds which he had made, the seven of them,
48. To trouble the inward parts of Tiamat, they came after him.
49. The lord raised up the tornado, his mighty weapon,
50. As a chariot, a storm unrivaled for terror he mounted,
51. He harnessed for himself and attached to it four steeds,
52. "Destroyer," "Unmerciful," "Overwhclmer," "Fleet-footed."
53. [Foam-covered (?)] were their teeth, filled with poison,
54. Skilled were they [to run down], taught to destroy.
55 mighty in battle,
56. Left and right they opened (?)
57. His garment was [rage], with terror was he clad,
58. With his overpowering brightness his head was crowned.
59. He made straight the way, he took his path,
60. To the place of Tiamat, the raging (?), his face he set.
61. With his lip he cursed (?),
62. A plant of magical power (?) — he seized with his hand.
63. On that day they exalted (?) him, the gods exalted (?) him;
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 243
64. The gods, his fathers, exalted (?) him, the gods exalted (?) him.
65. The lord approached, the waist of Tiamat he scanned,
66. Of Kingu, her spouse— he beheld his terrifying-glance (?).
67. As Marduk gazed, Kingu's progress was impeded,
68. Destroyed was his purpose, frustrated his deed,
69. And the gods his helpers, who marched at his side,
70. Saw the warrior and leader; their look (?) was troubled.
71. Tiamat perceived it (?); she did not turn her neck.
72. With proud (?) lips she uttered words of defiance:
73. "Who decreed (?) that thou shouldst come as lord of the gods?
74. Have they assembled from their places, are they to serve thee?"
75. The lord raised the tornado, his mighty weapon,
76. [Against] Tiamat who was raging, thus he spoke:
77. "[Why hast thou] made thyself great? Exalted thyself on high?
78. [Why does thy heart] prompt thee to battle (?)
79. [How can thy helpers] defy (?) the gods, their fathers?
80. [Why] dost thou hate their [command], their ru[le despise]?
81. [Why hast thou exalted Kingu] to be thy spouse?
82. [Hast given] him the functions of deity?
83. [How] canst thou seek after evil?
84. [And against] the gods, my fathers, thy evil plan devise?
85. [Let] thy forces be joined, girded on thy weapons!
86. Stand! I and thou— come let us fight!"
87. Tiamat, when she heard this,
88. Was hke one possessed; she lost her reason.
89. Tiamat cried out vehemently with high voice,
90. Like roots divided in twain her legs trembled.
91. She uttered an incantation, she cast a charm,
92. And the gods of battle demanded their weapons.
93. Then took their stand Tiamat and the leader of the gods, Marduk;
94. For the fight they approached, for the battle they drew near.
95. The lord spread out his net and enclosed her,
96. The evil wind from behind he thrust into her face.
97. As Tiamat opened her mouth to its full extent,
98. The evil wind he drove in, so that her lips could not close.
99. With the mightv winds he filled her belly;
100. Her courage was taken away, and she opened her mouth.
101. He let fall the spear, he burst open her belly,
102. He cut through her inward parts, he pierced her heart,
103. He bound her and her life destroyed;
104. Her body he cast down, upon it he stood.
105. After Tiamat, the leader, he had slain,
106. Her army he broke, her host was scattered,
107. And the gods, her helpers, who marched by her side,
108. Trembled, feared, they turned their backs;
109. They sought an exit, to save their Hves;
110. With a cordon they were encompassed; escape was not possible.
111. He caught them, their weapons he broke,
112. Into the net they fell, in the snare they remained. _
113. All quarters of the world they filled with lamentation.
114. His wrath they endured; they were held in bondage.
115. And the eleven creatures, whom she had filled with terribleness,
116. The troop of demons who marched as her helpers (?),
117. He threw into fetters, their power he [broke];
118. Along with their opposition he trampled them under his feet.
244 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
119. And Kingu who had been exalted over them,
120. He took captive, as the god Dugga he counted him.
121. He took from him the tablets of destiny, not rightly his,
122. He sealed them with a seal, in his own breast he laid them.
123. After his enemies he had seized and destroyed,
124. His arrogant foe had completely himiiliated (?),
125. The triumph of Anshar over the foe had fully established,
126. The wish of Nudimmud had accomplished, Marduk, the warrior
127. Over the bound gods strengthened his hold,
128. Unto Tiamat, whom he had bound, he turned back.
129. The lord trod upon Tiamat's feet
130. And with his unsparing weapon crushed her head.
131. He cut through the veins of her blood,
132. He caused the north wind to bear it to secret places.
133. His fathers saw it; they rejoiced, they exulted,
134. Gifts and presents they brought unto him.
135. Then the lord rested; he gazed upon her body,
136. The flesh of the monster he divided; he formed a cunning plan.
137. He split her open Uke a flat fish into two halves,
138. One half of her he established and made a covering of the heavens,
139. He drew a bolt, he established a guard,
140. .\nd not to let her waters come out, he commanded.
141. He passed through the heavens, he surveyed the regions,
142. Over against the deep he set the dweUing of Nudimmud.
143. The structures of the deep the lord measured,
144. As a palace like unto it he founded Esharra.
145. In the palace Esharra which he built in the heavens,
146. He caused Anu, Ellil, and Ea at their stations to dwell.
Tablet V
1. He [Marduk] ordained the stations of the great gods;
2. As stars their likenesses as constellations of the zodiac he placed.
3. He ordained the year, into parts he di\'ided it,
4. For the twelve months he estabUshed three stars.
5. After the davs of the year he had fashioned as images.
6. He founded the station of Jupiter, to determine their bounds;
7. That none might go wrong or err,
8. The station of Bel he established, and Ea by his side.
9. He opened gates on both sides.
10. A lock he made strong on the left and the right,
11. In the midst thereof he placed the zenith;
12. The moon-god he caused to shine; the night he entrusted to him.
13. He appointed him a being of the night, to determine the days;
14. Monthly, without ceasing, into a crown he made him, [saying:]
15. ".\t the beginning of the month shine upon the lands,
16. Horns exhibit, to determine six days;
17. On the seventh day let the riara disappear;
18. On the fourteenth day thou shalt stand over against the [two] halves.
19. When the sim-god on the horizon thee,
20. Thou to be resplendent, and thou shalt turn (?) backward (?)
21. [Fourteen days] unto the path of the sun-god thou shalt approach,
22. [On the 28th day] thou shalt approach the sun-god
23 signs (?), seek (?) her way!
24 approach ye and judge justice!
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 245
25 to destroy,
26. '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'...'. me."
(Some lines are lost at this point. It is estimated that forty of them are
lacking.)
67. After
68. In Esagilai
69. To establish
70. The station of
71. The great gods
72. The gods
73. He received
74. The net which he had made the [great] gods saw,
75. Saw the bow, how skillful [its workmanship];
76. The work which he had done, they [loudly] praised.
77. Then arose Anu in the assemlaly of the [great] gods,
78. The bow he kissed it
79. "Long-wood shall be one name, and a second
80. Its third name shall be Bow-star in the heavens."
81. He fixed its position [unto distant days].
82. After the destiny of
83. [He set] a throne
84 in the heavens
(Practically all the remainder of Tablet V is as yet undiscovered. From a
very broken fragment, preserved in the British Museum, it appears that when
the gods saw the work of Marduk in adorning the heavens with constellations,
they broke into rapturous praise of him. It is these words to which reference is
made at the beginning of Tablet VI.)
Tablet VI
1. Marduk, the word of the gods, when he heard it,
2. His heart was stirred, he formed a brilliant plan.
3. He opened his mouth, to Ea he spoke,
4. What in his heart he had conceived he made known to him:
5. "My blood will I divide, bone will I [fashion],
6. I will make man, yes, man
7. I will create man who shall dwell on the [earth];
8. Truly shall the service of the gods be established— of them and their
shrines. .
9. I will alter the ways of the gods, and will change [their paths],
10. Together shall they be honored, and unto evil shall [they]"
11. Then Ea answered him and said:
12 the of the gods have I changed,
13 one _• • • •
14 shall be destroyed, and people will I
15 and the gods
16 give and they
17 shall assemble (?) and the gods
18
> Marduk's temple in Babylonia.
246 ARCH.EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
19 the gods
20 the Anunnaki
(The rest of Tablet VI is still unrecovered, except a few lines at the end.)
140. When
141. They rejoiced
142. In Upshukkunnaku they set [their assembly].
143. Of their heroic son, their savior they [cried]:
144. ''We whom he succored."
145. They seated themselves, in the assembly they named him
146. They all cried aloud (?), they exalted him
Tablet VU
1. "O Asharu, bestower of harvests, founder of agriculture,
2. Creator of grain and plants, who made green herbs to grow,
3. O honored Asharu, revered in the house of counsel, rich in counsel,
4. Whom the gods honor, fearing [laid hold upon them]
5. O honored Asharu, powerful prince, the Hght [of the fathers who begat
him],
6. Who directs the decrees of Anu, Bel, [and Ea].
7. He was their preserver, who ordained
8. He whose provision is abundance, he goeth forth
9. Tutu, the creator of their renewal is he. _
10. If their want be pure, then are [they satisfied];
11. If he make an incantation, then are the gods [appeased];
12. Should they attack him in anger, he will repulse their array;
13. Let him therefore be exalted in the assembly of the gods.
14. None among the gods is Uke unto him!
15. Tutu-Ziukinna is the life of the host of the gods.
16. Who established for the gods the bright heavens.
17. Their way he received, [their path] ordained.
18. Never forgotten among men shall he his [mighty] deeds._
19. Tutu as Zi-azag thirdly they named, bringer of purification,
20. God of the favoring breeze, the lord who hears and is merciful,
21. Who creates fulness and plenty, who establishes abundance,
22. Who turns whatever is small into something great.
23. "In sore distress we caught his favoring breeze,"
24. Let them honor him, praise him, bow humbly before him.
25. Tutu as ;\ga-azag may the mighty ones praise,
26. The lord of the pure incantation, who makes the dead to live,
27. Who to the captiv€_gods showed abundant compassion,
28. The oppressive yoke he laid upon the gods, his enemies,
29. For their' release he created mankind,
30. The merciful one, with whom is life!
31. Established and never forgotten be his word
32. In the mouth of the black-headed race,- whom his hand created.
33. Tutu as Mu-azag, fifthly, his pure incantation may their mouth pro-
claim,
34. Who through his pure incantation destroys all e\al ones,
35. Shagzu, who knows the hearts of the gods, who sees through the inner-
most parts.
> I. e.. the c.iptivc Kods of line 27.
' The name which the Babylonians gave themselves.
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 247
36. The evil doer he permits not to go out with him (?).
37. Founder of the assembly of the gods [who gladdens] their heart.
38. Who subdues, the disobedient
39. Director of righteousness
(The tablet is too broken for connected translation, until nearly the end, where
it continues:)
107. Truly he holds their beginning and ending
108. Sa>ang, "He who passed through the midst of Tiamat [without resting],
109. Let his name be Neberu, who seizes the midst,
110. Who the stars of heaven — their ways he upholds;
111. As a flock verily the gods pasture, all of them."
112. He bound Tiamat, her Hfe he apportioned, he ended.
113. In the future, people, old in years,
114. Shall renew unceasingly, "let him be lord forever!"
115. Because he created the places and fashioned the fastnesses
116. "Lord of countries" Bel, his father, named him.
117. The names the Igigi named, all of them,
118. Ea heard, and his heart rejoiced:
119. "He whose name his fathers have magnified
120. He, even Uke me, shall be named Ea.
121. The binding of all my commands shall he control,
122. AU my decrees shall he proclaim!"
123. By the name "Fifty" did the great gods
124. His fifty names make known, they made his path pre-eminent.
125. May they be held fast and the first men reveal them,
126. The wise, the understanding shall consider them together;
127. May the father repeat them and the son lay hold upon them,
128. So- that shepherd and herdsman may open their ears,
129. And may rejoice in Marduk, the- lord of the gods,
130. That his land may be fertile, that he may have prosperity.
131. His word is established, his command unfaiUng,
132. The word of his mouth, no god hath annulled.
133. He casts his glance without turning his neck,
134. When he roars, no god can face his anger.
135. Wide is his heart, great his goodness;
136. The sinner and transgressor in his presence
137. They received instruction, they spake before him.
(The concluding lines are too broken for connected translation.)
2. The First Chapter of Genesis and the Foregoing Creation Epic.
The Babylonian Creation Epic, in the form in which we know it,
took shape in the city of Babylon. Naturally, therefore, the god
Marduk is made the central figure. It is he only who was suffi-
ciently powerful to overcome the primeval dragon, it was he who
created the heavens and the earth, it was he whom at the end gods
and men adored.
A Babylonian priest, Berossos, in a work composed after the time
of Alexander the Great, gives an account of Babylonian ideas of
the creation of the world, which is but the tradition of the epic
248 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
in a slightly different form. A neoplatonic philosopher, Damascius,
who lived about 560 a. d., has also preserved a part of the tradition
in a form almost identical with that of the epic.
Scholars of all shades of opinion agree that there is some con-
nection between this Babylonian tradition and the first chapter
of Genesis, though they differ as to whether the Biblical writer was
acquainted with the Babylonian tradition as we have it in the epic,
or whether he knew an earlier form of the story.
The points of similarity which have been urged between Genesis
and the Babylonian epic are the following: 1. They begin somewhat
similarly, Genesis with the words "In the beginning," the epic
with the words:
"Time was when above heaven was not named ;
Below to the earth no name, was given."
2. Both accounts assume that primeval chaos consisted of a mass
of waters, and to this mass of waters they give the same name.
The Hebrews called it fhom, "deep"; the Babylonians, Tiamat.
These are really the same word in the two closely related languages,
just as day and Tag are the same word in an English and a German
form. In Genesis we are told that "The Spirit of God moved (R. V.
margin, was brooding) upon the face of the waters"; in the Baby-
lonian epic, the waters, which were thought to be of two genders,
were embosomed. In both the result is the beginning of the crea-
tive process.
The two accounts agree that the heavens and the earth were
created by the division of the primeval ocean by a firmament
(the Babylonian calls it a covering), which held up a part of the
waters, so that the earth could be formed beneath. They accord-
ingly agree in the conception that there is a super-celestial ocean,
i. e., "the waters which are above the firmament" (Gen. 1:7).
Another striking similarity is found in the arrangement by sevens:
the Babylonian epic is arranged in seven tablets, or cantos, the
Hebrew account, in seven days. The Babylonian series culminates
in the praise of Marduk by all the gods; the Hebrew, in the institu-
tion of the sabbath. The two series agree in connecting the
heavens with the fourth epoch of creation, and the creation of
man with the sixth.
In other respects the order differs. In the Babylonian account
the moon and stars are created on the fifth day, instead of on the
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 249
fourth. As Marduk is identified with the suii, that orb is assumed;
its creation is not described. The creation of animals is not de-
scribed in any text which we can attach to a definite tablet of the
Babylonian series. It is, however, given in a fragment which reads
as follows:
1. When the gods in their assembly had made [the heavens],
2. The firmament had established and bound [fast],
3. Living things of all kinds had created,
4. Cattle of the field, beasts of the field, and moving things of the city.
5. After unto all kinds of living things
6. [Between beasts] of the field and moving things of the city had divided . . .
7 all creatures, the whole creation
8 that which in the whole of my family
9. [Then arose] Nin-igi-azag, two small creatures [he created],
10. In the assembly of the beasts he made [their form] brilliant,
11 the goddess Gula
12 one white and one black
13 one white and one black
The Babylonian account, then, contained somewhere the story
of the creation of the animals, though, like the other parts of the
Babylonian account, its order and atmosphere differ widely from
the Biblical narrative.
Some of these resemblances are of no great significance. The
fact that the two accounts are arranged by sevens may be due
simply to the fact that that number was sacred among both peoples.
It is thought by some scholars that its use in Genesis was consciously
adopted in order to lead up to the sabbath and glorify it. This
might be true, even if the writer of the chapter knew of the Baby-
lonian arrangement by sevens.
The features of the two narratives, which have convinced some
scholars of all shades of opinion that there is a real kinship between
the two accounts, are their agreement as to the nature of primeval
chaos, and the division of the primeval ocean by a firmament for
the creation of the heavens and the earth. Both writers had, so to
speak, the same raw material of objective conceptions.
The differences between the accounts are, however, most marked.
To speak first of that which is least important, the Hebrew order
is in many respects different from the Babylonian. In the Baby-
lonian the gods are generated in the first tablet, the world is not
created till the fourth, and the creation of all other things is told
in tablets four, five, and six. In other words, creation is divided
into two parts, each of which is told in three tablets. The first three
250 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
tablets deal with gods, the second three with the world and living
things.
This twofold division is found in the first chapter of Genesis,
Here the creative process is divided into two stages, each embracing
four works, and occupying three days. The distribution of these
works is strikingly different from the Babylonian. On the first
day, light and darkness were created; on the second, the firmament;
on the third, the earth and vegetation; on the fourth, the heavenly
bodies; on the fifth, fishes and birds; on the sixth, animals and men.
The first series of three days prepared the heavens and the earth;
the second series studded the sky with orbs and the earth with
living beings. There is a striking parallelism between the two
series. The first begins with the creation of light; the second, with
light-giving bodies. To the third and sixth days two creative acts
each are assigned. On the second day the seas are isolated; on the
fifth they are stocked with fishes. On the third day dry land
emerges, on the sixth terrestrial animals are made. On the third
also herbs began to grow; on the sixth they are assigned to animals
and men for food. The classification of the acts of creation in
Genesis is clear and consistent, and thoroughly independent of that
in the Babylonian account.
A more important difference lies In the religious conceptions of
the two. The Babylonian poem is mythological and polytheistic.
Its conception of deity is by no means exalted. Its gods love and
hate, they scheme and plot, fight and destroy. Marduk, the cham-
pion, conquers only after a fierce struggle, which taxes his powers to
the utmost. Genesis, on the other hand, reflects the most exalted
monotheism. God is so thoroughly the master of all the elements
of the universe, that they obey his slightest word. He controls
all without effort. He speaks and it is done. Granting, as most
scholars do, that there is a connection between the two narratives,
there is no better measure of the inspiration of the Biblical account
than to put it side by side with the Babylonian. As we read the
chapter in Genesis today, it still reveals to us the majesty and power
of the one God, and creates in the modern man, as it did in the
ancient Hebrew, a worshipful attitude toward the Creator.
3. The Babylonian Creation Epic and Other Parts of the Bible.
The Babylonian poem, crude though it seems to us, had a power-
ful fascination for the imagination. With more or less distinctness
parts of it seem to have been known to various Hebrew writers,
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 251
who, attributing to their own God, Jehovah, the role ascribed in the
epic to Marduk, used these stories as poetic illustrations. At least
this is the view of a considerable group of scholars. Some object
that, if this were true, it would degrade Jehovah to the level of
Marduk, but the objection does not seem well founded. The
Hebrews might well have been such ardent monotheists as to believe
that each and every mighty manifestation of power had been the
work of Jehovah, without in any way lowering Jehovah to the level
of a heathen god. The most important parallels which have been
cited are here given, so that the reader may judge for himself as to
which view is the more probable.
In Job 9 : 13, 14 we read:
God will not withdraw his anger;
The helpers of Rahab do stoop under him.
How much less shall I answer him,
And choose out my words to reason with him?
Rahab is believed by many to be here an epithet of Tiamat. It
means "the one who acts boisterously" or "proudly." Those who
thus think believe the lines in Job to refer to the overcoming of-
Tiamat's helpers in Tablet IV, lines 105-118, of the Babylonian
creation epic, which read as follows:
After Tiamat the leader he had slain,
Her army he broke, her host was scattered,
And the gods, her helpers, who marched at her side.
Trembled, feared, they turned their backs;
They sought an exit, to save their lives;
With a cordon they were encompassed, escape was not possible.
He caught them, their weapons he broke.
Into the net they fell, in the snare they remained.
All the quarters of the world they filled with their lamentation.
His wrath they endured, they were held in bondage.
And the eleven creatures, whom she had filled with terribleness,
The troop of demons who marched as her helpers,
He threw into fetters, their power he broke;
Along with their opposition he trampled them under his feet.
This would seem to suit the reference in Job, and to give point to
Job's words. As our Saviour used stories in his parables, so this
poet may have used this well-known story to illustrate his point.
Again Job 26 : 12, 13 reads:
He stirreth up the sea with his power.
And by his understanding he smiteth through Rahab.
By his Spirit the heavens are garnished;
His hand hath pierced the swift serpent.
252 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Four of the ancient versions of the Old Testament, with a very
slight change in the Hebrew letters, read Job 26 : 13:
The bars of heaven fear him;
His hand hath pierced the swift serpent.
Into comparison with v. 12 and the last line of 13, scholars have
brought Tablet IV, line 93, ff., which runs:
Then took their stand, Tiamat and the leader of the gods, Marduk;
For the fight they approached, for the battle drew near.
The lord spread out his net and enclosed her,
The evil wind from behind he thrust into her face.
As Tiamat opened her mouth to its full extent,
The evil wind he drove in, so that her lips could not close.
With the mighty winds he filled her belly.
Her courage was taken away, and she opened her mouth.
He let fall the spear, he burst open her belly.
He cut through her inward parts, he pierced her heart,
He bound her and her life destroyed;
Her body he cast down and stood upon it.
Into comparison with the first line of v. 13, as the versions give it,
scholars have brought line 135, and ff., of the same tablet:
Then the lord rested, he gazed upon her body.
The flesh of the monster he divided ; he formed a cunning plan.
He split her open like a flat fish into two halves;
One half of her he established and made a covering of the heavens.
He drew a bolt, he estabUshed a guard,
And not to let her waters come out, he commanded.
With the passages quoted above Psa. 74 : 13, 14 has also been
compared:
Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength:
Thou brakest the heads of the sea-monsters in the waters.
Thou brakest the heads of leviathan in pieces;
Thou gavest him to be food to the people inhabiting the wilderness.
Verses 16, 17 of the same Psalm continue the theme with the
words:
The day is thine, the night also is thine:
Thou hast prepared the light and the sun.
Thou hast set all the borders of the earth :
Thou hast made summer and winter.
The theme is the same as that of the epic, viz. : the creation of the
world. It would appear from v. 14 that as the Hebrews called
AN EPIC OF THE CREATION 253
Tiamat Rahab, so they called Kingu leviathan. Those who so
think find another reference to the Babylonian creation epic in
Job 3:8:
Let them curse it that curse the day,
Who are ready to rouse up leviathan.
Apparently there were magicians who professed to be able to
arouse such a monster.
Other references to leviathan are thought to employ the same
illustrative material. Thus in Isa. 27 : 1 we read:
In that day Jehovah with his hard and great and strong sword will punish
leviathan the swift serpent, and leviathan the crooked serpent; and he will slay
the monster that is in the sea.
In Job 41 there is a long description of the crocodile under the
name leviathan. In verses 19-21 some things are said of him that
do not suit a real crocodile, and some scholars have thought that
the language was influenced by the Babylonian material. These
verses are:
Out of his mouth go burning torches,
And sparks of fire leap forth.
Out of his nostrils a smoke goeth.
As of a boihng pot and burning rushes.
His breath kindleth coals,
And a flame goeth forth from his mouth.
Other references to Rahab, which have been thought to use the
same illustration, are Psalm 89 : 10:
Thou hast broken Rahab in pieces as one that is slain;
Thou hast scattered thine enemies with the arm of thy strength.
Also, Isaiah 51 : 9:
Is it not thou that didst cut Rahab in pieces,
That didst pierce the monster?
As to whether these sacred writers really employed the material
of the Babylonian epic to give force to their illustrations, the judg-
ments of men will differ in accordance with their views of what is
possible for an inspired writer.
In the following passages Rahab is used to denote Egypt as a
254 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
proud and imperious country. These uses are clearly figurative
and metaphorical.
Isa. 30:7:
For Egypt helpeth in vain and to no purpose:
Therefore have I called her Rahab that sittelh still.
Psa. 87 : 4:
Rahab and Babylon I proclaim my votaries.
A fragmentary account of an Assyrian version of the creation
epic has been found. It agrees with the Babylonian account in
beginning with Tiamat, though the course of creation appears to
have been different. The tablets known to us present it, how-
ever, in a form too fragmentary for us to follow the course of the
narrative..
CHAPTER II
ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION FOUND AT
BABYLON.i
Text of the Account. Comparison of it with Genesis 2.
I. Text of the Account.
1. A holy house, a house of the gods, in a holy place had not been made;
2. No reed had sprung up, no tree had been created.
3. No brick had been made, no foundation had been built,
4. No house had been constructed, no city had been built;
5. No city had. been built, thrones had not been established;
6. Nippur had not been constructed, Ekur had not been built; •
7. Erech had not been constructed, Eanna had not been built;
8. The deep had not been formed, Eridu had not been built;
9. The holy house, the house of the gods, the dwelling had not been made, —
10. All lands were sea, —
II. Then in the midst of the sea was a water-course;
12. In those days Eridu was constructed, Esagila was built,
13. Esagila where, in the midst of the deep, the god Lugal-dul-azaga abode,
14. (Babylon was made, Esagila was completed).
15. The gods and the Anunaki he made at one time.
16. (The holy city, the dwelling of their hearts' desire, they named as first),
17. Marduk bound a structure of reeds upon the face of the waters,
18. He formed dust, he poured it out beside the reed -structure.
19. To cause the gods to dwell in the habitation of their hearts' desire,
20. He formed mankind.
21. The goddess Aruru with him created mankind,
22. Cattle of the field, in whom is breath of life, he created.
23. He formed the Tigris and Euphrates and set them in their places,
24. Their names he did well declare.
25. The grass, marsh-grass, the reed and brushwood (?) he created,
26. The green grass of the field he created,
27. The land, the marshes, and the swamps;
28. The wild cow and her young, the wild calf; the ewe and her young, the
lamb of the fold;
29. Gardens and forests;
30. The wild goat, the mountain goat, (who) cares for himself (?).
31. The lord Marduk filled a terrace by the seaside,
32 a marsh, reeds he set,
33 he caused to exist.
34. [Reeds he creat]ed; trees he created;
35. In their in their place he made;
1 Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Part XIII,
p. 35, S.
255
256 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
36. [Bricks he laid, a founda]tion he constructed;
37. [Houses he made], a city he built;
38. [A city he built, a throne] he established;
39. [Nuppur he constructed], Ekur he built;
40. [Erech he constructed], Eanna he built.
(At this point the tablet is broken. When it again becomes legible, it is in the
midst of an incantation.)
2. Comparison with Genesis 2.
This account of the creation has sometimes been compared with
Genesis 2 : 4, ff., which describes a time when there was no grass
or vegetation on the earth, and then goes on to describe the creation
of man and animals, speaking of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers.
In this account of the creation it is stated (Hne 21) that the
goddess Aruru with Marduk created mankind.
In another Babylonian poem, the Gilgamesh epic, which contains
the Babylonian story of the flood, there is an account of the crea-
tion of man which accords much more closely with Gen. 2 : 7 than
that which we are considering. It runs:
The goddess Aruru, when she heard this,
A man like Anu she formed in her heart.
Aruru washed her hands;
Clay she pinched off and spat upon it;
Eabani, a hero she created,
An exalted offspring, with the might of Ninib.
Here is clearly a tradition, similar to Genesis, that God formed
man from the dust of the ground. The allusion to Aruru indicates
that this formed a part of the early Babylonian tradition. There
is considerable evidence that in an earlier form of the Babylonian
account Marduk had no place. He was introduced into it later by
the priests of Babylon. Aruru was in that earlier form the creator
of man, and probably was said to have formed him from clay, as
in the Gilgamesh epic.
While these points of likeness are evident, there are great differ-
ences between the two narratives. The Babylonian account speaks
not only of grass and reeds as non-existent, but of cities and temples
also, which, it tells us, were created later. It has no picture of
Eden; its thought centers in well-known Babylonian cities. While
Marduk appears as supreme in the Babylonian poem, the gods and
Anunaki, or spirits of earth, are recognized, so that the polytheistic
view is not entirely absent. In the Biblical picture, on the other
ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION 257
hand, Jehovah is supreme. Opmions of scholars differ as to whether
there was any real connection between the two narratives. What-
ever opinion one may hold on this point, there can be no question
but that the second chapter of Genesis is dominated by those re-
ligious conceptions which were so uniquely manifested in Israel,
while they are absent from the Babylonian narrative.
{For a new Babylonian account of the creation of man, see Ap-
pendix.)
CHAPTER III
THE BABYLONIAN SABBATH
Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit. A Day Called Shabatum. A Day in Some
Tablets at Yale.
1. Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit.
The seventh day is the feast of IMarduk and Zarpanit. It is an ev-il day.
The shepherd of the great people shall not eat flesh cooked on the coals which is
smoked. The garment of his body he shall not change; a clean one he shall not
put on. A sacrifice he shall not offer. The king in a chariot shall not ride. In
triimiph he shall not speak. In the secret place a seer shall not give an oracle.
The physician shall not lay his hand on the sick. It is not fitting to utter a
malediction. At night before Marduk and Ishtar the king shall bring his offer-
ing; a libation he shall pour out. The lifting up of his hands shall then be pleas-
ing to the gods.i
This passage occurs in a tablet which describes the nature of all
the days of a month. The same prohibitions are recorded for the
fourteenth, nineteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth days.
The tablet has often been brought into comparison with the Hebrew
sabbath, partly because the seventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and
twenty-eighth days are involved, partly because the prohibitions
remind the reader of Exodus 20 : 8-11 and Deut. 5 : 12-15.
Exod. 20 : 8-11. Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days
shalt thou labor, and do all thy work : but the seventh day is a sabbath unto the
Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy
daughter, thy manserwant, nor thy maidservant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger
that is within thy gates: for in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea,
and all that in them is, and rested the seventh day: wherefore the Lord blessed
the sabbath day, and hallowed it.
Deut. 5 : 12-15. Obser\'e the sabbath day, to keep it holy, as the Lord thy
God commanded thee. Six days shalt thou labor, and do all thy work: but
the seventh day is a sabbath unto the Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do any
work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor thy manservant, nor thy maid-
servant, nor thine ox, nor thine ass, nor any of thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is
within thy gates; that thy manservant and thy maidscrs^ant may rest as well as
thou. And thou shalt remember that thou wast a servant in the land of Egj^pt,
• Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, IV^ 2d,ed., pi. 32, lines
28-38.
258
THE BABYLONIAN SABBATH 259
and the Lord thy God brought thee out thence by a mighty hand and by a
stretched out arm: therefore the Lord thy God commanded thee to keep the
sabbath day.
In reality the Babylonian prohibitions apply to certain classes
of people only, and not to the whole population. A study of the
contract literature shows that there was no cessation of business
upon these days of the month, so that resemblance to the Hebrew
sabbath is really quite slight.
2. A Day Called Shabatum.
These days were not, so far as we know, called shabatum, but
another tablet^ tells us that the fifteenth day of each month was so
called. Shabatum is etymologically the same as the Hebrew sab-
bath. As the Babylonian months were lunar, the fifteenth was
the time of the full moon, so that in Babylonian the day denoted
the completion of the moon's growth. In the Old Testament
"sabbath" is sometimes coupled with "new moon," as though it may
also have designated a similar day. (See 2 Kings 4 : 23; Amos
8 : 5; Hosea 2: 11; Isa. 1 : 13; 66 : 23, and Ezek. 46 : 3.) This
Babylonian shabatum can, in any event, have no direct relationship
to the Hebrew sabbath as a day of rest once a week.
3. A Day in Some Tablets at Yale.
A series of tablets in the Yale Babylonian Collection, a portion
of which has been published by Prof. Clay, -shows that special sac-
rifices were offered on the seventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and
twenty-eighth of each month. These sacrifices show that these
days were thought to have some peculiar significance, but, what-
ever that significance may have been, the evidence cited shows
that it was not the same as that of the Hebrew sabbath.
> See Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaology. Vol. XXVI, pp. 51-56.
^^Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylotiian Collection, New Haven, 1916, Nos. 46-51.
CHAPTER IV
THE LEGEXD OF ADAPA AND THE FALL OF -MAN
Comparison with Genesis 3. The Adapa Myth.
Four fragments of the Adapa myth have been found. They
really present but three parts of the stor\% as two of them cover the
same ground. These three parts of the stor>' are translated in this
chapter. It will be noted that the fragments do not present the
entire story. Between fragments I and II, as well as between
fragments II and III, some lines have fallen out, and the last frag-
ment is broken away before the end of the account is reached.
Nevertheless, from the parts which we have it is clear that the
Babylonians shared with the Hebrews some of the traditions re-
corded in the third chapter of Genesis.
1. Comparison with Genesis 3.
In the first place, Adapa, like Adam, had gained knowledge.
This knowledge carried with it a power hitherto regarded as an
attribute of divinity. It enabled Adapa to break the wing of the
south wind; it tempted Adam and Eve "to become like God, know-
ing good and evil" (Gen. 3:5). As in Genesis, knowledge did not
carry with it immortality. Ea, the god who had permitted Adapa
to become wise, feared that he might gain immortality, as Jeho-
vah thought that Adam might "put forth his hand and take of the
tree of life and eat and live forever" (Gen. 3 : 22). (For Babylo-
nian and Assyrian conceptions of the tree of life, see Figs. 291, 293.)
Ea accordingly told Adapa a falsehood when he was about to go
into the presence of the supreme god, Anu, in order to prevent him
from eating the food that would make him immortal ; Jehovah drove
man from the garden where the tree of life grew. The two accounts
agree in the thought that immortality could be obtained by eating
a certain kind of food. The lines at the end of the Adapa story are
much broken, but they make it clear that as a punishment for what
he had done, Adapa was subjected to sickness, disease, and restless-
ness. This corresponds to the toil inflicted upon man (Gen. 3:17-
19), and the pangs of childbirth imposed upon woman (Gen. 3 : 16).
It appears also that as Adam and Eve were clothed with skins in con-
secjuence of their deed (Gen. 3 : 21), so Adapa was clothed by Anu
in a special clothing.
260
THE LEGEND OF ADAPA 261
These similarities indicate that the Babylonians possessed the
same general ideas of the connection of increasing knowledge, with
the attributes of divinity on the one hand, and with suffering and
clothing on the other, which are presented in Genesis. An increas-
ing number of modern scholars regard the Babylonian story as an
earlier form of a narrative which the Hebrew writer took and puri-
fied. Others hold that it is a somewhat degenerate form of the
Biblical narrative. In any event, the Babylonian story proves the
Biblical conceptions to be very ancient, and, by its contrasts to that
of Genesis, it exlaibits the dignity and religious value of the Biblical
narrative. In the Babylonian myth, the gods, Ea and Anu, are
divided and work at cross purposes; Ea tells a falsehood to accom-
pHsh his end. Genesis, while it represents Jehovah as feeling and
acting in a much more human way than some parts of the Bible do,
still portrays him as a consistently righteous, omnipotent God, who
demands obedience, and whose punishments are the reasonable
recompense for transgressions. The superiority of the Old Testa-
ment stands out in striking contrast.
2. The Adapa Myth.^
I
1. He possessed intelligence
2. His command like the command of Anu
3. Wide intelligence he (Ea) made perfect for him, the destiny of the country
to reveal.
4. Unto him wisdom he gave; eternal life he did not grant him.
5. In those days, in those years the wise man of Eridu, —
6. Ea as a chief (?) among men had created him, — _
7.- A wise man whose command no one could restrain,
8. The prudent, the most wise among the Anunnaki was he,
9. Blameless, clean of hands, anointed, the obser\'er of divine commands,
10. With the bakers he made bread,
11. With the bakers of Eridu he made bread,
12. The food and water of Eridu he prepared daily,
13. With his clean hands he prepared the table,
14. And without him the table was not cleared.
15. The ship he steered; fishing and hunting for Eridu he did.
16. Then Adapa of Eridu,
17. While Ea lay upon a bed in a chamber (?),
18. Daily the closing of Eridu he made right.
19. At the pure quay, the quay of the new-moon, he embarked upon the ship,
20. The wind blew, his ship sailed,
21. With the rudder he steered the ship
22. Upon the broad sea.
1 Translated from Recueil de Traveaux. XX, 127, ff.; Winckler and Abel's Tkontafdnfund von
El-Amarna, No. 240, Keilinschrijtliche Bibliothek, VI, p. xvii, f., and Proceedings of the Society oj
Biblical Archeology, XVI, 294, f.
262 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
n
1 _.
2. The south wind [blew and capsized him],
3. To the house [of the fishes] it made him sink,
4. "O south wind [increase] thy rage as much as [thou art able],
5. Thy wing I will break." As he spoke with his mouth,
6. The wing of the south wind was broken, seven days
7. The south wind blew not on the land. Anu
8. To his messenger, Ilabrat, said:
9. "Why has the south wind not blown upon the land for seven days?"
10. His messenger Ilabrat answered him, "My lord
11. Adapa, the son of Ea, the wing of the south wind
12. Has broken." Anu, when he heard this,
13. Cried "Help!" He ascended his throne: "Let some one bring him to me.
14. Likewise Ea, who knows the heavens, summon him,
14a. To King Ea to come." ^
14b. To him he caused word to be borne,
14c To him, to King Ea,
14d. He sent a messenger.
14e. He is of great understanding, he knows the hearts of the great gods,
14f of the heavens, he estabUshes it.
15. [A soiled garment he made] him wear; with a mourning garment clad him,
16. He clothed him and gave him counsel,
17. Saying: "Adapa, into the presence of Anu, the king, thou art going,
18. Fail not the order, my word keep,
19. When thou goest up to heaven and approachest the gate of ^\nu,
20. At the gate of Anu, Tammuz and Gishzida
21. Stand, they will see thee, they will ask: 'Lord,
22. For whose sake art thou thus, Adapa? For whom
23. Art thou clad in a mourning garment?' 'In our countrj' two gods have
vanished, therefore
24. Am I thus.' 'Who are the two gods who in the land
25. Have vanished?' 'Tammuz and Gishzida.' They will look at one
another and
26. Be astonished. Favorable words
27. To Anu they will speak. A jo},^uI coimtenance of Anu
28. They will reveal to thee. When thou standest in the presence of Anu,
29. Food of death they will offer thee to eat;
30. Thou shalt not eat. Water of death they will offer thee to drink;
31. Thou shalt not drink. A garment will they show thee;
32. Put it on. Oil they will set before thee; anoint thyself.
33. The command which I give thee, forget not. The word
34. Which I have spoken hold fast." The messenger
35. Of Anu came: "Adapa of the south wind
36. The wing has broken. Into my presence bring him."
37. The road to heaven he made him take and to heaven he ascended.
38. When to heaven he ascended, w-hcn he a^iproached the gate of Anu,
39. At the gate of Anu, Tammuz and Gishzida were standing.
40. When they saw him they cried: ".\dapa, help!
41. Lord, for whose sake art thou thus?
42. For whom art thou clad in a mourning garment?
43. In the country' two gods have vanished; therefore in a mourning garment
44. Am I clad. \\Tio are the two gods who from the land have vanished?"
'The lines 14a, etc., are supplied from a'parallel tablet.
THE LEGEND OF ADAPA 263
45. "Tammuz and Gishzida." They looked at one another and
46. Were astonished. When Adapa before Anu the king,
47. Approached, Anu saw him and cried:
48. "Come, Adapa, why of the south wind the wing
49. Hast thou broken?" Adapa answered: "Anu, my lord,
50. For the house of my lord in the midst of the sea
51. I was catching fish. As I was midway of the voyage
52. The south wind blew and capsized me;
53. To the house of the fishes it made me sink. In fhe anger of my heart
54. [The south wind] I cursed. At my side answered Tammuz
55. And Gishzida: "The heart should be toward Anu.'
56. They spoke, he was appeased, his heart was won (?).
57. "Why has Ea, to impure man, of the heavens
58. And the earth revealed the heart?
59. Strong (?) has he made him (Adapa); a name he has given him.
60. We — what can we do to him? Food of life
61. Bring him, that he may eat." Food of life
62. They brought him; he ate it not. Water of life
63. They brought him; he drank it not. A garment
64. They brought him; he clothed himself. Oil
65. They brought him; he anointed himself.
66. Anu looked at him; he wondered (?) at him.
67. "Come, Adapa, why dost thou not eat nor drink?
68. Now thou shalt not live; men are mortal (?)." "Ea my lord
69. Said: Thou shalt not eat, thou shalt not drink."
70. Take him and bring him back to earth.
71 looked upon him.
Ill
1
2. He commanded him and he
3. The garment, he commanded him and he clothed himself.
4 Anu wondered greatly at the deed of Ea.
5. The gods of heaven and earth, as many as there are: "Who is thus
mighty (?)?
6. His command is the command of Anu. Who can surpass [him]?"
7. As now Adapa from the horizon to the zenith of the heavens
8 looked, he saw his terror (i.e., the terror he inspired)
9. [Which] Anu concerning Adapa upon him had placed.
10. [The service (?)] of Ea he made his satisfaction.
11. Anu fixed as his lot his lordship in brilliance to the distant future.
12 Adapa, the seed of mankind,
13. [Who] victoriously broke the wing of the south wind,
14. And to heaven he ascended. "Thus let it be!"
15 that which he in evil ways imposed on the people,
16 sickness which he placed in the bodies of people.
17 Ninkarrak appeased.
18. Sickness [shall co]me, his disease be violent,
19 destruction shall fall upon him,
20. [In] good sleep he shall not rest,
21 shall overturn (?) the joy of people's hearts.
(The remainder is broken away.)
CHAPTER V
THE PATRIARCHS BEFORE THE FLOOD
Babylonian Long-lived Kings. Comparison with Genesis 5. Comparison with
Genesis 4. Comparison with the List of Berossos.
A Biblical narrative that challenges attention is that in Gene-
sis 5, which contains the list of long-lived patriarchs who flourished
before the flood. This narrative finds a striking parallel in the fol-
lowing tablet which tells of long-lived kings who are said to have
ruled in ancient Babylonia. The beginnings of all the columns of
the tablet are broken away.^
1. Babylonian
Column I
2 ruled 900 (?) years;
Long-lived Kings
Column II
Galumum
ruled 900 (?) years;
Zugagib
ruled 840 (?) years;
A-ri-pi, son of Mashgag,
ruled 720 years;
Etana, the shepherd,
who ascended to heaven,
who subdued all lands,
ruled 635 years;
Pilikam,
son of Etana,
ruled 350 years;
Enmenunna
reigned 611 years;
Melam-Kish,
son of Enmenunna,
ruled 900 years;
Barsalnunna,
son of Enmenunna,
ruled 1200 years;
Mes (?) zamu, son of Barsalnunna,
ruled years;
son of Barsalnunna;
1. from Kish
2. the kingdom
3. passed to Eanna.
4. In Eanna
5. Meskingashir,
6. son of Shamash,*
7. as lord,
8. as king,
9. ruled 325 years.
10. Meskingashir
11. entered into
12. and went out from
13. Enmeirgan,
14. 15. son of Meskingashir,
16. king of Erech,
17. the people of Erech
18. strengthened,
19. as king
20. ruled 420 years.
21. Lugalbanda, the shepherd,
22. ruled 1200 years.
23. Dumuzi, the hunter=' (?),
24. Whose city is among fishes,
25. ruled 100 years.
26. Gilgamesh,
27. whose father
28. was lord of KuUab,
29. ruled 126 years.
' Translated from Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts, rhiladelphia, 1914, No. 2. From
the beginning of each column 16 to 18 lines are broken away.
2 The sun-god.
' Perhaps "paira-tree-fertilizer" instead of hunter. It is not the usual ideogram for hunter,
but (ine element stands for "hand" and the other for "female flower of the date palm." (See
Barton, The Origin and Development oj Babylonian Writing, Nos. 3 1 1 ('-) and 303(*).
264
PATRIARCHS BEFORE THE FLOOD
265
Column III
5.
in Kish:
(The kingdom)
6.
total 22 kings —
1. of Erech
7.
their years were 2610+
2. passed to Ur.
8.
6 months, 15 days.
3. In Ur
9.
Five times
4. Mesannipada
10.
in Erech:
5. was king;
11.
total 13 kings —
6. he ruled 80 years.
12.
their years were 396 —
7. Meskiagnunna,
13.
ruled.
8. son of Mesannipada,
14.
Three times
9. ruled 30 years.
15.
inUr:
10. Elu
16.
total 3 kings —
11. ruled 25 years.
17.
their years were 356 —
12. Balu
18.
ruled.
13. 36 years.
19.
Once
14. 4 kings
20.
in Awan:
15. ruled 171 years.
21.
total 1 king —
16. As to Ur
22.
his rule was 7 years.
17. the kingdom
23.
Once
18. passed to Awan.^
24.
in»
Column I V^
Column VI
1. ruled 21 years.
1.
(total ) kings —
2. Ishme-Dagan,
2.
(their years )were 196 —
3. son of Idin-Dagan,
3.
ruled.
4. ruled 21 years.
4.
Twice in Agade:
5. Libit-Ishtar,
5.
total 21 kings —
6. son of Idin-Dagan,
6.
their years were 125 years
7. ruled 11 years.
7.
40 days — ruled.
8. Ur-Ninib,
8.
Once
9. son of Im ,
9.
in the people
10.
11.
of Gutium:
total 11 kings —
Column V
12.
their years were 159 years
1. Total 51 kings —
13.
ruled
2. their years were 18000..+
14.
in Isin (?).
3. 9 years months
15.
Eleven
4. Four times
16.
royal cities
17.
ruled.
18.
Total 134 kings.
19.
Grand total 28876+
20.
years,
21.
months.'
This interesting document does not stand alone. Three other
tablets published in the same volume^ contain similar material,
though all that would have a bearing on our present topic is too
' Seven lines are broken away from the end of the column.
'The subject-matter shows that several columns are entirely broken away. Dr. Poebel
estimates that Column IV was originally Column X. If this is true, six columns are entirely lost.
Of Column IV, only a few lines out of the middle remain.
3 A number of lines are lost at the end of the column.
* Numbers 3, 4, and 5.
266 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
broken for connected translation. It is clear from the translation
here given that the Babylonians ascribed to some early kings reigns
as long, and even longer in some cases, than those ascribed to the
antediluvian patriarchs in Genesis 5.
The peculiar spelling of Galumum and Zugagib in the Babylo-
nian characters, together with the meaning of the words, shows that
they are animal names. Zugagib means "scorpion" and Galumum,
"lamb." In the lines which preceded, probably similar animal
names were recorded. Perhaps this expresses the idea that animals
were made before men, as is stated in Gen. 1 : 24-26.
2. Comparison with Genesis 5. — The next name, Aripi,' may
also have been read Adime, and perhaps was so read by the Sume-
rians themselves. If it came to the Hebrews in this form they
would naturally equate it with the Hebrew Adam, which means
"man."
Etana, the shepherd, is said in this list to have gone to heaven.
This at once suggests the fate of Enoch, who "was not; for God took
him" (Gen. 5 : 24). In the Sumerian the words "to heaven" are
AN-SU, which may also be read AN-KU. If these words were not
fully understood by the Hebrews, to whom Sumerian was not only
a foreign language but a dead language, they might easily be mis-
taken for a proper name, and would in Hebrew give us Enoch,^
Another suggestion as to the method of borrowing is also possible.
Later traditions cherished the name of a king, Enmeduranki, whom
they called a king of Sippar or Agade.^ Enmeduranki means "the
hero who binds together heaven and earth." Etana is in our list of
kings called a king of Kish, but in later times kings of Kish were also
called kings of Agade. It is altogether probable, therefore, that the
"hero who binds together heaven and earth" is simply another
designation of Etana who went to heaven. The last two syllables
of Enmeduranki, i. e., AN-KI, "heaven and earth," would, if
taken over into Hebrew, also give Enoch. If we assume that
1 Poebel reads the name A rpi, apparently because in another fragmentary tablet he thinks the
name is Arbum. but both Poebel's copy and the photograph of the tablet indicate that the reading
was A -ri-pi. The writer has endeavored to settle the matter by collating both tablets, but both
have unfortunately crumbled too much to make collation decisive.
2 Sumerian words which begin with a vowel, when they are taken over into Hebrew, assume a
guttural at the beginning. Thus the Sumerian AS-TAN, "one," which became in Semitic Baby-
lonian islin, comes into Hebrew as 'est( with an Ayin at the beginning. (See Jer. 1 : 3 and else-
where.) Ayin in Semitic phonetics frequently changes to Heth. (See Brockelmann's Vergleich-
ende Grammatik der Semitischen Sprachen, I, 5 55, b, a.) In accordance with these facts AN-KU
came into Hebrew as IJenok. ^
»He is mentioned in Zimmern's Ritualtafeln fUr den Wahrsager, Leipzig, 1901, No. 24 : 1, ff.,
as the discoverer of the art of forecasting events by pouring oil on water.
PATRIARCHS BEFORE THE FLOOD 267
Etana and Enoch are the same, we may at a later point be able to
determine by which of these processes the name is most likely to
have come into Hebrew. In an old poem, fragments of which
have been found on some broken tablets from Nineveh, the fortunes
of Etana were given in detail. He is said to have been carried to
heaven on the back of an eagle. If he be really the prototype of
Enoch, this lends a touch of realism to the narrative.
The Sumerian name Enmenunna means "exalted hero" or
"exalted man." A natural translation of this into Semitic Baby-
lonian about 2000 b. c. would be Miitu-elu,^ or, in one word, amelu,
and an equally natural translation of this into Hebrew would give
us Enosh.
Pilikam,^ the next name, means in Sumerian "with intelligence to
build." In Babylonian Semitic it would be literally Ina-uzni-
eresu, or, rendered in one word, ummanu, "artificer." The Hebrew
translation of this is Kenan, which means "artificer." Melamkish
gives us the Hebrew Lamech by the simple elision of the first and
last consonants. All people are lazy and words sometimes wear
away both at the beginning and at the end.^
Barsalnunna, translated into Semitic Babylonian, becomes
Shithu-elu.* Seth may well be a transfer of a part of this name to
Hebrew. The final radical of the first part of the name may have
worn away or have been accidentally omitted.
Meskingashir is resolvable into four elements, MES-KI-INGA^-
SHIR,^ "the hero" or "man who is great" or "exalted." Translate
this into Semitic Babylonian and it becomes Mutu-sa-elu, which is
almost exactly Methuselah.
Enmeirgan becomes when translated into Semitic Mutu-salal-
• Poebel has shown, Historical Texts, 114, that EN-ME desipnates a hero or special kind of
priest. Mutu in Semitic means both "man" and "a kind of priest"; cf. Muss-Arnolt. Assyrisch-
Englisch-Deutsches Eandwbrterbuch, 619, 620, and Knudtzon, El-Amarna Tafeln, No. 55, 43.
Mutu was a popular element in Semitic proper names about 2000 b. c, but later ceased to be
employed.
2 The sign kam Poebel failed to recognize . It is No. 364X of Barton's Orig/n and Development
of Babylonian Writing. It is sometimes employed in early texts instead of other signs which had
the values ka or liam. Here it is used for sign No. 357 of the work referred to.
3 Langdon makes the suggestion (Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and. the Fall of Man,
Philadelphia, 1915, p. 56, note 7) that Lamech is the Sumerian LUMHA, an epithet of the Baby-
lonian god Ea as the patron of music. A more plausible theory would be that Lamech is a corrup-
tion of a king's name, as suggested above, and after it was corrupted it was confused with the
name of the Sumerian god LAMGA, the constructive god, whose emblem was the sign for carpenter.
(See Barton, work cited. No. 503.)
< See Meissner, Seltene assyrische Ideogramme, No. 1 139.
' Sec Barton, work cited. No. 275'5). IN is the Sumerian verb preformative.
• See Delitzsch, Sumerisckes Clossar, p. 262, f.
268 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
eqla,^ and Mahalalel is a much closer transfer of the first two ele-
ments of this to Hebrew than are Sennacherib, Esar-haddon,
Merodach-baladan, and Evil-merodach of the names Sin-akhi-irba,
Ashur-akhi-iddina, Marduk-apal-iddin, and Amel-Marduk. Finally
Dumuzi means "son of life," or "living son," and Jared' means
"descendant."
The equivalent of Noah does not appear in this list, but there is
no doubt that he was Ziugiddu, otherwise called Ut-napishtim, of
the Babylonian accounts of the flood.
We have then the following equivalents, four of which are Hebrew
translations of Sumerian names; three, transfers into Hebrew of the
whole or of parts of Semitic Babylonian equivalents of these
Sumerian names, two of which are transfers to Hebrew of portions
of a Sumerian original, and one of which, Noah, is still unexplained.
Sumerian
Semitic Babylonian
Hebrew
Adime
Adam
Barsalnunna
Shithu-elu
Seth
Enmenunna
Mut'u-elu (or amelu)
Enosh
Pelikam
Ina-uzni-ereshu (or ummanu)
Kenan
Enmeirgan
Mutu-salal-gan
Mahalalel
Dumuzi
Apal-napisti
Jared
Etana
Enoch
Meskingashir
Mutu-sa-elu
Methuselah
Melamkish
Lamech
Ziugiddu
Noah
Of course, it may be objected that our list of kings did not furnish
the originals of these patriarchs, since there are more kings than
patriarchs, even though some of the names of kings have been lost
by the breaking of the tablet. In this connection, however, one
should remember that in 1 Chron. 1-9, many names which appear
in the earlier books of the Bible are omitted, and that in Matt. 1 : 8,
three kings — Ahaziah, Joash, and Amaziah — are omitted from the
genealogy of Christ. (Compare 2 Kings 1 1-15.) It appears, then,
that Biblical writers did not always copy a full list.
It thus seems that the tablet translated above may be related to
the text of Genesis 5 in the names of the patriarchs as well as in the
matter of their ages. When we recall that the tablet was appar-
ently written in the year 2170 b. c, it seems probable that it may
be a source from which the Biblical names came.
1 See Barton, work cited, No. 229('8).
2 Jared miKht, of course, be a corruption of Irad (see p. 270). It could have arisen by the wear-
ing away of the Hebrew letter Ayin.
PATRIARCHS BEFORE THE FLOOD 269
3. Comparison with Genesis 4.
But our examination of the matter cannot stop here. In Gen. 4 :
16-23 there is a list of the descendants of Cain strikingly similar to
the list of the descendants of Seth in Genesis 5. If the names of Adam
and Abel be supplied from Gen. 4 : 1, 2, the two lists appear as follows:
Genesis 4 Genesis 5
Adam Adam
1 p
Abel Seth Seth
I
Enosh Enosh
Cain (Hebrew JD) Kenan (Hebrew Y?)
Enoch Mahalalel
Irad (Hebrew Tl'>') Jared (Hebrew TT)
Mehujael Enoch
IVIethushael Methuselah
Lamech Lamech
Noah
The close parallelism of these two lists of names is really greater
than it appears to the English reader to be. Cain, which means
"artificer," is in Hebrew the same word as Kenan, lacking only one
formative letter at the end. Irad and Jared differ in Hebrew only
by the wearing away of one consonant. Mehujael is as much like
Mahalalel, and Methushael as much like Methuselah as the Assyrian
name, of Tiglath-pileser, Tukultu-apal-esharra, is like Tiglath-
pileser, while Enoch and Lamech are the same.
The importance of this likeness arises from the fact that the so-
called critical scholars claim that these two lists of names are in
reality the same original list as it came through two lines of tradi-
tion and was worked up differently by two wTiters. This view has
been vigorously opposed by some conservative scholars, notably by
the late Professor Green, of Princeton.^
Between rival critical hypotheses.it is not the function of archae-
ology to decide. It must be admitted, however, that the names of
the descendants of Genesis 4 can be equated with those of our Baby-
lonian kings, as well as those of Gen. 5. Adam, Seth, Enosh, Cain,
Enoch, Mehujael, and Methushael would be derived exactly as it
has been explained that the corresponding names of Genesis 5 could
be derived. It only remains to explain the names Abel and Irad.
It will be noticed that Abel occupies in the list a position next to
» See his Unily of the Book of Genesis, New York, 1895, Chapter U.
270 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Adam and Cain ; Abel is also said to have been a shepherd. In the
list of Babylonian kings Etana the shepherd comes in between
Adime (Aripi) and Pilikam, the equivalent of Cain. It is probable,
therefore, that Etana is the king that corresponds to Abel. Etana
is described in the Sumerian as "the shepherd who went to heaven,"
SIBA LU AN-§U NI-IB-E-DA. If the two words SIBA LU be-
came detached and misunderstood as a proper name, the 5 at the
beginning, according to a well known phonetic law, could become h
and give us the Hebrew Abel. Irad may also be ir-tu, a corruption
of ZI-IR-TU, a name of the mother of Dumuzi, who may at times
have been referred to as the son of ZI-IR-TU.^ These possibilities
are not proof that the names arose as suggested, but are not without
weight.
If Abel arose from the traditions of Etana and Enoch did also,
and if the names of Genesis 4 are derived from the list of Babylonian
kings, then Etana figures twice in the fourth chapter of Genesis.
If Enoch is a fragment of the name Enmeduranki, a possibility
already recognized, it is not difficult to understand how Etana
came into the tradition twice.
4. Comparison with the List of Berossos.
Another list of names awaits comparison. Berossos, a Baby-
lonian priest who died about 260 b. c, compiled a list of kings
who lived before the flood, and attributed to them incredibly long
reigns. His work has not survived, but his list is quoted by two
early Christian writers, Eusebius and Syncellus, and HommeF and
Sayce'' have claimed that his names are, many of them, identical
with the patriarchs of Genesis 5.
The list of Berossos is as follows:
Kings Length of reign
Alorus 36.000 j-ears
Alaparos 10,800 "
Amelon 46,800 "
Ammenon 43,200 "
Megalaros 64,800 "
Daonos or Daos 36,000 "
Euedorachos 64.800 "
Amempsinos 36,000 "
Otiartes 28,800 "
Xisouthros _64^800 "
Total 432,000 years.
> See Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, II, 59, rev. 9, and Zimmern's Bahy-
lonischer Gott Tamuz. p. 13.
2 Proceedings of the Society of Biblical A rchaology, XV, 243-246. » Expository Times, X, 253.
PATRIARCHS BEFORE THE FLOOD 271
It has long been recognized that Amelon is the Semitic Babylonian
word amelu, "man." It is a Babylonian synonym of Mutu-elu,
the equivalent of Enosh, and is also a translation of Enmenunna.
Ammenon has also been recognized as the Semitic Babylonian
unimanu, "artisan." It is a translation in one word of the Sumerian
Pilikam.
Daonos or Daos has, too, been seen to be the phonetic trans-
literation into Greek letters of the Sumerian Dumu, the first part of
the name Dumuzi.
Euedorachos has also been thought to be the Sumerian Enmedur-
anki, whom we have recognized as another name for Etana. Four
of the names of Berossos are thus easily connected with names in the
new list of kings.
The fifth one, Megalaros, might be a corruption either of Mutu-
shalal or of Mutu-sa-elu, and so go back ultimately either to En-
meirgan or to Meskingashir. Xisouthros is clearly the same person
as Ziugiddu. He had no connection with this list of kings, but is,
like Noah in Genesis 5, attached to it on account of the flood.
Hommel long ago saw that Otiartes is the same as Ubara-tutu, who
is said in the account of the deluge which was found at Nineveh to
have been the father of Utnapishtim, the hero of the deluge.^
Berossos has, accordingly, not only added the hero of the deluge, but
has displaced one of the names from the king list in order to find a
place for the father of Xisouthros.
The other names are puzzling. Poebel has suggested^ that
Alorus may be a Greek corruption of the Sumerian name Laluralim,
who is said to have been a king of Nippur. An old text which con-
tains this name'^ is accompanied by a gloss zugagib, "scorpion,"^
and the first king in the list translated above is Zugagib. If, there-
fore, this suggestion is true, the name may go back to the same
source as the others, after all.
Amempsinos has been thought by some to be a corruption of the
well known Babylonian name Amil-Sin. There was an Amil-Sin
in the first dynasty of Babylon, but why the name should be in-
serted here cannot at present be explained; nor has a satisfactory
explanation been suggested for Alaparos.
> See Chapter VI, p. 273. = nistorical Texts, p. 42.
3 Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 44, 17b. The Semitic name of this
king is also said to have been Tabu-utul-bel. He is the one whose fortunes correspond so closely
to those of Job. (See Chapter XX.)
< See Meissner, Sellene assyrische Ideogramme, No. 6945.
272 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
The above discussion may be summed up in a few words. The
Babylonian list of kings with which this chapter begins makes no
reference to the flood, neither does the fourth chapter of Genesis.
All the names in Genesis 4 may be found in the Babylonian list,
though Etana seems to have been inserted twice under different
names. As Genesis 5 omits Abel, it has Etana only once. All the
other names of Genesis 5, except Noah, are found in the Babylonian
list. Noah has been added to connect the list with the flood. The
ages of the patriarchs in Genesis 5 correspond approximately to the
general lengths of the reigns assigned to the kings in the tablet.
Berossos seems to have exercised much greater freedom, inserting
several names, the origin of some of which cannot now be made out.
He also greatly exaggerated the lengths of the kings' reigns.
These correspondences are simply noted. It is but a few months
since the writer discovered them, and he was the first to do so. It
is too early to correctly estimate their ultimate significance. It
should, however, be observed that the Biblical numbers (Gen. 5)
lack the gross exaggerations of Berossos, and that, if the correspond-
ences here pointed out are real, the tradition embodied in Genesis
is carried back to a time from 800 to 1000 years earlier than Moses.
CHAPTER VI
A BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE FLOOD, FROM A
TABLET WRITTEN AT NINEVEH IN THE SEVENTH
CENTURY B. C}
Translation of the Text. Compaeison with Genesis 6-9. Another Babylonian
Version.
1. Translation of the Text.
1. Gilgamesh said to him, to Utnapishtim, the far-away:
2. "I look upon thee, O Utnapishtim,
3. Thy appearance is unchanged; thou are like me;
4. Thou art not at all different, thou art like me.
5. Thy courage is unbroken, to make combat,
6. On thy side thou Uest down — on thy back.
7. [Tell me] how hast thou advanced and in the assembly of the gods hast
found life?"
8. Utnapishtim spoke to him, to Gilgamesh:
9. (J will reveal to thee, O Gilgamesh, the secret story,
10. And the decision of the gods to thee will I relate.^
11. Shurippak, a city which thou knowest,
12. Is situated on the bank of the Euphrates.
13. That city was old and the gods in it — ..^
14. Their hearts prom.pted them— the great gods— to make a delugej
15. [There drew near] their father Anu,
16. Their councillor, the warrior Ellil,
17. Their herald, Enmashtu,
18. Their hero, Ennugi.
19. The lord of wisdom, Ea, counselled with them;
20. Their words he repeated to the reed-hut:
21. "O reed-hut, reed-hut, O wall, wall,
22. iO reed- hut, hearken; O wall, give heed!
23. ^ man of Shurippak, son of Ubaratutu,
24. Pull down thy house, build a ship,
25. Leave thy possessions, take thought for thy life,
26. Leave thy gods, thy life save!
27. Embark seed of life of all kinds on a ship! /
28. The ship which thou shalt build,
29. Measure well its dimensions,
30. Make to correspond its breadth and its length;
31. Upon the ocean thou shalt launch it."
32. I understood and spoke to Ea, my lord:
33. "[I understand], my lord; what thou hast thus commanded
34. I will honor and will do.
35. [But] what shall I say to the city, the people, and the elders?"
36. Ea opened his mouth and spake,
1 Translated from Haupt's Das Babylonische Nimrodepos, p. 134, f.
273
274 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
37. He said unto me, his servant:
38. "Thus shalt thou say unto them:
39. Know that me — Elhl hates me.
40. I may not dwell in your city,
41. On Ellil's soil I may not lift my face.
42. I must go down to the ocean with Ea, my lord, to dwell.
43. Upon you will he (Ellil) then rain abundance —
44. [A catch] of birds, a catch of iishes,
45 a rich (?) harvest.
46. [A time Shamash^ appointed, at evening] the senders of rain
47. [Shall rain upon] you a mighty rainstorm.
48. When the grey of dawn brightens,
(Lines 49-55 are broken away.)
56. The strong brought what was needed.
57. pn the fifth day I raised its frame.
58./According to its plan (?) its walls were 120 cubits high;
59. i20 cubits correspondingly was the extent of its roof.)
60. I laid down its hull; I enclosed it.
61. I constructed it in storys, up to sLx;
62. I divided it [without (?)] into seven parts.
63. Its interior I divided into nine parts.
64 1 fastened in its midst.
65. I looked out a rudder, and prepared what was necessary.
66. 6 sars of bitumen I poured over its outside (?);
67. 3 sars of bitumen I poured over its interior.
68. 3 sars of oil the people who carry jars brought.
69. Besides a sar of oil which was used as a libation,
70. 2 sars of oil the ship's captain stowed away.
71. For the people I slaughtered bullocks.
72. I slaughtered lambs daily.
73. Must, beer, oil, and \vine,
74. I gave the people to drink like river-water.
75. I made a feast, like a new year's festival.
76. I opened (?) [a box of ointment]; I put ointment iri my hand.
77. [By the setting] of great Shamash, the ship was finished.
78. [To move it from the stocks] was difi&cult.
79. The men cleared the ship's ways above and below.
80 two-thirds of it.
81. With all that I had I laded it (the ship);
82. With all the silver I had I laded it.
83. With all the gold I had I laded it.
84. With all the living things I had I laded it.
85. i embarked on the ship all my family and kindred.
86. Cattle of the field, beasts of the field, craftsmen, all, I embarked/
87. A fixed time Shamash had appointed, [saying] :
88. "When the senders of rain shall rain upon you a mighty rainstorm at
evening,
89. Embark upon the ship and close thy door."
90. The appointed time approached,
91. The senders of rain sent at evening a heavy rainstorm.
92. I observed the appearance of the day,
93. The day was terrible to look upon.
» The sun.
A BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE FLOOD 275
94. I embarked upon the ship, I closed my door.
95. To the master of the ship, to Puzur-Amurru, the sailor,
96. I entrusted the structure together with its contents.
97. When dew-dawn began to brighten,
98. There arose from the horizon a black cloud;
99. The god .Adad tlumdered in its midst,
100. While Nebo and Sharru marched before;
101. They went as heralds over mountain and country.
102. Nergal tore away the anchor,
103. Enmashtu advanced, the floods he poured down;
104. The Anunnaki raised their torches,
105. At their brightness the land trembled.
106. The raging of Adad reached to heaven;
107. All light was turned to darkness
108 the land like
109. One day [raged the storm (?)]
110. Swiftly it raged [and the waters covered] the mountains,
111. Like a battle array over the people it swept.
112. No one could see his fellow;
113. No more were people recognized in heaven;
114. (^e gods were frightened at the deluge,
115. They fled, they climbed to the highest heaven;
116. The gods crouched like dogs, they lay down by the walls.
117. Ishtar cried like a woman in travail,
118. Wailed the queen of the gods with her beautiful voice:
119. "Those creatures are turned to clay,
120. Since I commanded evil in the assembly of the gods;
121. Because I commanded evil in the assembly of the gods,
122. For the destruction of my people I commanded battle.
123. I alone bore my people;
124. Like spawn of fishes they fill the sea."
125. The gods along \vith the Anunnaki wept with her,
126. The gods bowed, sat as they wept;
127. Closed were their lips; [silent their] assembly.
128. Six days and seven nights
129. Blew the wind, the deluge the flood overpowered.
130. When the seventh day approached, the deluge was prolonging the
battle
131. Which, like an army, it had waged.
132. The sea calmed, the destruction abated, the flood ceased.
133. I looked upon the sea, the roaring was stilled
134. And all mankind was turned to clay;
135. Like logs all were floating about.
136. I opened the window, the light fell on my cheek;
137. I was overcome, I sat down, I wept;
138. Over my cheek streamed the tears.
139. I looked in all directions — a fearful sea!
140. After twelve days an island appeared;
141. Toward mount Nizir the ship stood off; ^
142. Mount Nizir held it fast, that it moverl not. ^
143. One day, two days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not,
144. Three days, four days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not,
145. Five days, six days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not,
146. When the sex^enth day approached, ^
147. I brought out a dove and let her go;.^
276 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
148. The dove went out and returned;
149. There was no resting-place and she came bac2)
150. I brought out a swallow and let it gof;
151. The swallow went out and returned.
152. There was no resting-place and it came back.
153. I brought out a raven and let it gofi
154. The raven went out, the diminutiori of the waters it saw;
155. It alighted, it waded about, it croaked, it did not come back.
156. I disembarked [all]; to the four winds I poured a libation.
157. I appointed a sacrifice on the top of the mountain peak;
158. Seven by seven I arranged the sacrificial vessels;
159. Beneath them I piled reeds, cedar wood, and myrtle.
160. The gods smelled the savor,
161. The gods smelled the sweet savor,
162. The gods above the sacrificer collected like flies.
163. When at length the queen of the gods drew near,
164. She raised the great bows (?) which Anu at her wish had made.
165. "O ye gods, as I shall not forget the jewel of my neck
166. These days I shall not forget — to eternity I shall remember!
167. Let the gods come to the sacrifice,
168. But let Ellil not come to the sacrifice,
169. For he was not wise; he sent the deluge,
170. And numbered my people for destruction."
171. When at last ElUl drew near,
172. He saw the ship, Ellil was angry,
173. His heart was filled against the gods and the Igigi.^
174. "Who then has come out alive?
175. No man must escape from destruction."
176. Then Enmashtu opened his mouth and spake,
177. He said to the warrior Ellil:
178. "Who but Ea accomplished the thing?
179. Even Ea knows every undertaking."
180. Ea opened his mouth and spake,
181. He said to the warrior Ellil:
182. "O thou, leader of the gods, warrior,
183. How, how couldst thou without thought send a deluge?
184. On the sinner let his sin rest,
185. On the wrongdoer rest his misdeed.
186. Forbear, let it not be done, have mercy, [that men perish not].
187. Instead of thy sending a deluge
188. Had the lion come and diminished the people!
189. Instead of thy sending a deluge
190. Had a wolf come and diminished the people!
191. Instead of thy sending a deluge
192. Had a famine come and the land [depopulated!]
193. Instead of thy sending a deluge
194. Had a pestilence come and the land [depopulated!]
195. I have not divulged the decisions of the great gods.
196. I caused Adrakhasis to see a dream and the decisions of the gods he
heard.
197. Now take counsel concerning him."
198. Then went Ea on board the ship,
199. He took my hand and brought me forth,
200. He brought forth my wife and made her kneel at my side;
1 The spirits of heaven.
A BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE FLOOD 277
201. He turned us toward each other and stood between us; he blessed us:
202. "In former time Utnapishtim was a man;
203. Now let Utnapishtim and his wife be hke gods— even like us;
204. Let Utnapishtim dwell afar off at the mouth of the rivers!"
205. He took me and caused me to dwell afar off at the mouth of the rivers.
2. Comparison with Genesis 6-9.
The above account of the deluge so closely resembles that in the
Bible (Gen. 6 :9— 9 : 19), that nearly all scholars recognize that
they are two versions of the same narrative.^ In each case there is
a divine revelation to the hero of the deluge that a catastrophe is
coming of which every one else is ignorant. They both relate the
building of the vessel, the "pitching it withm and without with
pitch," the embarkation, the flood in which other men are de-
stroyed, the resting of the ship on a mountain, the sending out
of the birds, the disembarkation, the sacrifice, and the intimation
that in future a deluge shall not be.
When the Babylonian account is compared with the Biblical,
there are two striking differences. 1. The Babylonian story makes
the flood local; the Biblical, general. 2. The Babylonian story,
fascinating poetry though it is, has a conception of deity in strong
contrast with the dignity of the Biblical monotheism. The Baby-
lonian gods disagree; they blame each other; they crouch with fear
like dogs; they come swarming about the sacrifice like hungry flies!
Nothing could more strikingly illustrate the inspiration of the Bib-
lical story than to measure it against the background of this Baby-
lonian poem, which is clearly a variant version of it.
3. Another Babylonian Version.
From the library of Ashurbanipal there has come another ver-
sion of the deluge, which represents the purpose of its coming as
different. According to this version, men had sinned and had been
afliicted with famine, after which they reformed for a time. The
famine was removed, but soon, apparently, they sinned again. Pes-
tilence was then sent upon them. An appeal brought mitigation
of their sufferings, but soon they plunged into sin again. This
time they were punished with unfruitfulness of the land and of
their race, but soon sinned as before. When all other punish-
ments had failed, as a last resort the flood was sent.
As this account does not so closely resemble that in Genesis, it is
not translated here. Those who wish to read it are referred to Rogers,
Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, New York, 1912, p. 114, flf.
1 Or two accounts of the same event.
CHAPTER VII
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION AND FLOOD, FROM
A TABLET WRITTEN AT NIPPUR BEFORE 2000 B. C.
Translation. Comparison with the Other Version.
1. Translation.
This tablet was published by Dr. Arno Poebel, of Breslau. It
was apparently written in the time of the dynasty of Nisin, but at
any rate not later than the period of the first dynasty of Babylon.
Only a part of the tablet has been found, so that the narrative is
incomplete both at the beginning and at the end. Possibly the
remaining portion may some time be found in the museum at Con-
stantinople. The tablet is inscribed on both sides, and there are
three columns to the side. The portions that are still extant read
as follows:^
Column I (abotil three-fourths of the column missing)
"My human-kind from its destruction I will [raise up];
With the aid of Nintu my creation _. .1 will raise up;
The people in their settlements I will establish ;
The city, wherever man creates one — indeed its protection — therein I will
give him rest.
Our house — its brick may he cast in a clean spot!
Our places in a clean place may he establish!"
Its brilliant splendor, the temple platform, he made straight,
The exalted regulations he completed for it;
The land he divided; a favorable plan he established.
After Anu, Enlil,^ Enki,* and Ninkharsag
The black-headed^ race had created,
All that is from the earth, from the earth they caused to spring.
Cattle and beasts of the field suitably they brought into being.
' Translated from A. Poebel's Historical and Grammatical Texts in the University of Pennsyl-
vania's "University Museum's publications of the Babylonian Section," Vol. V, Philadelphia, 1914,
No. 1.
2 Often called Bel.
' Called Ea, p. 273.
* A term by which the Semites of Babylonia designated themselves. The Sumerians shaved
their heads.
278
ANOTHER CREATION AND FLOOD ACCOUNT 279
Here the first column ends. The passage opens in the midst of
the speech of some deity — perhaps Ninkharsag (a Sumerian name of
Ishtar) or possibly Enlil, the god of Nippur. First the deity tells
how mankind, which has been overthrown, shall be raised up again.
Then we are told how he perfected plans for the accomplishment of
this purpose, and lastly how four deities called into being men and
animals.
Column II {about three-fifths of the text is missing)
\\\\\\\\'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.ivfm.'. '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. '.'.'.'
I will turn my eye upon him
The creator of the land
of royalty
of royalty by him was determined;
The exalted palace of the royal throne was by him set apart,
The exalted precepts he made perfect,
In clean places cities he founded,
Their names were named, they were allotted to guardian-spirits (?)
Of these cities Eridu — the chief command to Nudimmud he gave,
Unto the second the «Mag-priests of Umma (?) he gave,
Thirdly, Larak to Pabilkharsag he gave.
Fourthly, Sippar as the dwelling of Shamash he gave.
Fifthly, Shurippak unto Lamkurru he gave.
Their names were assigned; to guardian-spirits (?) they were allotted;
Its rampart (?), a wall (?) he raised up, he established;
Small rivers, canals (?), and water-courses (?) he established.
The last part of this column relates how five cities were established
by some deity. Of what the first part treated we cannot make out
from the few fragments of lines that are still legible.
Column III
The land the sway of Anu .
The people
A deluge
Their land (?) it entered
Then Nintu [cried out] like [a woman in travail]
The brilliant Ishtar [uttered] a groan on account of her people.
Enki with himself held communion in his wisdom;
Anu, Enlil, Enki, and Ninkharsag,
The gods of heaven and earth, invoked the names of Anu and Enlil,
At that time Ziugiddu was king, the priest of
The chief deity he made of wood
In humility prostrating himself, in reverence
Daily at all times was he present in person
Increasing dreams which had not come [before].
Conjuring by the name of heaven and earth
280 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
In this column the narrative has passed to the story of the deluge.
The gods have determined to send a deluge; Ziugiddu in conse-
quence constructed an idol from wood (compare Isa. 40 : 20), and
earnestly worshiped it, seeking oracles for his guidance.
Column IV
For the settlement (?) the gods a wall (?)
Ziugiddu stood by its side, he heard
"At the wall at my left side stand
At the wall I will speak a word to thee
O my brilliant one, let there enter thy ear
By our hand a deluge will be sent.
The seed of mankind to destroy
Is the momentous decision of the assembly (of the gods) ;
The words of Anu and Enlil
Their kingdom, their rule
To them "
It is clear from these fragmentary lines that Ziugiddu is being
informed of the approaching deluge. It is also clear that some of
the elements of the narrative are identical with some of the elements
of the one discussed in Chapter VI. Ziugiddu is commanded to
stand by a wall, where some deity will speak to him. This ap-
pears in the other version in the form:
"O reed-hut, reed-hut, O wall, wall,i
O reed-hut. hearken; O wall, give heed!
O man of Shurippak, son of Ubartutu,
Pull down thy house, build a ship, etc.
In that account, too, the assembly of the gods is also referred to in
line 120, ff. These are examples of the way the same theme, differ-
ently treated, turns up in different forms.
Column V
The evil winds, the wind that is hostile, came; all of them descended,
The deluge came on with them
Seven days and seven nights
The deluge swept over the land.
The evil wind made the huge boat tremble.
Shamash- came forth, on heaven and earth he shone;
Ziugiddu the ship at the top uncovered,
The peace of Shamash, his light, entered into the boat.
Ziugiddu, the king
Before Shamash bowed his face to the earth.
The king — an ox he sacrificed, a sheep oflered as oblation.
» See Part II, Chapter VI, line 21, ff. »/. e., the sun.
ANOTHER CREATION AND FLOOD ACCOUNT 281
In this column we have a fragment which relates some details
similar to those told in lines 128, 129, and 136-138 of the account
given in Chapter VI.
Column VI
By the life of heaven and the life of earth ye shall conjure him,
That he may raise up from you;
Anu and Enlil by the soul of heaven and the soul of earth ye shall conjure,
That they may raise up from you
The curse that has come upon the land, that they may remove it.
Ziugiddu the king
Before Anu and Enlil bowed his face to the earth.
Life like a god's he gave to him,
An immortal spirit like a god's he brought to him.
Then Ziugiddu the king.
Of the seed that was cursed, lord of mankind he made;
In the fruitful land, the land of Dilmun they made him dwell
At this point the last column is hopelessly broken. It is clear,
however, from the part which remains that Ziugiddu is in this
narrative translated to the Isle of the Blest as was Utnapishtim
in the account translated in Chapter VI, lines 202-205. ^ Indeed
there is reason to believe that the two accounts of the flood are
divergent versions of the same story. In addition to the likenesses
already mentioned, the names of the two heroes, though they
appear so different, are the same in meaning. Utnapishtim (or
Unapishtim) means "day of life," or "day-life," while Ziugiddu
means "Life-day prolonged."
2. Comparison with the Other Version.
Although this tablet is much broken, so that we have not the whole
of the story, it is clear from the parts that we have that in this version
preserved at Nippur the story was much shorter than in the form
translated in'Chapter VI, which was preserved in the library of Ashur-
banipal. It was also combined with a briefer account of the crea-
tion than that translated in Chapter I from Ashurbanipal's library.
Of this Nippurian version of the creation story we have in this
tablet only the small fragments preserved in Columns I and II. It
is, however, probable that the Nippurian version of the creation
was in its main features similar to that preserved in the library at
Nineveh, only more brief.
If this be so, the conquest of the dragon Tiamat is here attributed
to Enlil of Nippur, as in the other version it is attributed to Marduk
of Babylon, and as in Psa. 74 : 13, 14, it is attributed to Jehovah.
» See p. 277.
282 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
This older account from Nippur agrees in one respect more nearly
with the Biblical account than the one from the library at Nineveh
does, for it represents Ziugiddu as a very pious man, who was ap-
parently saved from destruction on account of his piety, and in
blessing him God removed the curse as Jehovah did in Gen. 8 : 21.
CHAPTER VIII
AN ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF A CITY AND THE
BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE, FROM A TABLET
WRITTEN AT NIPPUR BEFORE 2000 B. C.
Translation. Comparison with Biblical Material.
This tablet begins with a description of a place the name of
which is not identified ; it is, accordingly, indicated in the transla-
tion by X. Possibly it was Eridu; possibly Dilmun.
I. Translation.
Column I^
1. They that are lofty, they that are lofty are ye,
2. O X, pure;
3. They that are holy, they that are lofty are ye.
4. O X, pure,
5. X is pure, X is bright,
6. X is splendid, X is resplendent.
7. Alone were they in X; they lay down.
8. Where Enki and his consort lay,
9. That place is splendid, that place is pure.
10. Alone [in X they lay down].
II. Where Enki with Ninella lay down,
12. That place is splendid, [that place is pure).
13. In X the raven cried not,
14. The kite gave not his kite-call,
15. The deadly lion destroyed not,
16. The wolf a lamb seized not,
17. The dog the weak kid worried not,
18. The ewes the food-grain destroyed not,
19. Offspring increased not
20. The birds of heaven their offspring not;
21. The doves were not put to flight (?).
22. Of eye-disease, "it is eye-disease," one said not;
23. Of headache, "it is headache," one said not.
24. To a mother, "mother," one said not,
25. To a father, "father," one said not.
26. In the holy place a libation was poured not; in the city one drank not;
27. The river-man "cross it?" said not;
28. Fear one's couch troubled not;
1 Translated from Langdon, The Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Mart'
Philadelphia, 1915, Plates I and II. Langdon, as his title shows, regards the text as a descrip-
tion of Paradise, the flood, and the fall of man, — a view that the present writer cannot share.
Dilmun is the name of the Babylonian Paradise, but the signs rendered Dilmun are not the ones
employed to express that name. For the rest the text seems to describe the coming of rains,
the beginnings of irrigation and agriculture, and the revelation of the medicinal qualities of
certain plants. See The Nation, New York, November 18, 1915, pp. 597, ff. (For the tablet,
see Fig. 294.)
283
284 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
29. The musician "sing," said not;
30. The prince of the city spoke not.
31. Ninella to her father Enki said:
32. "A city thou hast founded, a city thou hast founded, its destiny thou
hast fLxed;
33. In X a city thou hast founded,
34 thou hast founded a city,
35 a canal there is not
36 thou hast founded a city."
The rest of the first column is broken awa}'; probably about nine
lines are missing.
All the first column is descriptive of a place inhabited only by
a god and goddess. Many activities are absent, because there is
no one there to carry them on. Lmes 16-21 remind one a little
of Isa. 11 : 6-9.
After the break the text continues:
Column II
1. " From the bright covering of thy great heaven may the waters flow,
2. May thy city be refreshed with water, may it drink,
3. JMay X be refreshed with water, may it drink,
4. May thy well of bitter water flow as a well of sweet water.
5. May thy city be a resting, an abode of the people,
6. May X be a resting, an abode of the people.
7. Now, O sun-god, shine forth,
8. O sun-god, stand in heaven;
9. Bring the festal-grain from its place
10. [And] fish, O moon-god, from the water.
11. Along the face of the earth on the road with earth's sweet water come."
12. From the bright covering of the great heavens the waters flowed,
13. His city was refreshed with water, it drank;
14. X was refreshed with water, it drank,
15. His well of bitter water became a well of sweet water.
16. The fields and meadows with moisture caused grain to sprout (?);
17. His city was a resting, an abode of the people;
18. X was a resting, an abode of the people.
19. Then the sun-god shone forth; this verily was so,
20. The brilliant one, creator of intelligence.
21. To Nintu, the mother of the people
(Lines 22-30 describe with a frankness common among primitive people a
marital union of the god and goddess. In manj' parts of the world it
has been thought that acts of creation proceed from such unions.)
31. Enki, the father of Damgalnunna, his word spoke.
32. Ninkharsag flooded the fields,
33. The fields received the waters of Enki.
34. It was the first day whose month is first;
35. It was the second day whose month is second;
36. It was the third day whose month is third;
37. It was the fourth day whose month is fourth;
BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 285
38. It was the fifth day whose month is fifth;
39. It was the sixth day whose month is sixth;
40. It was the seventh day whose month is seventh;
41. It was the eighth day [whose month is eighth);
42. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of fertility.
43. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil,
44. [Nintu], mother of the land,
45 had brought them forth.
In the first part of the above column the description of the city
is continued. As a consequence of the union of the gods, water
flowed to irrigate the land. Lines 34-42 tell in a quaint way how
the waters continued to come for nine months and nine days.
Column III
1. Ninshar on the bank of the river cried (?):
2. " O Enki, for me are they filled! they are filled!"
3. His messenger, Usmu himself the word repeated.
4. The sons of men his favor did not understand,
5. Ninshar his favor did not understand.
6. His messenger, Usmu himself, answered;
7. The sons of men his favor did not understand,
8. Ninshar his favor did not understand.
9. "My king, a storm-cloud! A storm-cloud!"
10. With his foot on the boat he stepped,
11. Two strong men as watchers he stationed,
12. The command they received, they took.
13. Enki flooded the fields,
14. The fields received the waters of Enki.
15. It was the first day whose month is first;
16. It was the second day whose month is second;
17. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of the height of the
waters.
18. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil,
19. [Ninshar] like fat,
20. Ninshar had brought them forth.
21. Ninkurrai [on the bank of the river] c[ried (?)]
22. "O Enki, for me they are filled! they are filled!"
23. His messenger, Usmu, the word repeated.
24. The sons of men his favor did not understand,
25. Ninkurra his favor did not understand.
26. His messenger, Usmu himself answered;
27. The sons of men did not understand,
28. Ninkurra did not understand.
29. "My king, a storm-cloud! A storm-cloud!"
30. With his foot on the boat he stepped,
31. Two strong men as watchers he stationed;
32. The command they received, they took.
ii. Enki flooded the fields
34. The fields received the waters of Enki.
• Apparently another name of Ninshar.
286 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
35. It was the first day whose month is first;
36. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of the height of
the waters.
37. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil,
38. Ninkurra like fat had brought them forth.
39. The god Tagtug and his wife she received;
40. Ninkurra to Tagtug [and his wife] spoke:
41. "Verily I will help (?) thee, my upright one,
42. With favorable words I speak
43. One man for me shall be counted
44. Enki for me shall
The rest of the column, consisting of two or three lines, is missing.
The repetition in this column is characteristic of early poetry.
Primitive peoples are fond of iteration, and in the description of the
way the waters came it was to them very effective.
Column I V {about twelve lines are broken from the. tablet at the beginning)
13. [To Tagtug and] his wife spoke
14
15
16 in the garden
17
18. [Eba]raguldu let him found,
19. Erabgaran let him found,
20. At the temple let my fettered oxen stand,
21. For Enki let my fettered oxen be sacrificed,
22. Let two strong men pour out water,
23. Abundant water let them pour out,
24. Reservoir-water let them pour out,
25. The barren land let them irrigate,
26. As gardeners for the little plants let them go forth,
27. On the bank, along the bank let them (/. e., the plants) extend.
28. Who art thou? The garden
29. For Enki the gardener
(Five lines are here broken away.)
35. Ebaraguldu he founded,
36. Erabgaran he founded, on its foundation he set it.
37. Enki turned his eyes unto him; his scepter he lifted up;
38. Enki to Tagtug directed the way.
39. At the temple he cried: "Open the door, open the door;"
40. "Who is it that thou art?"
41. "I am a gardener, with gladness
42. With the price (?) of milk will I present thee."
43. Tagtug with joyful heart at the temple opened the door,
44. Enki spoke to Tagtug and his wife,
45. With joy his possessions he gave to him;
46. That Ebaraguldu he gave him;
47. That T-'>abgaran he gave him.
48. Tagtug and his wife bowed down; with the left hand they covered the
mouth; with the right they did obeisance.
BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 287
From the parts of Column IV, which are still legible, it appears
that the messenger was revealing to Tagtug the secrets of agri-
culture. This corresponds to the statement in Gen. 9 : 20, that
"Noah began to be a husbandman."
At the beginning of Column V some seven lines have crumbled
away, and the beginnings of eight more have also become illegible.
Column V
8. [The plant] was green,
9. [The plant] was green,
10. [The plant] was green,
11. [The plant
12. [The plant
13. [The plant
14. [The plant
was green,
was green,
was green,
was green.
15. "O Enki, for me they are counted,"
16. His messenger, Usmu himself, the word repeated;
17. "Plants I have called forth, their abundance ordained,
18. The water shall make them bright, the water shall make them bright;"
19. His messenger, Usmu himself, answered:
20. "My king, as to the woody plants," he said,
21. "He shall prune, he shall [eat]."
22. "As to the tall plants," he said,
23. "He shall pluck, he shall eat."
24. "My king, as to the plants," he said,
25. "He shall prune, he shall eat."
26. "As to the plants of the watered garden (?)," he said,j
27. "He shall pluck, he shall eat."
28. "[My king], as to the plants," he said,
29. "[He shall prune], he shall eat."
30. "[My king, as to the plants]," he said,
31. "[He shall pluck, he shall eat]."
32. ["My king, as to the plants"], he said,
33. "[He shall prune, he shall] eat."
34. ["My king, as] to the cassia plant," he said,
35. He [shall pluck] he shall eat."
36. ["Enki] for [me] the plant of his wisdom has plucked, his heart has
spoken."
37. Of Ninkharsag the name Enki uttered in curse:
38. "The face of life when he dies he shall not see."
39. Then Anunnaki in the dust sat down.
40. The rebellious one to Enlil said:
41. "I, Ninkharsag, brought forth for thee people; what is my reward?"
42. Enlil, the begetter, answered the rebellious one:
43. "Thou, Ninkharsag, hast brought forth people,"
44. " 'In my city let two creatures be made,' shall thy name be called."
45. As a dignitary his head alone he exalted,
46. His heart (?) alone he made impetuous,
47. His eye alone he filled with fire (?).
288 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Langdon takes the portion of the narrative which we find in this
column to be an account of the fall of man, since line 36, as he
rendered it, speaks of Tagtug's plucking and eating, and the next
line speaks of the uttering of a curse. This view the writer does
not share. If the above translation is correct, there is no allu-
sion to anything of the kind.
Column VI {perhaps five lines are broken away)
6 the lord Enlil
7 the lord of lite
8. To they went
9. To they went, the lord of the gods
10. Spoke to him, the water of life
11
12. Ninkharsag
13
14
15
16
17
18. Ninkharsag
19. Enlil his they founded,
20. Priests (?) they ordained,
21. Fate they determined,
22. With power established it.
23. Ninkharsag in her temple granted his life to him:
24. "My brother, what of thee is ill?"
25. "My herd (?) is ill."
26. "The god Absham have I brought forth for thee."
27. "My brother, what of thee is ill?"
28. "My herd is ill."
29. "The goddess 'Queen of the herd'^ have T brought forth for thee."
30. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My face is ill."
31. "The goddess Ninkautu have I brought forth for thee."
32. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My mouth is ill."
33. "The goddess 'Queen who fills the mouth'- have I brought forth for thee."
34. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" ["My is ill"].
35. "The goddess Nazi have I brought forth for thee."
36. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My hand [is ill."]
37. "My goddess 'Living hand'' have I brought forth for thee."
38. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My health is ill."
39. "The goddess 'Queen of health''* have I brought forth for thee."
40. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My intelligence is ill."
41. "The god who makes the intelligence clear^have I brought forth for thee."
42. "Grandly are they brought forth, they are created.
43. Let Absham be lord of vegetation,
44. Let NintuUa be lord of Magan,
' In Sumerian the goddess NintuUa.
' In Sumerian the goddess Ninkasi.
» In Sumerian the goddess Dazima.
* In Sumerian, Nintil.
* In Sumerian, Enshagme.
BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 289
45. Let Ninkautu choose Ninazu as a spouse,
46. May Ninkasi be the full heart's possession,
47. May Nazi become mistress of weaving (?),
48. May Dazima the house of strong life take,
49. May Nintil become mistress of the month,
50. May Enshagme become lord of X.
51. Glory!"
2. Comparison with the Bible.
Here the tablet concludes. This last column, which tells how
the goddess Ninkharsag came to favor the hero and to create a
number of divine helpers for hun, has no parallel in the Biblical
account. As Tagtug received the especial protection of Nmkharsag
who created for him all these divine helpers, it seems certain that
this tablet had no reference to the fall of man, as Langdon supposes.
It appears rather to be a mythical account of the beginnings of
agriculture and the medicinal use of plants in Babylonia. Ag-
riculture implies irrigation. "From the first day whose month
is first" to the ninth month, is the period when Babylonia is
watered. The Tigris begins to rise in March, the first month,
the overflow of the Euphrates does not subside till the sixth
month, and the winter rains are at their height in the ninth
month.
As Adam was driven from Eden to eat of the fruits of the
earth (Gen. 3 : 18, 24; compare Gen. 1 : 29), and Noah became a
husbandman (Gen. 9 : 20), the story of Tagtug presents a remote
similarity to both of them. Langdon^ compares the list of divine
beings with which the tablet ends with the antediluvian patriarchs
of Gen. 4 and 5, and suggests the possibility that here we have the
original names of those patriarchs. Beyond the fact that Absham
somewhat resembles the name Abel and was, like Abel, an agricul-
turist, there is no apparent connection. The names in no way
correspond. It is more probable that we have the names of those
patriarchs in the list of kings translated in Chapter V.
» See his Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man, p. 56.
CHAPTER IX
ABRAHAM AND ARCHEOLOGY
Abrah.\m Hired an Ox. Abraham Leased a Farm. Abr.\ham Paid His Rent.
Who Was This Abraham? Travel between Babylonia and Palestine. Hammu-
RAPi, King of the Westland. Kudur-Mabug. Kings Supposed by Some to be
those of Genesis 14.
Arcileological investigation has brought to light a number of
texts believed by scholars to illumine the Biblical accounts of Abra-
ham. It is the purpose of this chapter to translate and discuss
these.
The documents which naturally attract us first are some con-
tracts from Babylonia in which an Abraham was one of the con-
tracting parties. They are as follows:
I. Abraham Hired an Ox.^
1. One ox broken to the yoke,
2. an ox from Ibni-Sin, son of Sin-imgurani,
3. from Ibni-Sin
4. through the agency of Kishti-Nabium,
5. son of Eteru,
6. Abarama, son of Awel-Ishtar,
7. for one month has hired.
8. For one month
9. one shekel of silver
10. he will pay.
II. Of it i shekel of silver
12. from the hand of
13. Abarama
14. Kishti-Nabium
15. has received.
16. In the presence of Idin-Urash, son of Idin-Labibaal,
17. in the presence of Awele, son of Urri-bani,
18. in the presence of Behyatum, scribe.
19. Month of the mission of Ishtar (i. e., Ulul), day 20th,
20. The year Ammizadugga, the king (built)
21. the wall of Ammizadugga, {i. e., Ammizadugga's 11th year).
22. Tablet of Kishti-Nabium.
This tablet shows how Abarama (Abraham) , a farmer, hired an
ox for a month. The tablet, as the last line shows, is the copy made
> Translated from VorJerasiatische SchriftdenkmiUer der kSniglichen Museen zu Berlin, VII,
No. 92.
290
ABRAHAM AND ARCHEOLOGY 291
for Kishti-Nabium, the agent. In such business transactions three
copies were often made, one for each of the contracting parties and
one for the scribe. The date of this tablet is 1965 b. c. Ammiza-
dugga was the tenth king of that first dynasty of Babylon, of which
Hammurapi was the sixth.
2. Abraham Leased a Fann.^
1. To the patrician
2. speak,
3. saying, Gimil-Marduk (wishes that)
4. Shamash and Marduk may give thee health!
5. Mayest thou have peace, mayest thou have health!
6. May the god who protects thee thy head in luck
7. hold!
8. (To enquire) concerning thy health I am sending.
9. May thy welfare before Shamash and Marduk
10. be eternal!
11. Concerning the 400 shars of land, the field of Sin-idinam,
12. which to Abamrama
13. to lease, thou hast sent;
14. the lancl-steward (?) and scribe
15. appeared and
16. on behalf of Sin-idinam
17. I took that up.
18. The 400 shars of land to Abamrama
19. as thou hast directed
20. I have leased.
21. Concerning thy dispatches I shall not be negligent.
It appears from this docimient that Abamrama, who is none other
than a Babylonian Abraham, was a small farmer, who leased a small
tract of land.
3. Abraham Paid His Rent.^
1. 1 shekel of silver
2. of the rent (?) of his field,
3. for the year Ammizadugga, the king,
4. a lordly, splendid statue (set up),
5. brought
6. Abamrama,
7. received
8. Sin-idinam
9. and Iddatum.
10. Month Siman, 28th day,
11. The year Ammizadugga, the king,
12. a lordly, splendid statue (set up).
(This was Ammizadugga's 13th year.)
1 Vorderasialische Schriftdenkmiiler der kbniglichen Museen zu Berlin, VII, No. 198.
« Ibid.. VII, No. 97.
292 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
This document, dated two years after that in which the ox was
hired, shows how Abamrama (Abraham) paid a part of his rent.
The name Abamrama (Abraham) occurs in two other documents
pubHshed in the same volume (no. 101, and no. 102), where, in
defining the boundaries of other fields of Sin-idinam, they are said
to be bounded on one side by the field of Abamrama. As these
documents mention the name of Abamrama only incidentally, they
are not translated here.
4. Who Was This Abraham?
These documents, which relate to the business of a Babylonian
Abraham, come from Dilbat, about eight miles south of Borsippa,
which was just across the Euphrates from Babylon. It is clear
that this Abraham was a small farmer, who hired a tract of land
from a larger land-owner. He also hired an ox wherewith to work
his land, and paid the rent of the land and the hire of the ox as a
good citizen should. This Abraham was not the Biblical patriarch.
The patriarch's father was Terah and his brother Nahor; the father
of this Babylonian Abraham was Awel-Ishtar, and his brother Idda-
tum {ibid., no. 101, 9). The Abraham of the Bible was a monotheist
according to Genesis; the ancestors of the Babylonian Abraham
worshiped the goddess Ishtar, who corresponded to the Canaanitish
Ashtoreth. The Bible connects the patriarch with Ur and Haran;
this Abraham lived about half-way between these two cities.
Up to the present time this Babylonian Abraham is the only per-
son known to us other than the Biblical patriarch, who, m that pe-
riod of history, bore the name. He is the only one known to us out-
side the Biblical record.^ The only other occurrence of the name
outside the Bible is in the name of a place in Palestine, probably
near Hebron, which Sheshonk I, the Biblical Shishak, calls "The
Field of Abram."2 As Shishak lived much later (945-924 b. c),
being a contemporary of Rehoboam the son of Solomon, this
Egyptian place name is not so significant. The Babylonian Abra-
ham mentioned in the documents just translated is welcome proof
that Abraham was a personal name in Babylonia near the time in
which the Bible places the patriarch. With these documents Gen.
11 : 27 — 25 : 10 should be compared.
Another Babylonian contract is of interest in connection with the
migration of Abraham.
' Since this manuscript was sent to the printer, ani)thcr Abraham has been found in some
tablets in the Yale University Collection.
2 Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, pp. 352, 353. (See p. 360.)
ABRAHAM AND ARCHEOLOGY 293
5. Travel between Babylonia and Palestine.
1. A wagon^
2. from Mannum-balum-Shamash,
3. son of Shclibia,
4. Khabilkinum,
5. son of Appani[bi],
6. on a lease
7. for 1 year
8. has hired.
9. As a yearly rental
10. § of a shekel of silver
11. he will pay.
12. As the first of the rent
13. J of a shekel of silver
14. he has received.
15. Unto the land of Kittim
16. he shall not drive it.
17. In the presence of Ibku-Adad,
18. son of Abiatiun;
19. in the presence of Ilukasha,
20. son of Arad-ilishu;
21. in the presence of Ilishu
22. Month Ululu, day 25,
23. the year the king Ercch from the flood
24. of the river as a friend protected.
The date of the above interesting document has not been identi-
fied with certainty. It is thought by some to belong to the reign of
Shamsu-iluna, the successor of Hammurapi. The writing clearly
shows that at any rate it comes from the period of this dynasty.
That is, it comes from the period to which Gen. 14 assigns the
migration of Abraham. Kittim in the contract is the word used in
the Hebrew of Jer. 2:10 and Ezek. 27 : 6 for the coast lands of the
Mediterranean. It undoubtedly has that meaning here. This
contract was written in Sippar, the Agade of earlier times, a town
on the Euphrates a little to the north of Babylon. It reveals the
fact that at the time the document was written there was so much
travel between Babylonia and the Mediterranean coast that a man
could not lease a wagon for a year without danger that it might be
driven over the long route to Syria or Palestine. Against such wear
upon his vehicle the particular wagon-owner of our document pro-
tected himself.
When, therefore, Abraham went out from his land and his kindred,
he was going to no unknown land. The tide of commerce and of
emigration had opened the way. Apparently it was no more re-
1 See Beitriige zur Assyriologie, V, p. 498, no. 23; cf. p. 429, ff.
294 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
markable for him to do it than for an Irishman to come to America
half a century ago, or for a south European to come today.
6. Hammurapi, King of the Westland.
It is thought by many scholars that Hammurapi was the
Amraphel of Genesis 14. The following inscription^ relates to this
king:
1. To [Sharjratum,
2. the bride of Anu
3. who has come to lordship,
4. lady of strength and abundance,
5. of the mountain-temple,
6. faithful lady, of exalted counsel,
7. lady who binds the heart,
8. who for her spouse
9. makes favorable her open oracle;
10. to his lady,
11. for the life of Hammurapi,
12. king of the Westland (xMAR-TU),
13. Ibinmi
14. governor of the river- [district]
15. son of Shuban ,
16. a guardian-deity appropriate to her divinity,
17. in the land which she loves,
18. for her service (?)
19. before her beloved temple has set up.
This inscription is quoted here for two reasons: L It was erected
"for the life of Hammurapi," who is supposed by many to be the
Amraphel of Gen. 14 : L Amraphel is supposed to be a corruption
of Hammurapi, thus Amrapi. The final I of Amraphel is a diffi-
culty. While many Assyriologists, from Schrader onward, have
recognized the equivalence, it is now seriously questioned by Jensen
and Eduard Meyer, and absolutely rejected by Bezold. It must
be said that, if Amraphel is intended for Hammurapi, the name had
undergone corruption before it was placed in the Biblical record. ^
2. In this inscription Hammurapi is called "king of ]\IAR-TU," or
the Westland, a name by which the Babylonians often designated
Syria and Palestine. MAR-TU simply means "sunset," but was
used like the Arabic magrib as the designation of a region. There
is no reason to doubt that here it designates Syria and Palestine,
• King, Letters and Inscriptions of Ilammurabi, Vol. I, No. 66.
2 Some scholars suppose that the writer of the account in Genesis had before him a source in the
cuneiform writing in which the "pi" at the end of Hammurapi's name was spelled with a sign that
could be read either "pi" or "pil" (see 'Q&tton,Orif;in ami Development of Babylonian Writing,
Leipzig, 1913, No. 185), and that the / was attached in consequence of a misreading of this sign.
That, however, admits corruption, though it attempts to e.xplain its cause.
ABRAHAM AND ARCILEOLOGY 295
so that, if Amraphel is Hammurapi, this is confirmatory of his con-
nection with the West.
7. Kudur-Mabug.
The following inscription^ has also often been brought into the
discussion of Genesis 14:
1.
To Nannar,
2.
his king,
3.
Kudur-Mabug,
4.
"Father" of the Westland (MAR-TU),
5.
son of Simti-shilkhak,
6.
when Nannar
7.
his prayer
8.
had heard,
9.
Enunmakh,
10.
belonging to Nannar,
11.
for his life
12.
and the life
13.
of Arad-Sin, his son.
14.
king of Larsa,
15.
he built.
This inscription has often been brought into connection with
Abraham, partly because some have seen in Kudur-Mabug the
Chedorlaomer of Gen. 14 : 1, and partly because Kudur-Mabug in
it calls himself "Father" or governor of the Westland. If, however,
Kudur-Mabug was intended by the name Chedorlaomer, the name
had been corrupted beyond all recognition in the Biblical tradition
before Gen. 14 was written. In reality there is no reason to suppose
that Kudur-Mabug and Chedorlaomer are the same. As to the
term "Westland," it probably does not here designate Palestine, but
either the western part of Elam or the southern part of Babylonia.
Babylonia lay to the west of Elam, and Kudur-Mabug placed on the
throne of Larsa, a city of South Babylonia, first his son, Arad-Sin,
and then his son, Rim-Sin, and apparently maintained an over-lord-
ship over both of them. "Westland" accordingly means in his in-
scription, not Palestine, but Babylonia. One of Kudur-Mabug's
sons calls his father "Father" (or governor) of Emutbal, a region of
Elam. It is a mistake, therefore, to bring Kudur-Mabug into con-
nection with Abraham and Gen. 14.^
' Cwteiform Texts, &"€., in the British Museum, XXI, 33.
2 It was until recently not known that Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin were different persons, and some
thought the king might be called either Rim-Sin or Eri-aku (Arioch, Gen. 14 : 1). It is possible
that Arad-Sin may have been called Ari-aku in Sumerian, but it is improbable. It is now known
that Arad-Sin died 30 years before Hammurapi came to the throne. With our present knowledge
it is difficult to see how Arioch could be the name of Rim-Sin unless Rim-Sin be read partly as
Semitic and partly as Sumerian and then considerably corrupted.
296 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
8. Kings Supposed by Some to be Those Mentioned in Gen. 14.
Some fragmentary tablets from the Persian period, not earlier
than the fourth century b. c, contain references which have been
brought by some scholars into connection with Abraham and the
fourteenth of Genesis. The texts read as follows:
1
2
3 his work not
4 su-ha-am-mu
5 before the gods the creation of
6 day Shamash, who illumines
7 the lord of the gods, Marduk, in the satisfaction of his heart,
8 his servant, the region, all of it, a counsel not fulfilled,
9 by force of arms he overthrew. Dursirilani, son of Arad-
Malaku (Eri?- . . aku)
10 goods (?) he carried off, took as spoil, waters over Babylon
and Esagil
11 his with the weapon of his hand like a lamb he killed him,
12 spoke to her, father, and son; with the weapon
13. [Great] and small he cut off, Tudkhula, son of Gazza
14 goods he took as spoil, waters over Babylon and Esagil
15 his son with the weapon of his hands upon him fell.
16 of his dominion before the temple of Annunit
17 Elam, the city Akhkhi to (?) the city Rabbatu he spoiled.
18 like a deluge, he made the cities of Akkad, all of Borsippa (?)
19 ended.^ Kukukumal, his son pierced his heart with a girdle-
dagger of iron.
20 the enemy took and the destruction of these kings, participators
in wrong (?),
21 bondage for which the king of the gods, Marduk, was angry
with them
22 with sickness their breast was oppressed
23 unto ruins were reduced (?). All of them to the king, our lord
24 knowing (?) the hearts of the gods, the gracious Marduk, for the
commemoration of his name
25 and named^Esagil — to his place may he return.
26 thy may he make. This, O king, my lord we
27 his evil his heart the gods, his fathers
28 a participator in sin shall not be (?).
II
1 gods(?)
2 in the city feared day (?) [and night (?)]
3 Larsa (?), the bond of heaven which unto the four winds. . .
' The text was published by Pinches in the Journal of Transactions of the Victoria Institute,
Vol. XXIX, 82, 83; cf. emendations by L. W. King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi,
Vol. I, p. li, ff. Sayce has also translated them, filling out the lacunae by freely exercising the
imagination, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arckeeology, XXVIII, 203-218, 241-251,
and XXIX. 7-17.
2 This could be read Kudurkumal.
ABRAHAM AND ARCHEOLOGY 297
4. he decreed them the park (?) which is in Babylon, the city of [his]
majesty (?);
5. he decreed them the possessions of Babylon, small and great.
6. In their faithful counsel unto Kukukumal, King of Elam,
7. they established the fixed advance which to them [seemed] good.
8. In Babylon, the city of Karduniash, kingship he assumed
9. In Babylon, the city of the gods, Marduk set his throne (?),
10. All, even the Sodomites of the plundered temples, obeyed [him].
11. Ravens build nests; birds dwell [therein];
12. The ravens croak (?), shrieking they hatch their young [in it].
13. To the dog crunching the bone the lady is favorable.
14. The snake hisses (?), the evil one who spits [poison].
15. Who is the king of Elam who the great building of Esagil de[stroyed],
16. which the Babylonians made, and their work was ?
1 7. This is what thou hast written, saying: "I am a king, the son of a king"
18. Who is the son of a daughter of a king, who on the royal throne will sit? . . .
19. HeisDursil-ilani.sonofArad-Malkua, who the throne
20. on the royal throne he sat and before his warriors [he marched].
21. Now let the king march who from ancient days
22. has been proclaimed lord of Babylon; the work of shall not
endure.
23. In the month Siman and the month Tammuz in Babylon there was
done
24. the work of the son of the magician. The bull (i. e., warrior) who de-
vastates the land
25. The elders in their faithful counsel
26. [gave] the son of the magician the place instead of his father
27 1 maid
Two otlier similar fragmentary texts belonging to the series are
published as noted above, but it is unnecessary to quote them here.
The two fragments which we have translated contain the most
important references, and are sufficient to enable the reader to
make up his mind as to the bearing of these texts upon the four-
teenth of Genesis.
Pinches and Sayce read the name of the Elamite king, Kukukumal,
Kudurlakhmal, and identify it with Chedorlaomer. Pinches so
reads it, hesitatingly; Sayce, confidently. There is no reason for so
reading it, except the desire to discover Chedorlaomer. The first
three syllables are represented in the cuneiform by the same sign —
a sign the most frequent value of which is ku. It does sometimes
have the value dur, but never lakh. King reads it Kukukumal,
and there is really no reason for reading it otherwise.
Another name which occurs twice is written in the two places with
a slight difference of spelling. It is according to the most natural
reading of the signs, Arad-Malkua, or Arad-Malaku. Sayce and
Pinches read Eri-eaku and identified him with "Arioch, king of
Elassar," (Gen. 14:1). While this is a possible reading, it is only
298 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
secured by giving to the signs their Sumerian, instead of their
Semitic values, and, as the documents are in Semitic, this is prob-
ably wrong. The name is to be read Arad-Malkua. Another name,
Tudkhula, which occurs in the first document, has been identified by
the same scholars with "Tidal, king of the nations" (Gen. 14 : 1),
but in this text there is no evidence that Tudkhula was a king at all,
and the identification ie purely fanciful. It should be noted also
that Arad-Malkua, the supposed Eri-eaku, does not himself take
any part in the wars here recorded; it is his son, Dursil-ilani, who
is represented as a contemporary of Kukukumal, the supposed
Chedorlaomer.
It should be further noted that these documents represent a
complete conquest of Babylon by Elam — a conquest in which
Babylon itself is laid desolate. It is not certain just what part
Dursil-ilani played in the story. He may have been a vassal king
under Kukukumal, or the Babylonian upon whom the hopes of the
people centered, to free them from the yoke of Elam. It is clear,
however, that the events mentioned in these documents are not in
harmony with the supposition that these monarchs acted as allies of
Hammurapi in the invasion of Palestine. Hammurapi is excluded
from the account. Kukukumal conquered and desolated the very
city in which Hammurapi had his throne. Kukukiimal must, ac-
cordingly, have lived at some other period of the history, and the
supposed confirmation of the account of the fourteenth chapter
of Genesis has not yet been found.
As already stated, these tablets are not earlier than the fourth
century B. c. The events which the}' record were probably much
later than the time of Abraham. Babylon is called by its Cassite
name, Kar-duniash, a name which it did not bear until some hun-
dreds of years after the time of Hammurapi. Many times in the
course of Babylonian history was the country overrun by Elam,
and there is no real reason to suppose that the war here referred to
belongs to the age of Hammurapi.
CHAPTER X
JACOB AND JOSEPH
Appearances of these Names in Babylonian and Egyptian Records. "The
Tale of the Two Brothers"; Its Bearing on the Story of Joseph in Genesis.
Letters to a Ruler Like Joseph. The Seven Years of I" amine. Inscription
Showing Preparation for Famine.
1. Jacob,
Three different men in Babylonia at the time of the Hammu-
rapi dynasty bore the name Jacob-el. Thus, in the reign of
Apil-Sin, the fourth king of the dynasty (2161 to 2144 b. c), two
witnesses, Shubna-ilu and Yadakh-ilu gave their father's name as
Yakub-ilu, or Jacob-el.^ In the same reign a witness to another
document, one Lamaz, had a Jacob-el as his father.^ In the reign
of Sin-muballit, the next king, a witness named Nur-Shamash was
also the son of a Jacob-el.^ In the reign of the great Hammurapi,
the next king, a witness named Sin-erbiam gave his father's name
simply as Yakub,^ or Jacob. "This last is clearly a shortening of
Jacob-el. These men all lived from 75 to 190 years before the Baby-
lonian Abraham, whose documents are discussed in Chapter IX.
In connection with these names it should'be noted that Thothmes
III of Egypt, who made extensive conquests in Asia between 1478
and 1446 b. c, records the name of a city which he captured in
Palestine as Ya-'-k-b'-ra, the Egyptian equivalent of Jacob-el.^ It
does not seem a rash guess to suppose that in the period when inter-
course between Babylonia and Palestine was frequent and immi-
gration from the former country to the latter was in progress, some
Babylonian bearing this name migrated to Palestine, settled there
and that a city was named after him. Many parallels to this may
be found in the names of places in the United States and Canada.
That this place name in Canaan had some connection with the
name of the Patriarch Jacob is probable, though just what that
connection was it is impossible in the present state of our knowledge
to say.
» Cuneiform Texts, &"€., in British Museum, IV, 33, 22b.
2 Meissner, Altbahylonisches Privalrecht, 36, 25.
3 Cuneiform Texts, VIII, 25, 22.
« Ibid., II, 9, 26.
' Cf. Mittheilungen der Vorderasialischen Gesellschaft, 1907, p. 27.
299
300 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
2. Joseph.
A Babylonian business document of the time of the first dynasty
of Babylon has among its witnesses a man named Yashub-ilu, or
Joseph-el.^
In the list of places which Thothmes III of Eg}'pt conquered in
Palestine there is one Ya-sha-p'-ra, which many scholars have
taken to be Joseph-el, though Prof. W. Max Miiller^ thinks it
rather is equivalent to Yesheb-el, meaning "where God dwells." In
view of the clear Babylonian equivalence, however, it seems prob-
able that it is Joseph-el. If so, it probably became a place-name in
Palestine because some important Babylonian who bore the name
settled there, just as we have supposed Jacob-el did. Some scholars
hold that it is connected with the name of the Patriarch Joseph in
some way, but what that connection was, we cannot now say.
3. The Tale of the Two Brothers.^'
Once there were two brethren, of one mother and one father; Anpu was the
name of the elder, and Bata was the name of the younger. Now, as for Anpu, he
had a house, and he had a wife. But his little brother was to him, as it were, a
son; he it was who made for him his clothes; he it was who followed behind his
oxen to the fields; he it was who did tlie plowing; he it was who harvested the
corn; he it was who did for him all the matters which were in the field. Behold
his younger brother grew to be an e.xcellent worker; there was not his equal in
the whole land; behold the spirit of a god was in him.
Now after this the younger brother followed his oxen in the daily manner; and
every evening he turned again to the house, laden with all the herbs of the field,
with milk and with wood, and with all things of the field. And he put them down
before his elder brother who was sitting with his wife; and he drank and ate, and
he lay down in his stable with the cattle. And at the dawn of day he took bread
which he had baked, and laid it before his elder brother; and he took with him
his bread to the field, and he drave his cattle to pasture in the fields. And as he
walked behind his cattle, they said to him, "Good is the herbage which is in that
place"; and he listened to all that they said, and he took them to the good place
which they desired. And the cattle which were before him were exceeding
excellent, and they multiplied greatly.
Now at the time of plowing his elder brother said unto him, "Let us make
ready for ourselves a goodly yoke of oxen for plowing, for the land has come out
from the water; it is fit for plowing. Moreover, do thou come to the field with
corn, for we will begin the plowing in the morrow morning." Thus said he to
him; and his younger brother did all things as his elder brother had spoken unto
him to do them.
And when the mom was come, they went to the fields with their things; and
their hearts were pleased exceedingly with their task in the beginning of their
work. And it came to pass after this that as they were in the field Ihcy stopped
' Cuneiform Texts. 6*c., in the British Museum. II, 23, 15.
' Afillheiltinxen der vnrderasialischen Gesellschafl. 1907, p. 23.
' Tiikcn from GrilTith's translation in Pctric's Egyptian Tales, second scries, London, 1895, p.
36,11.
JACOB AND JOSEPH 301
for corn, and he sent his younger brother, sajdng, "Haste thou, bring to us corn
from the farm." And the younger brother found the wife of his elder brother, as
she was sitting tiring her hair. He said to her, "Get up, and give to me corn,
that I may run to the field, for my elder brother hastened me; do not delay."
She said to him, "Go open the bin, and thou shalt take to thyself according to thv
will, that I may not drop my locks of hair while I dress them."
The youth went to the stable; he took a large measure, for he desired to take
much com; he loaded it with wheat and barley; and he went out carrying it.
She said to him, "How much of the corn that is wanted, is that which is on thy
shoulder?" He said to her, "Three bushels of barley, and two of wheat, in all
five; these are what are upon my shoulder:" thus said he to her. And she con-
versed with him, saying, "There is great strength in thee, for I see thy might
every day." And her heart knew him with the knowledge of youth. And she
arose and came to him, and conversed with him, saying, "Come stay with me,
and it shall be well for thee, and I will make for thee beautiful garments." Then
the youth became like a panther of the south with fury at the evil speech which
she had made to him; and she feared greatly. And he spake unto her, saying,
"Behold thou art to me as a mother, thy husband is to me as a father, for he
who is elder than I brought me up. What is this wickedness that thou hast said
to me? Say it not to me again. For I will not tell it to any man, for I will not
let it be uttered by the mouth of any man." He Kfted up his burden, and he
went to the field and came to his elder^brother; and they took up their work, to
labor at their task.
Now afterward, at eventime, his elder brother was returning to his house;
and the younger brother was following after his oxen, and he loaded himself with
all the things of the field; and he brought his oxen before him, to make them lie
down in their stable which was in the farm. And behold the wife of the elder
brother was afraid for the words which she had said. She took a parcel of fat,
she became like one who is evilly beaten, desiring to say to her husband, "It is
thy younger brother who has done this wrong." Her husband returned in the
even as was his wont of every day: he came unto his house; he found his wife ill
of violence; she did not give him water upon his hands as he used to have, she
did not make a light before him, his house was in darkness, and she was lying
very sick. Her husband said to her, "Who has spoken with thee?" Behold she
said, "No one has spoken vnth. me except thy younger brother. When he came
to take for thee corn he found me sitting alone; he said to me, 'Come, let us stay
together, tie up thy hair' : thus spoke he to me. I did not listen to him, but thus
spake I to him: 'Behold, am I not thy mother, is not thy elder brother to thee as
a father?' And he feared, and he beat me to stop me from making report to thee,
and if thou lettest him live I shall die. Now behold he is coming in the evening;
and I complain of these wicked words, for he would have done this even in day-
light."
And the elder brother became as a panther of the south; he sharpened his
knife; he took it in his hand; he stood behind the door of the stable to slay his
younger brother as he came in the evening to bring his cattle into the stable.
Now the sun went down, and he loaded himself with herbs in his daily manner.
He came, and his foremost cow entered the stable, and she said to her keeper,
"Behold thy elder brother standing before thee with his knife to slay thee;
flee from before him." He heard what his first cow had said; and the next en-
tering, she also said likewise. He looked beneath the door of the stable; he saw
the feet of his elder brother; he was standing behind the door, and his knife was
in his hand. He cast down his load to the ground, and betook himself to flee
swiftly; and his elder brother pursued after him with his knife. Then the
younger brother cried out unto Ra Harakhti,^ saying, "My good lord! thou art
1 The sun-god.
302 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
he who divides the evil from the good." And Ra stood and heard his cry; and
Ra. made a wide water between him and his elder brother, and it was full of
crocodiles; and the one brother was on one bank, and the other on the other
bank; and the elder brother smote twice on his hands at not slaying him. Thus
did he. And the younger brother called to the elder brother on the bank, sajang,
"Stand still until the ciawn of the day; and when Ra ariseth, I shall judge with
thee before him, and he discerneth between the good and the evil. For I shall
not be with thee any more forever; I shall not be in the place in which thou art;
I shall go to the valley of the acacia."
We need not follow the story further. Those who wish to do so
are referred to Petrie's Egyptian Tales. From this point onward,
it contains many mythological features.
This story, in the form in which we have it, was written for Seti II
(1209-1205 B. c.) of the nineteenth Egyptian dynasty, while that
monarch was still crown prince. Scholars of all shades of opinion
have recognized in it a striking parallel to the story of Joseph in the
house of Potiphar, in Genesis 39 : 1-20. Joseph, like the younger
brother of this tale, was trusted with everything about his master's
place; Potiphar's wife, like the sister-in-law of the tale, tempted
Joseph; Joseph, like the younger brother, resisted temptation; and
Potiphar's wife, like the sister-in-law, charged him with the crime
which he had been unwilling to commit.
Scholars of the critical school regard this as the original of the
story in Genesis. While they recognize that it is a theme which is
not confined to Eg}'ptians and Hebrews (compare for other paral-
lels Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, II, 303, ff.), the fact that the
theme of the Biblical story is laid in Eg>7Jt leads them to think it
extremely probable that there is a connection between the two.
Conservative scholars on the other hand hold that in all probabil-
ity there was more than one such scandal in Eg^-pt, and account for
the likeness by the similarity which would naturally present itself
in such cases, holding that the Eg\^tian tale has no bearing on the
credibility of that in Genesis.
4. Letters to a Ruler Like Joseph.
Among the letters in the Babylonian language and script found
at El-Amarna in Egypt in the winter of 1887-1888,^ many of which
were written to Amenophis III and Amenophis IV, Kings of Eg>'pt,
1411-1357 B. c, by Egjq^tian vassals in Palestine and Syria, there
are two which were written to a Semite named Dudu (David),
which show that this Semite held at the Egyptian court a position
» Cf. Part I. p. 35.
JACOB AND JOSEPH 303
analogous to that which Joseph, as ruler of Egypt, is said to have
held (Gen. 41 : 39, f.; 50 : 26). These letters are as follows:
1. To DMu, my lord, my father,
2. speaks Aziru, thy son, thy servant:
3. at the feet of my father I fall.
4. Unto my father may there be health!
5. O DMu, truly I have given {i. e., done)
6. the wish of the king, my lord,
7. and whatever is the wish
8. of the king, my lord, let him send
9. and I will give (do) it.
10. Further: see, thou art there,
11. my father, and whatever is the wish
12. of Diidu, my father, send it
13. and I will indeed give (do) it.
14. Behold, thou art my father and my lord
15. and I am thy son. The lands of the Amorites
16. are thy lands, and my house is thy house,
17. and whatever thy wish is,
18. send, and I
19. shall behold, and verily will give (do) it.
20. And see, thou in the presence of
21. the king, my lord, sittest.
22 enemies
23. words of slander
24. before my father, before
25. the king, my lord, have spoken,
26. but do thou not count them just!
27. And behold thou in the presence
28. of the king, my lord, as a dignitary (?)
29. sittest
30. and the words of slander
31. against me do not count true.
32. Also I am a servant of the king, my lord,
33. and from the words of the king, my lord,
34. and from the words of Dtldu, my father,
35. I shall not depart forever.
36. But when the king, my lord, does not love me,
37. but hates me,
38. then I — what shall I say?
IV
1. To DAdu, my lord, my father,
2. speaks Aziru, thy servant:
3. at the feet of my lord I fall.
4. Khatib has come
5. and has brought the words
6. of the king, my lord, important and good,
1 Winckler und Abel, Thonlafclnfund von El-Amarna, No. 40. Cf. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna
Tafeln. No. 158.
2 Winckler und Abel, Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 38. See also Knudtzon, Die El-
Amarna Tafeln, No. 164.
304 ARCH.EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
7. and I am very, very glad,
8. and my land and my brethren,
9. the servants of the king, my lord,
10. and the ser\'ants of Dudu, my lord,
11. are very, very glad,
12. when there comes
13. the breath of the king, my lord,
14. unto me. From the words
15. of my lord, my god, my sun-god,
16. and from the words of Dudu,
17. my lord, I shall not depart.
18. My lord, truly Khatib
19. stands with me.
20. I and he will come.
21. My lord, the king of the Hittites
22. has come into Nukhashshi,
23. so that I cannot come.
24. Would that the king of the Hittites would depart!
25. Then truly I would come,
26. I and Khatib.
27. May the king, my lord, my words
28. hear! My lord, I fear
29. on account of the face of the king, my lord,
30. and on account of the face of Dudu.
31. And now by my gods
32. and my angels verily I have sworn,
33. O Dudu and nobles
34. of the king, my lord, that truly I will come.
35. And so, Dudu
36. and the king, my lord, and the nobles,
37. "Truly we will not conceive anything
38. against Aziru that is unfavorable," —
39. even thus may ye swear
40. by my gods and the god A!
41. And truly I
42. and Khatib are faithful ser\'ants of the king.
43. O Dudu, thou shalt truly know
44. that I will come to thee.
The Aziru of these letters was the chieftam or petty king of the
Amorites, who were living at the time to the eastward of Phoenicia,
between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains. The way
in which he addresses Dudu is significant. Dudu is classed con-
tinually with the king. Aziru fears to offend Dudu as he fears to
offend the king; the words of Dudu are of equal importance with
those of the king. Dudu clearly occupied a position of power with
the king of Eg>'pt similar to that ascribed to Joseph in Genesis 41.
Moreover, Dudu is a Semitic name; vocalized a little differently, it
becomes David.
The king to whom this letter was written was Amenophis III or
JACOB AND JOSEPH 305
Amenophis IV, in whose reigns Semitic influence was especially
strong in Egypt. Amenophis III took as his favorite wife a woman
named Tiy, daughter of Yuaa and Tuau, whose mummies, discov-
ered a few years ago, show, some think, that they were Semitic.
Queen Tiy was very influential during the reign of her son, Amen-
ophis IV, and was in part the cause of the remarkable religious
reform which he undertook (Part I, Chapter I, § 6 (vii)). It is not,
accordingly, strange to find that the chief minister of one of these
kings was a Semite. Of course, Dudu cannot be identified with
Joseph, but his career shows that such careers as that of Joseph
were not impossible at this period of Egyptian history.
5. The Seven Years of Famine.
The following inscription was found cut on a rock between the
island of Elephantine and the First Cataract, and was first pub-
lished by Bru^sfch in 1891. It is written m hieroglyphic characters,
and was apparently inscribed in the reign of Ptolemy X, 117-89
B. c. It relates how King Zoser, of the third dynasty, who began
to reign about 2980 b. c, nearly 2,800 years before the inscription
was written, appealed to Khnum, the god of Elephantine, because
of a famme. The part of the text which interests us is as follows:^
"I am very anxious on account of those who are in the palace. My heart is in
great anxiety on account of misfortune, for in my time the Nile has not over-
flowed for a period of seven years. There is scarcely any produce of the field;
herbage fails; eatables are wanting. Every man robs his neighbor. Men
move (?) with nowhere to go. The children cry, the young people creep along
(?). The aged heart is bowed down; their Umbs are crippled; they sit (?) on the
earth. Their arms are The people of the court are at their wits' end.
The store-houses (?) were built, but and all that was in them has
been consumed."
As Brugsch^ saw, this inscription gives a graphic account of the
suffering caused by seven such years of famine as are said to have
occurred in the time of Joseph (Gen. 41 : 30, 54, ff.). It cannot be
the same seven-year famine as that referred to in Genesis, as it is
placed several centuries too early to coincide with the time of
Joseph. As the inscription is about 2,800 years later than the
event it describes, its historical accuracy might be questioned, but
it is probable that it was a renewal of an earlier inscription. But
even if its historical accuracy be impugned, it witnesses to a native
Egyptian tradition that such famines were possible.
1 Translated from the German renderinK of Ranke in Gressraann's Altorienlalische Texle und
Bilder zum Alien Testament, Tubingen, 1909, p. 223.
* See his Sieben Jahre der Uungersnol. 1891.
306 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
6. Inscription Showing Preparation for Famine.
Inscription of Baba of El-Kab'
"The chief at the table of the sovereign, Baba, the risen again, speaks thus:
I loved my father; I honored my mother; my brothers and sisters loved me. I
went out of the door of my house with a benevolent heart; I stood there with
refreshing hand; splendid were my preparations of what I collected for the festal
day. Mild was (my) heart, free from violent anger. The gods bestowed upon
me abundant prosperity upon earth. The city wished me health and a life of
full enjoyment. I punished the e\-il-doers. The children who stood before me
in the town during the days which I fulfilled were — great and srnall — 60; just
as many beds were provided for them, just as many chairs (?), just as many
tables (?). They all consumed 120 ephahs of durra, the milk of 3 cows, 52 goats,
and 9 she-asses, a hin of balsam, and 2 jars of oil.
"My words may seem a jest to the gainsayer, but I call the god Mut tp ■witness
that what I say is true. I had all this prepared in my house; in addition I put
cream in the store-chamber and beer in the cellar in a more than sufficient num-
ber of hin-measures.
"I collected corn as a friend of the harvest-god. I was watchful in time of
sowing. And when a famine arose, lasting many years, I distributed corn to the
city each year of famine."
The Baba who wrote this inscription lived under the eighteenth
Egyptian dynasty, about 1500 b. c, or a Httle before. Brugsch
pointed out many years ago that Baba's concluding statement forms
an interesting parallel to the conduct of Joseph as told in Gen.
41 : 47-57. Baba claims to have done for his city, El-Kab, what
Joseph is said to have done for all Eg\pt. His statement affords
striking evidence of the historical reality of famines in Eg>'pt, and
of such economic preparation for them.
1 From Brugsch's Egypt under the Pliaraohs, London, 1881, 1, 303, ff.
CHAPTER XI
PALESTINE IN THE PATRIARCHAL AGE
The Tale of Sinuhe. Co&muNicATiON between Egypt and Palestine.
1. The Tale of Sinuhe.
In the year 1970 b. c, when Amenemhet I died and was suc-
ceeded by Sesostris I, an Egyptian of high rank, named Sinuhe, for
some reason now unknown to us, fled from Egypt to Asia. The
details of his escape from Egypt are not of interest to the Biblical
student, but his description of the hardships encountered in the
desert and of his experiences in eastern Palestine are of great value,
as they afford us our earliest description of that country outside the
Bible. The following extract begins just after Sinuhe had told how
he escaped the guards in the fort which stood at the eastern frontier
of Egypt.i
I went on at the time of evening,
As the earth brightened, I arrived at Peten.
When I had reached the lake of Kemwer,^
I fell down for thirst, fast came my breath,
My throat was hot,
I said: "This is the taste of death."
I upheld my heart, I drew my limbs together,
As I heard the sound of lowing cattle,
I beheld the Bedawin.
That chief among them, who had been in Egypt, recognized me.
He gave me water, he cooked for me milk.
I went with him to his tribe,
Good was that which they did (for me) .
One land sent me on to another,
I loosed for Suan,^
I arrived at Kedem;^
I spent a year and a half there.
• From Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, I, p. 237, ff.
2 An Egyptian name of the northern extension of the Gulf of Suez.
' Some Egj'ptian trading-post in Asia.
* An early name for the region east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. It is called Kedemah in
Gen. 25 : 15 and 1 Chron. 1 : 30; Kederaoth in Deut. 2 : 26, and translated "East" in Judges
6 : 3, 33; 7 : 12; 8 : 10, 11. In Gen. and Chron. the name is applied to a person.
307
308 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Emuienshe,^ that sheik of Upper [Ru]tenu,'' brought me forth
saying to me: "Happy art tliou with me,
(for") thou hearest the speech of Egypt."
He said this (for) he knew my character,
He had heard of my wisdom;
The Egyptians, who were there with him, bare witness of me.
The Amorite chieftain then questioned Sinuhe concerning his
flight. He gave evasive answers, merging with his reply a long
hymn in praise of the king. After this Emuienshe said to him :
"Behold, thou shalt now abide with me;
Good is that which I shall do for thee."
He put me at the head of his children.
He married me to his eldest daughter,
He made me select for myself of his land.
Of the choicest of that which he had.
On his boundary with another land.
It was a goodly land, named Yaa;'
There were figs in it and vines, _
More plentiful than water was its wine.
Copious was its honey, plenteous its oil;
All fruits were upon its trees.
Barley was there and spelt.
Without end all cattle.
Moreover, great was that which came to me.
Which came for love of me,
UTien he appointed me sheik of the tribe,
From the choicest of his land.
I portioned the daily bread.
And wine for every day.
Cooked flesh and fowl in roast;
Besides the wild goats of the hills.
Which were trapped for me, and brought to me;
Besides that which my dogs captured for me.
There was much — made for me,
And milk in every sort of cooked dish.
I spent many years.
My children became strong.
Each the mighty man of his tribe.
The messenger going north.
Or passing southward to the court,
He turned in to me.
For I had all men turn in (to me).
The tale goes on concerning the personal prowess of Sinuhe, who,
in his old age, returned to Egypt and made his peace with the king.
> This is an Amorite name, Ammi-anshi. It shows that the Amorites were already in this
region. Later the Hebrews found Sihon, the Amorite here; see Num. 21:21, ff. and Deut. 1 : 4, S.
2 The Egyptian name for the higher parts of Palestine and Syria. The Egyptians had no I;
they always used r instead. The name is identical with the Hebrew Lotan, Gen. 36 : 20, of whicb
Lot is a shorter form.
» Perhaps the same name as Aiah (Ajah) of Gen. 36 : 24 and 1 Chron. 1 : 40.
PALESTINE IN THE PATRIARCHAL AGE 309
2. Communication between Egypt and Palestine.
This document from the early patriarchal age reveals a close
relationship between Egypt and Palestme. There was frequent
communication between Kedem and Egypt; messengers went to
and fro. The Egyptian language was understood at the court of
the Amorite chieftain. These conditions throw light on the narra-
tives of the descent of Abraham and Jacob to Egypt. Sinuhe's
description of his life necessarily reminds one of the description
of Palestine so often met with in the Pentateuch, Joshua, and the
prophets, "a land flowing with milk and honey." (See, for ex-
ample, Exod. 3 : 8, 17.)
{For an addition to this chapter, see Appendix.)
CHAPTER XII
MOSES AND THE EXODUS
The Legend of Sargon of Ag.\de; Its Resemblance to the Story of Moses.
The Pillar of Mernept.ah; The Only .Appearance of the Name "Israel" OuTsroE
OF THE BLBLE.
I. The Legend of Sargon of Agade.
The following legend^ contains a story of the exposure of an infant
on a river, strikmgly like that told of Moses.
1. Sargon, the mighty king, king of Agade am I,
2. My mother was lowly; my father I did not know;^
3. The brother of my father dwelt in the mountain.
4. My city is Azupiranu, which is situated on the bank of the Euphrates.
5. My lowly mother conceived me, in secret she brought me forth.
6! She placed me in a basket of reeds, she closed my entrance with bitumen,
7. She cast me upon the river, which did not overflow me.
8. The river carried me, it brought me to /Vkki, the_ irrigator.
9. Akki, the irrigator, in the goodness of his heart lifted me out,
10. Akki, the irrigator, as his own son brought me up;
II. Akki, the irrigator, as his gardener appointed me.
12. When I was a gardener the goddess Ishtar loved me,
13. And for four years I ruled the kingdom.
14. The black-headed^ peoples I ruled, I governed;
15. Mighty mountains with axes of bronze I destroyed (?).
16. I ascended the upper mountains;
17. I burst through the lower mountains.
18. The country of the sea I besieged three times;
19. Dilmun^ I captured (?).
20. Unto the great Dur-ilu I went up, I
21 1 altered
22. Whatsoever king shall be e.xalted after me,
23
24. Let hun rule, let him govern the black-headed peoples;
25. Mighty mountains with a.xes of bronze let him destroy;
26. Let him ascend the upper mountains,
27. Let him break through the lower mountains;
28. The country of the sea let him besiege three times;
29. Dilmun let him capture;
30. To great Dur-ilu let him go up.
i From Cuneiform Texts. &-c., in the British Museum, XIII, 42; cf. also King, Chronicles of
Early Babylonian Kings, II, 87, ff.
= Another tablet reads "a father I had not."
' A name for the Semitic peoples of Babylonia.
* An island in the Persian Gulf.
310
MOSES AND THE EXODUS 311
The rest is too broken for connected translation.
It is thought by some scholars of the critical school that the
parallelism between the secret birth, the exposure, the rescue and
adoption of Sargon, and the account of the secret birth, exposure,
rescue, and adoption of Moses in Exod. 2 : 1-10 is too close to be
accidental. Conservative scholars, on the other hand, hold that, if
the legend of Sargon is historical, it merely affords an example of a
striking coincidence of events in two independent lives.
2. The Pillar of Merneptah.
In the fifth year of King Merneptah, who ruled from 1225-1215
B. c, and who is thought to be the Pharaoh of the exodus, he in-
scribed on a pillar an account of his wars and victories. The in-
scription concludes with the following poetic strophe i^
The kings are overthrown, saying: "salaam!"
Not one holds up his head among the nine bows.''
Wasted is Tehenu,^
Kheta^ is pacified,
Plundered is the Canaan^ with every evil,
Carried off is Askelon,
Seized upon is Gezer,
Yenoam^ is made as a thing not existing.
Israel is desolated, his seed is not;
Palestine has become a widow for Egypt.
All lands are united, they are pacified; , ,.,,•,
Every one that is turbulent is bound by King Merneptah, who gives hfe like
Ra every day.
This inscription contains the only mention of Israel in a document
of this age outside the Bible. It is, for that reason, of great im-
portance. It should be noted that Israel is mentioned along with
peoples and places in Palestine and Phoenicia. The Israel here
referred to was not, accordingly, in Egypt. Israel, on the other
hand, may not have been more than a nomadic people. The
Egyptians used a certain "determinative" in connection with the
names of settled peoples. That sign is here used with Tehenu,
Kheta, Askelon, Gezer, and Yenoam, but not with Israel.
As Merneptah has been supposed by many to be the Pharaoh
in whose reign the exodus occurred, the mention of Israel here has
1 Taken from Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, III, p. 264, S.
2 That is, the foreign nations.
3 That is, Lybia, which lay to the west of the Egyptian Delta.
« That is, the Hittites.
6 "The Canaan" refers to the land of Canaan, probably here Phoenicia.
» Yenoam was a town situated at the extreme north of Galilee, just at the end of the valley be-
tween the two ranges of the Lebanon mountains.
312 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
somewhat puzzled scholars, and different explanations of the fact
have arisen. At least one scholar holds that the exodus occurred in
Merneptah's third year, and that he afterward attacked the
Hebrews. Others have supposed that not all the Hebrews had been
in Eg\TDt, but only the Joseph tribes. Still others have thought that
the Leah tribes had made their exodus during the eighteenth
dynasty, and that it was these with whom Merneptah fought, while
the Rachel tribes made their exodus under the nineteenth dynasty.
Opinions vary according to the critical views of different writers.
All scholars would welcome more information on these problems.
CHAPTER XIII
THE CODE OF HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH
The Text of the Code; Resemblance to and Contrast with the Mosaic Code.
The Mosaic Code Not Borrowed from the Babylonian; Different Underlying
Conceptions.
1. The Text of the Code; Comparison with the Mosaic Code.
The following code of laws was inscribed by order of Hammurapi,
of the first dynasty of Babylon (2104-2061 b. c), on a block of
black diorite nearly eight feet in height and set up in Esagila, the
temple of Marduk, in Babylon, so that the people might have the
laws in the mother-tongue. As this last statement implies, the
laws are written in Semitic Babylonian ; before the time of Hammu-
rapi the laws had been written in Sumerian. At some later time
an Elamite conqueror, who was overrunning Babylonia, took this
pillar away to Susa as a trophy. In course of time the pillar was
broken into three parts, which were found by the French expedition
under de Morgan in December, 1901, and January, 1902, while
excavating at Susa. As the code is the oldest known code of laws
in the world, being a thousand years older than Moses, and as it
affords some interesting peculiarities as well as some striking
parallels to the laws in Exodus 21-23 and in Deuteronomy, a trans-
lation of it, with some comparison of Exodus and Deuteronomy,
is here given:
Against Witches
§ 1. If a man brings an accusation against a man, that he has laid a ■death-
spell upon him, and has not proved it, the accuser shall be put to death. ^
§ 2. If a man accuses another of practising sorcery upon him, but has not
proved it, he against whom the charge of sorcery is made shall go to the sacred
river; into the sacred river he shall plunge, and if the,sacred river overpowers him,
his accuser shall take possession of his house. If the sacred river shows that
man to be innocent, and he is unharmed, he who charged him with sorcery shall
be killed. He who plunged into the sacred river shall take the house of his
' Translated from the cuneiform text in Harper's Code of Hammurabi, and Ungnad's Keil-
schriftlexte der Geselze Hammurabis.
313
314 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
With these laws we should compare Exod. 22 : 18, which imposes
the death penalty upon witches, and Deut. 18 : 10, ff., which de-
clares that there shall be no sorcerer, diviner, magician, or charmer
in Israel and promises a line of prophets to render these unnecessary.
IMagic is banished from Israel; its presence in Babylonia is taken for
granted, and only some of its exercises, which were supposed to be
especially deadly, were forbidden. In § 2 the man accused of
sorcery is to be tried by ordeal. He is to plimge into the river and
if he can swim in its current, he is innocent. Trial by ordeal is found
but once in the Hebrew laws (Num. 5 : 11-28). There both the
crime and the ordeal are very different from this.
Note that in these sections the false accuser suffers in just the
way he has tried to brmg suffering to the other. This is the law of
retaliation, which appears in Deut. 19 : 16-21, where it is applied
to false witnesses in the same way as here. It will be found under-
lying many of the penalties of this code.
Laws Concerning False Witness
§ 3. If in a case a man has borne false witness, or accused a man without
proving it, if that case is a capital case, that man shall be put to death.
§ 4. If he has borne witness in a case of grain or money, the penalty of that
case he shall himself bear.
Hebrew law was similar; a false witness was to be visited with
the penalty which he had purposed to bring upon his brother
(Deut. 19 : 18, 19).
Against Reversing a Judicial Decision
§ 5. If a judge has pronounced a judgment, made a decision, caused it to be
sealed, and afterward has altered his judgment, that judge they shall conxact on
account of the case which he decided and altered; the penalty which in that case
he imposed he .shall pay twelvefold, and in the assemblj- from the seat of his
judgment they shall e.xpel hun; he shall not return; with the judges in a case he
shall not sit.
Hebrew law presents no parallel to this.
Against Theft
§ 6. If a man steals the goods of a god (temple) or of a palace, that man shall
be put to death, and he by whose hand the stolen goods were received shall be
put to death.
§ 7. If a man purchases or receiveson deposit either silver, gold, man-ser\'ant,
maid-servant, ox, sheep, ass, or anything whatever from the hand of a minor or
a slave without witnesses or contracts, that man is a thief; he shall be put to
death.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 315
§ 8. If a man has stolen ox, or sJieep, or ass, or pig, or a boat, either from a
god (temple) or a palace, he shall pay thirtyfold. If he is a poor man, he shall
restore tenfold. If the thief has nothing to pay, he shall be put to death.
§ 9. If a man, who has lost anything, finds that which was lost in a man's
hand, (and) the man in whose hand the lost thing was found says: "A seller sold
it; I bought it before witnesses"; and the owner of the lost thing says: "I will
bring witnesses who know that the lost thing is mine"; if the purchaser brings
the seller who sold it to him and the witnesses in whose presence it was bought,
and the owner of the lost thing brings the witnesses who know that the lost
thing is his, the judges shall examine their testimony. The witnesses before
whom the purchaser purchased it, and the witnesses who know the lost thing,
shall give their testimony in the presence of a god. The seller is a thief; he shall
be put to death. The owner of the lost thing shall take that which was lost.
The purchaser shall take from the house of the seller the money which he had
paid.
§ 10. If the purchaser does not produce the seller who sold it to him and the
witnesses before whom he bought it, and the owner of the lost thing produces
the witnesses who know that the lost thing is his, the purchaser is the thief;
he shall be put to death. The owner -of the lost thing shall take that which he
lost.
§ 11. If the owner of the lost thing does not bring the witnesses who know
that the lost thing is his, he is one who has attempted fraud; he shall be put to
death.
§ 12. If the seller has died, the purchaser shall recover from the house of the
seller the damages of that case fivefold.
§ 13. If that man has not his witnesses near, the judges shall set an appointed
time within six months; and if, within six months, his witnesses he does not
produce, that man is a liar; the penalty of that case he shall himself bear.
The Hebrew laws comparable to these are found in Exod. 22 : 1-4,
9, and Lev. 6 : 3-5. Exodus directs (v. 1) that, if a man steals an
ox or a sheep and kills it or sells it, he shall restore five oxen for an
ox and four sheep for a sheep. In case it is not sold he shall restore
double (v. 9). No highly organized courts appear in the Biblical
codes. The thief was brought before God and his guilt determined
by some religious test. The law of Leviticus required a man guilty
of theft to restore the lost property, adding to it a fifth more, and
to offer a ram in sacrifice. (See Exod. 18 : 13-26. Cf. 2 Chron.
19 : 5-7 with 1 Chron. 23 : 4 and Deut. 16 : 18-20.)
The Babylonian laws presuppose a much more highly organized
social community than the Hebrew.
Against Stealing Children and Slaves
§ 14. If a man steals the son of a man who is a minor, he shall be put to death.
§ 15. If a man causes a male or female slave of a palace, or the male or female
slave of a workingman to escape from the city gate, he shall be put to death.
§ 16. If a man harbors in his house either a male or a female slave who has
escaped from a palace or from a workingman, and does not bring him out at
the summons of the officer, the owner of that house shall be put to death.
316 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
§ 17. If a man finds in a field a male or a female slave who has escaped and
restores him to his owner, the owner of the slave shall pay him 2 shekels of silver.
§ 18. If that slave will not name his owner, he shall bring him unto the palace
and they shall investigate his record and restore him unto his owner.
§ 19. If he shall detain that slave in his house and afterward the slave is
found, that man shall be put to death.
§ 20. If the slave escapes from the hand of his captor, that man shall declare
it on oath to the owner of the slave and shall be innocent.
These laws are analogous to Exod. 21 : 16 and Deut. 23 : 15.
The former inflicts the death penalty for stealing a man and selling
him, and the latter prohibits one in whose house a fugitive slave has
taken refuge from returning the slave to his master. Slavery was
not in Israel such a firmly established institution as in Babylonia.
(See Exod. 21 : 2-6; Deut. 15 : 12-18; Lev. 25 : 25^6.)
Housebreaking and Brigandage
§ 21. If a man breaks into a house, before that breach he shall be put to
death and thrown into it.
§ 22. If a man practices brigandage and is caught, that man shall be put to
death.
§ 23. If the robber is not caught, the man who is robbed shall declare his loss,
whatever it is, in the presence of a god, and the city and governor in whose
territory and jurisdiction the robbery was committed shall compensate him for
whatever was lost.
_ § 24. If it is a life, that city and governor shall pay to his relatives 1 mana of
silver.'
Hebrew law presents an analogy to the last of these sections in
Deut. 21 : 1-9, though in Israel no compensation was offered to the
heirs of the man who was slain, but a sacrifice was performed by the
elders of the nearest city, to purge it of innocent blood.
Stealing at a Fire
_ § 25. If a fire breaks out in a man's house, and a man who has come to ex-
tinguish it shall cast his eye upon the furniture of the owner of the house, and
the furniture of the owner of the house shall take, that man shall be thrown into
that fire.
The Duties and Privileges of Soldiers, Constables, and Tax-collectors
§ 26. If a soldier or a constable^ who is ordered to go on a journey for the
king does not go, but hires a substitute and dispatches him instead, that soldier
or constable shall be put to death; his hired substitute shall appropriate his
house.
§ 27. If a soldier or a constable is detained in a royal fortress and after him
• The mana consisted of sixty shekels. In EnRlish it is corrupted to mina.
2 The nature of these officials is in doubt. Scheil and olhers think tlie first a recruiting-officer;
Delitzsch and Unf,'nad, a soldier. The name of the second officer is literally fish-catcher, but it is
Certain that here he was some kind of a fisher of men.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 317
they give his field or garden to another and he takes it and carries it on, if the
first one returns and reaches his city,_ they shall restore to him his field and
garden, and he shall take it and carry it on.
§ 28. If a soldier or a constable who is detained in a royal fortress has a son
who is able to carry on his business, they shall give to him his field and garden
and he shall carry on the business of his father.
§ 29. If his son is small and not able to carry on the business of his father,
they shall give one-third of his field and garden to his mother and she shall rear
him.
§ 30. If a soldier or a constable from the beginning of his appointment neglects
his field, garden, and house and leaves them uncared for, another after him shall
take his field, garden, and house, and carry on his business for three years. If he
returns and desires his field, garden, and house, they shall not give them to him.
He who has taken them and carried on the business shall carry it on.
§ 31. If he leaves it uncared for but one year and returns, they shall give him
his field, garden, and house, and he shall carry on his own business.
§ 32. If a merchant ransoms a soldier (?) or a constable who, on a journey of
the king, was detained, and brings him back, to his city, if in his house there is
sufficient ransom, he shall ransom himself. If in his house there is not sufficient
to ransom him, by the temple of his city he shall be ransomed. If in the temple
of his city there is not a sufficient ransom, he shall be ransomed by the palace.
His field, garden, and house shall not be given for ransom.
§ 33. If a governor or a magistrate harbors a deserting soldier or accepts and
sends a hired substitute on an errand of the king, that governor or magistrate
shall be put to. death.
§ 34. If a governor or a magistrate takes the property of a soldier, plunders a
soldier, or hires out a soldier, has defrauded a soldier in a suit before a sheik, pr
takes the present which the king has given tQ»a soldier, that governor or magis-
trate shall be put to death.
§ 35. If a man buys the cattle or sheep which the kmg has given to a soldier,
he shall forfeit his money.
§ 36. One shall not sell the field, garden, or house of a soldier, constable, or
tax-collector.
§ 37. If a man has bought the field, garden, or house of a soldier, constable,
or tax-collector, his tablet shall be broken, he shall forfeit his money; the field,
house, or garden shall return to its owner.
§ 38. A soldier, constable, or tax-collector shall not deed to his wife or daugh-
ter the field, house, or garden, which is his. perquisite, nor shall he assign them
for debt.
§ 39. A field, garden, or house which he has purchased and possesses he may
deed to his wife or daughter, or may assign for debt.
§ 40. A priestess, merchant, or other creditor may purchase his field, garden,
or house. The purchaser shall conduct the business of the field, garden, or
house which he has purchased.
§ 41. If a man has bargained for the field, garden, or house of a soldier, con-
stable, or tax-collector and has given sureties, the soldier, constable.or tax-
collector shall return to the field, house, or garden, and the sureties which were
given him he shall keep.
No such officers as these are mentioned in the laws of the Old
Testament, though some of them appear in earlier times in the
records of Babylonia. The tax-collectors mentioned here remind us
of Solomon's tax-collectors mentioned in 1 Kmgs 4 : 7, fif.
318 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Laws of Agriculture
§ 42. If a man rents a field for cultivation and produces no grain in that field,
they shall call him to account for doing no work in that field, and he shall give
to the owner of the field grain similar to that of adjacent fields.
§ 43. If he does not cultivate that field and neglects it, he shall give the
owner of the field grain similar to that of adjacent fields, and the field which he
neglected he shall break up with mattocks, he shall harrow, and return it to the
owner of the field.
§ 44. If a man rents an uncultivated field for three years for improvement
and neglects its surface and does not develop the field, in the fourth year he shall
break up the field with mattocks, he shall hoe and harrow it, and return it unto
the owner of the field, and for every Gan of land he shall measure out 10 Gur of
grain.
§ 45. If a man lets his field for pay on shares to a farmer and receives his
rent, and afterward the storm-god inundates the field and carries off the produce,
the loss is the farmer's.
§ 46. If the rent of his field he has not received, and he has let the field for
one-half or one-third (of the crop), the farmer and the owner of the field shall
divide the grain which is in the field according to agreement.
§ 47. If the farmer, because he has not in a former year received a mainte-
nance, entrusts the field to another farmer, the owner of the field shall not inter-
fere. He would cultivate it, and his field has been cultivated. At the time of
harvest he shall take grain according to his contracts.
§ 48. If a man has a debt against him and the storm-god inundates his
field and carries away the produce, or if through lack of water grain has
not grown in the field, in that year he shall not make a return of grain
to his creditor; his contract he shall change, and the interest of that year he
shall not pay.
§ 49. If a man borrows money from a merchant, and has given to the mer-
chant a field planted with grain or sesame, and says to him: "Cultivate the field
and harvest and take the grain or sesame which it produces"; if the tenant pro-
duces grain or sesame in the field, at the time of har\'est the owner of the field
shall take the grain or sesame which was produced by the field, and shall give to
the merchant grain for the money which he borrowed from the merchant with
its interest, and for the maintenance of the farmer.
§ 50. If the field was already planted [with grain or] sesame, the owner of the
field shall receive the grain or the sesame which is produced in the field, and the
money and its interest he shall return to the merchant.
§ 51. If there is not money to return, he shall give to the merchant [the
grain or] sesame for the money and its interest which he had received from the
merchant, according to the scale of prices fixed by the king.
§ 52. If the farmer does not produce grain or sesame in his field, he shall not
alter his contract.
§ 53. If a man the side of his strong dyke has neglected and has not strength-
ened it, and in his dyke a break occurs, and the water destroys the farm-land,
the man in whose dyke the break occurred shall restore the grain which was
destroyed.
§ 54. If he is not able to restore the grain, they shall sell him and his posses-
sions for money, and the owners of the fields whose grain was destroyed shall
share it.
§ 55. If a man has opened his sluice for watering and has left it open and the
water destroys the field of his neighbor, he shall measure out grain to him on the
basis of that produced by neighboring fields.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 319
§ 56. If a man opens the water and the water destroys the work' of a neigh-
boring field, he shall measure out 10 Cur of grain for each Bur of land.
§ 57. If a shepherd causes his sheep to eat vegetation and has not made an
agreement with the owner of the field, and without the consent of the owner of
the field has pastured his sheep, the owner of the field shall harvest that field, and
the shepherd who without the consent of the owner of the field caused his sheep
to eat the field, shall pay the owner of the field in addition 20 Gur of grain for
each Bur of land. , , . , ,
§ 58. If, after the sheep have come up out of the fields and are turned loose
on the public common by the city gate, a shepherd turns his sheep into a field
and causes the sheep to eat the field, the shepherd shall oversee the field which he
caused to be eaten, and at harvest-time he shall measure to the owner of the
field 60 Gur of grain for each Bur of land.
The Hebrew land laws are found in Exod. 22 : 5, 6; 23 : 10, 11;
Lev. 19 : 9, and Deut. 24 : 19-22; 23 : 24, 25. An examination of
these passages reveals a wide difference between Babylonia and Is-
rael. In Babylonia it seems to have often been the rule that a land-
lord let out the fields to tenants to work; among the Hebrews the
law presupposes that each man shall work his own land. Many of
the Babylonian laws are designed to secure the respective rights of
landlord and tenant. Naturally, there is nothing in the Old Testa-
ment to correspond to these. Hebrew law (Exod. 22 : 5), like the
Babylonian, provides that one who causes a neighbor's crop to be
eaten shall make restitution, but the regulations are of the most
general character. In Babylonia a larger social experience had
made much more specific regulations necessary.
The characters of the respective countries are reflected in the
dangers from which crops might be threatened. In waterless
Palestine a fire started by a careless man might burn his neighbor's
crop (Exod. 22 : 6) ; in Babylonia, where irrigation from canals was
conducted to fields lower than the surface of the water, one might
flood his neighbor's field and destroy his crop by carelessly leaving
his sluice open.
The Hebrew legislation presupposes a poorer community. It
provides that the land shall lie fallow, and whatever it produces
shall belong to the poor (Exod. 23 : 10, 11). At harvest-time, too,
one must not reap the corners of his field; that was left to the poor
(Lev. 19 : 9). If one forgot a sheaf in his field, he must not return
to take it; that should be left to the poor (Deut. 24 : 19). Rich
Babylonia made no such provision for the poor; it felt no such social
sympathy.
> Such as plowing, or the young plants early in the season.
320 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Again, even these agricultural laws show that commerce was
highly developed in Babylonia, with its necessary concomitant, the
right to charge interest for money. The uncommercial Hebrews
regarded interest as unlawful (Exod. 22 : 25), and it was Hillel,
the contemporary of Herod the Great, who invented an interpreta-
tion known as the Prosbal, which practically did away with this
law and permitted Jews to take interest.
Horticultural Laws
§ 59. If a man shall cut down a tree in a man's orchard without the consent
of the owner, he shall pay I mana of silver.
§ 60. If a man gives a field to a gardener to plant as an orchard, the gardener
shall plant the orchard and cultivate it for 4 years. In the fifth year the owner
of the orchard and the gardener shall share it together. The owner of the
orchard shall mark off his share and take it.
§ 61. If the gardener in planting does not complete it, but leaves a part of it
waste, unto his portion they shall count it.
§ 62. If the iield which is given to a gardener he does not plant, if vegetation
is the produce of the field for the years during which it is neglected, the gardener
shall measure out to the owner of the field on the basis of the adjacent fields, and
shall perform the work on the field and restore it to the owner of the field.
§ 63. If the field is [left] waste land, he shall perform the work on the field
and shall restore it to its owner, and 10 Gur of grain for each Bur of land he shall
measure out.
§ 64. If a man lets his orchard to a gardener to manage, as long as the gar-
dener is in possession of the garden he shall give to the owner of the garden two-
thirds of the produce; one-third he shall take himself.
§ 65. If the gardener does not manage the garden and diminishes its produce,
the gardener shall measure out the produce of the orchard on the basis of ad-
jacent orchards.^
§ 66. If a man has received money from a merchant, and his merchant puts
him under bonds and he has nothing to give, 'and he gives his orchard for manage-
ment unto the merchant and says: "The dates as many as are in my orchard take
for thy money," that merchant shall not consent; the owner of the orchard shall
take the dates that are in the orchard and the money and its interest according
to the tenor of his agreement he shall bring to the merchant. The remaining
dates from the orchard shall belong to the owner of the orchard.
As in Palestine, there was no system of rental; the Bible contains
almost no horticultural laws. "Orchards" in Babylonia were, as
the last section shows, date orchards. The corresponding fruit in
Palestine was the grape. Hebrew laws deal with vineyards as with
fields. If a man destroys the crop in another's vineyard, he is to
give the best of his own (E.xod. 22 : 5). He is to leave his crop
unpicked every seventh year for the poor (Exod. 23 : 11). He is
not, when he gathers it, to glean it carefully, but leave some for the
1 At this point five columns of the pillar are erased. It is estimated that 35 sections of the laws
are thus lost. § 66 is added from a fragment found at Susa.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 321
poor (Lev. 19 : 10). When one goes into his neighbor's vineyard,
he may pick what he wishes to eat, but must carry nothing away.
Horticulture among the Hebrews was not so highly developed as in
Babylonia.
Five columns of writing have been erased after § 65 from the
column dn which the laws are written. This erasure was probably
made by the Elamite conqueror, who carried the column as a trophy
to Susa, in order to inscribe his own name on it, but unfortunately,
if that was the intention, it was never carried out. We are accord-
ingly in ignorance of his name. It is estimated that 35 sections of
laws were thus lost. As already noted, one can be supplied from a
fragment found at Susa, and from other tablets fragments of two or
three other sections can be made out. One of these incomplete
fragments refers to the rights of tenants of houses. It reads:
[If] a man rents a house for money, and pays the whole rent for a year to the
owner of the house, and the owner of the house orders that man to vacate
before the expiration of his lease, the owner of the house from the money that he
received shall
Unfortunately, the tablet is broken and the penalty for breaking
the lease is unknown. It is interesting to know that Babylonian
tenants were protected from avaricious landlords, even though
no parallel law exists in the Old Testament.
Two other sections of laws that once stood in this lacuna can now
be supplied from a considerably defaced tablet from Nippur in the
University Museum in Philadelphia, which once contained a part or
all of the code of Hammurapi. These sections are as follows:
A Bankrupt Law^
If a man borrows grain or money from a merchant and for the payment has
no grain or money, whatever is in his hand he shall in the presence of the elders
give to the merchant in place of the debt; the merchant shall not refuse it; he
shall receive it.
A Partnership Law^
If a man gives money to a man for a partnership, the gain and profit that
accrue are before the gods; together they shall do business.
The phrase "before the gods" means that the division shall be
made on oath. Commercial life was not suifficiently developed
I Translated from Poebel. Eistorkal and. Grammatical Texts, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 93, col. ii.
* Translated from ibid., col. iii.
322 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
among the Hebrews so that they needed such a law, consequently
the Pentateuch contains no parallel to this.
After the erasure of five columns the laws have to do with agents
or travehng salesmen.
Agents and Merchants
§ 100. [If an agent has received money from a merchant, he shall write down
the amount and the amount of] the interest on the money, and, when the time
has expired, he shall repay the merchant as much as he has received.
§ 101. If where he goes he does not meet with success, the agent shall double
the amount of the money he received and return it to the merchant.
§ 102. If a merchant gives money to an agent as a favor, and where he goes he
meets with misfortune, he shall restore the principal unto the merchant.
§ 103. If on the road as he travels an enemy robs him of anything he carries,
the agent shall give an account of it under oath and shall be innocent.
§ 104. If a merchant has given to an agent grain, wool, or oil, or anything
whatever to sell, the agent shall write down the price and shall return the money
to the merchant. The agent shall take a receipt for the money which he gives
to the merchant.
§ 105. If the agent is careless and does not take a receipt for the money he
gave the merchant, money not receipted for shall not be placed to his account.
§ 106. If an agent receives money from a merchant and has a dispute with his
merchant about it, that merchant shall put the agent on trial on oath before the
elders concerning the money he received and the agent shall pay the merchant
three times as much as he received.
§ 107. If a merchant lends to an agent and the agent returns to the merchant
whatever the merchant had given him, if the merchant has a dispute with him
about it, that agent shall put the merchant on trial on oath in the presence of the
elders, and the merchant, because he had a dispute with his agent, whatever he
received he shall give to the agent six times as much.
The Hebrews of the Old Testament time were not a commercial
people and had no such laws. Men today are inclined to think that
the drummer, or traveling salesman, is a modern invention, but
these laws show that he was an old institution in Babylonia four
thousand years ago.
Wine Merchants
§ 108. If a woman who keeps a wine-shop does not receive grain as the price
of drink, but takes money of greater value, or makes the measure of drink smaller
than the measure of grain, that mistress of a wine-shop they shall put on trial and
into the water shall throw her.
§ 109. If the mistress of a wine-shop collects criminals in her house, and does
not seize these criminals and conduct them to the palace, that mistress of a
wine-shop shall be jiut to death.
§ 110. If the wife of a god (i. e., a consecrated temple-woman), who is not
living in the house appointed, opens a wine-shop or enters a wine-shop for a
drink, they shall burn that woman.
§ 111. If the mistress of a wine-shop gives 60 Qa of ^a^awj'-plant drink on
credit at the time of harvest, she shall receive 50 Qa of grain.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 323
The Old Testament affords no parallel. There were no wine-
shops in Israel so far as we know, and such consecrated women were
prohibited by Deut. 23 ; 17.
Deposits and Distraints
§ 1 12. If a man continually traveling has given silver, gold, precious stones, or
property to a man and has brought them to him for transportation, and that
man does not deliver that which was for transportation at the place to which it
was to be transported, but has appropriated it, the owner of the transported
goods shall put that man on trial concerning that which was to be transported
and was not delivered, and that man shall deliver unto the owner of the trans-
ported goods five times as much as was entrusted to him.
§ 113. If a man has grain or money deposited with a man and without the
consent of the owner he takes grain from the heap or the granary, they shall
prosecute that man because he took grain from the heap or the granary without
the consent of the owner, and the grain as much as he took he shall return, and
whatever it was he shall forfeit an equal amount.
§ 1 14. If a man does not have against a man [a claim] for grain or money
and secures a warrant against him for debt, for each warrant he shall pay ^ of a
mana of money.
§ 1 15. If a man holds against a man [a claim] for grain or money and secures
a warrant against him for debt and the debtor dies through his fate in the house
of the creditor, that case has no penalty.
§ 116. If the debtor dies through violence or lack of care, the owner of the
debtor shall prosecute the merchant; if it was the son of a man, his son shall be
put to death; if the slave of a man, he shall pay | of a mana of money, and what-
ever [the debt] was, he shall forfeit as much.
Among the Hebrews, as among other ancient peoples, the poor
at times deposited their valuables with the more powerful for safe-
keeping. This was natural before the invention of banks and safe
deposit vaults.
The Hebrew law in Exod. 22 : 7-10 provides that if goods are
given to another man to keep and are stolen out of his house, the
thief should, if found, restore double the amount taken. If the
thief was not found, the owner of the house should be brought
to God (so American R. V.)\ i. e., to the temple, where in some way
(probably by lot) it was determined whether he was guilty. If
guilty, the owner of the house had to restore twofold.
Somewhat parallel to the Babylonian laws which permit the
imprisonment of a debtor in one's house is the Hebrew law that a
poor debtor might become a slave for six years (Exod. 21 : 2-6;
Deut. 15 : 7-18). The Old Testament laws are not quite uniform.
In reality it is only that of Deuteronomy which contemplates
slavery in consequence of indebtedness; Exodus speaks as though
» The translation, "be brought to the judges," has no warrant in the Hebrew.
324 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the slave might not be bought in any way. The important point
is that in Babylonia a man might be imprisoned for debt; in Israel
he might become a temporary slave.
As to the deposit of valuable property with a creditor for security,
the Hebrew law, while it shows that there were other kinds of
pledges (Deut. 24 : 10, ff.), mentions but one kind. This was in
the case of a man so poor that he had .to give his outer garment as
security. The law provided that this should be returned to him at
night, since the poor peasants had no other blankets than these
garments. A hard-hearted creditor might, by keepmg the garment
at night, risk the life of the debtor (Exod. 22 : 26, 27; Deut. 24 :
11-13).
Debts
§ 1 17. If a man is subjected to an attachment for debt and sells his wife, son,
or daughter, or they are given over to service, for three years they shall work in
the house of their purchaser or temporary master; in the fourth year they shall be
set free.
§ 1 18. If he binds to service a male or a female slave, and the merchant trans-
fers or sells him, he can establish no claim.
§ 119. If a man is subjected to an attachment for debt and sells a maid-
servant who has borne him children, the owner of the maid-servant shall pay
and shall release his maid-servant.
These laws are quite similar to Exod. 21 : 2-11 and. Deut. 15 :
12-18.
The main differences are that the Hebrew law contemplates that
a man may enter slavery himself; the Babylonian only that he shall
permit his wife, son, or daughter to do it. The Hebrews released
such slaves at the end of six years ;^ the Babylonians at the end of
three. Hebrew law recognized, too, that a man might sell his
daughter into slavery (Exod. 21 : 7-11), but it stipulated that her
treatment should be different from that of men. It recognizes that
either her master or his son would be likely to make her a real or a
secondary wife. She was not to be released at the end of seven
years, but in case her master did not deal with her in certain speci-
fied ways she regained her freedom regardless of her period of
service.
storage of Grain
§ 120. If a man has stored his grain in heaps in the building of another and an
accident happens in the granary, or the owner of the building has disturbed the
' Since Deut. 15 : 18 says that such a slave has served "double the hire of a hirclinj;, " Dr. Johns
thinks that it betrays a knowledge of the Babylonian three-year regulation. This seems, however,
quite problematical.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 325
heap and taken grain, or has disputed the amount of grain that was stored in his
building, the owner of the grain shall give an account of his grain under oath, the
owner of the building shall double the amount of grain which he took and
restore it to the owner of the grain.
§ 121. If a man stores grain in a man's building, he shall pay each year 5 Qa
of grain for each Giir of grain.
These laws have no Biblical parallel.
Deposits and Losses
§ 122. If a man gives to another on deposit silver or gold or anything what-
ever, anything as much as he deposits he shall recount to witnesses and shall
institute contracts and make the deposit.
§ 123. If without witnesses and contracts he has placed anything on deposit
and at the place of deposit they dispute it, that case has no penalty.
§ 124. If a man gives to another on deposit silver or gold or anything what-
ever in the presence of witnesses and he disputes it, he shall prosecute that man
and he shall double whatever he disputed and shall repay it.
§ 125. If a man places anything on deposit and at the place of deposit either
through burglary or pillage anything of his is lost, together with anything be-
longing to the owner of the building, the owner of the building who was negligent
and lost what was given him on deposit shall make it good and restore it to the
owner of the goods. The owner of the house shall institute a search for what-
ever was lost and take it from the thief.
§ 126. If a man has not lost anything, but says he has lost something, or files
a claim as though he had lost something, he shall give account of his claim on
oath, and whatever he brought suit for he shall double and shall give for his
claim.
There is no mention in the laws of the Old Testament of this
kind of deposit, though, as already noted, it probably was some-
times practised.
Against Slandering Women
§ 127. If a man causes the finger to be pointed at the woman of a god or the
wife of a man and cannot prove it, they shall bring him before the judges and they
shall brand his forehead.
The nearest parallel to this in the Old Testament is in Deut.
22 : 13-21, which is really quite a different law, for it applies only
to cases where men, when just married, slander their wives by
charging them with previous impurity. The Hebrew law provides
a method of trial, a punishment for the man, if guilty, and a much
severer one for the woman, if the charge is true. The two codes
belong to quite a different legal development, as is shown by the
fact that the Babylonian law refers to "a woman of a god," i. e., one
of the temple-women who, under certain religious rules, repre-
sented in a concrete way the procreative power of the god.
326 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
This code recognizes several classes of these, as will appear later,
but Hebrew law forbade the existence of such women in Israel
(Deut. 23 : 17).
Chastity, Marriage, and Divorce
§ 128. If a man takes a wife and does not execute contracts for her, that
woman is no wife.
§ 129. If the wife of a man is caught lying with another man, they shall bind
them and throw them into the water. If the husband of the woman would let
her live, or the king would let his subject live, he may do so.
§ 130. If a man forces the betrothed wife of another who is living in her
father's house and has not known a man, and lies in her loins and they catch
him, that man shall be put to death and that woman shall go free.
§ 131. If the wife of a man is accused by her husband, and she has not been
caught lying with another man, she shall swear her innocence and return to her
house.
§ 132. If the finger has been pointed at the wife of a man because of another
man and she has not been caught lying with the other man, for her husband's
sake she shall plunge into the sacred river.
§ 133. If a man is taken captive and there is food in his house, his wife shall
not go out from his house, her body she shall guard, into the house of another she
shall not enter. If that woman "does not guard her body and enters into the
house of another, that woman they shall prosecute and throw her into the water.
§ 134. If a man is taken captive and in his house there is no food, and his
wife enters into the house of another, that woman is not to blame.
§ 135. If a man is taken captive and there is no food in his house and his
wife has openly entered into the house of another and borne children, and
afterwards her husband returns and reaches his city, that woman shall return
to her husband and the children shall follow their father.
§ 136. If a man deserts his city and flees and after it his wife enters mto the
house of another, if that man returns and would take his wife, because he de-
serted his city and fled, the wife of the fugitive shall not return to the house of
her husband.
§ 137. If a man sets his face against a concubine who has borne him children
or a wife that has presented him with children, to put her away, he shall return
to that woman her marriage portion, and shall give her the income of field, gar-
den, and house, and she shall bring up her children. From the time that her
children are grown, from whatever is given to her children, a portion like that of
a son shall be given to her, and the husband of her choice she may niarry._
§ 138. If a man would put away his spouse who has not borne him children,
he shall give her silver equal to her marriage gift, and the dowry which she
brought from her father's house he shall restore to her and niay put her away.
§ 139. If she had no dowry, he shall give her one mana of silver for a divorce.
§ 140. If he belongs to the laboring class, he shall give her one-third of a
mana of silver. , . j t
§ 141. If the wife of a man who is living in the house of her husband sets her
face to go out and act the fool, her house neglects and her husband belittles, they
shall prosecute that woman. If her husband says: "I divorce her," he may
divorce her. On her departure nothing shall be given her for her divorce. If
her husband does not say: "I divorce her," her husband may take anotherwife;
that woman shall dwell as a slave in the house of her husband.
§ 142. If a woman hates her husband and says: "Thou shalt not hold me,"
they shall make investigation concerning her into her defects. If she has been
discreet and there is no fault, and her husband has gone out and greatl>- be-
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 327
littled her, that woman has no blame; she may take her marriage-portion and go
to her father's house.
§ 143. If she has not been discreet, and has gone out and neglected her house
and belittled her husband, they shall throw that woman into the water.
§ 144. If a man takes a priestess and that priestess gives a female slave to
her husband, and she has children; if that man sets his face to take a concubine,
they shall not favor that man. He may not take a concubine.
§ 145. If a man takes a priestess and she does not present him with
children and he sets his face to take a concubine, that man may take a
concubine and bring her into his house. That concubine shall not rank with
the wife.
§ 146. If a man takes a priestess and she gives to her husband a maid-servant
and she bears children, and afterward that maid-servant would take rank with
her mistress; because she has borne children her mistress may not sell her for
money, but she may reduce her to bondage and count her among the female
slaves.
§ 147. If she has not borne children, her mistress may sell her for money.
§ 148. If a man takes a wife and she is attacked by disease, and he sets his
face to take another, he may do it. His wife who was attacked by disease he
may not divorce. She shall live in the house he has built and he shall support
her as long as she lives.
§ 149. If that woman does not choose to live in the house of her husband, he
shall make good to her the dowry which she brought from her father's house
and she may go away.
§ 150. If a man presents his wife with field, garden, house, or goods, and gives
to her sealed deeds, after her husband's death her children shall not press a
claim against her. The mother after her death may leave it to her>child whom
she loves, but to a brother she may not leave it.
§ 151. If a wife who is living in the house of a husband has persuaded her
husband and he has bound himself that she shall not be taken by a creditor of
her husband; if that man had a debt against him before he took that woman, the
creditor may not hold that woman, and if that woman had a debt against her
before she entered the house of her husband, her creditor may not hold her
husband.
§ 152. If they become indebted after the woman enters the man's house,
both of them are liable to the merchant.
§ 153. If a woman causes the death of her husband on account of another
man, that woman they shall impale.
§ 154. If a man has known his daughter, the city shall drive out that man.
§ 153. If a man has betrothed a bride to his son and his son has known her
and he afterward lies in her loins and they catch him, they shall bind that man
and throw him into the water.
§ 156. If a man has betrothed a bride to his son and his son has not known
her and he lies in her loins, he shall pay her half a mana of silver and restore to
her whatever she brought from the house of her father, and the man of her
choice may marry her.
§ 157. If a man after his father's death lies in the loins of his mother, they
shall burn both of them.
§ 158. If a man after his father's death is admitted to the loins of his chief
wife who has borne children, that man shall be expelled from the house of bis
father.
§ 1 59. If a man who has brought a present unto the house of his father-in-law
and has given a bride-price looks with longing upon another woman, and says
to his father-in-law: "Thy daughter I will not take," the father of the daughter
shall keep whatever was brought to him.
328 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
§ 160. If a man brings a present to the house of a father-in-law and gives a
bride-price, and the father of the daughter says: "I will not give thee my
daughter," whatever was brought him he shall double and restore it.
§ 161. If a man brings a present to the house of his father-in-law and gives
a bride-price, and his neighbor slanders him, and the father says to the groom:
"Thou shalt not take my daughter," whatever was brought he shall double
and restore to him.
These Babylonian laws present numerous points of contact and
of divergence, when compared with the Biblical laws on the same
subject. There is no Biblical parallel to § 128. The law (§ 129)
which imposes the death penalty upon a man who commits adultery
with another man's wife and upon the woman, finds an exact parallel
in Lev. 20 : 10 and Deut. 22 : 22, though the Biblical law, unlike
the Babylonian, provides no way in which clemency could be ex-
tended to the offenders.
The laws in §§ 130, 156, concerning the violation of betrothed
virgins, are in a general way paralleled by Lev. 19 : 20-22 and
Deut. 22 : 23-26, though there are such differences that, while the
underlying principles are the same, it is clear that there was entire
independence of development. A religious element enters into
Leviticus that is entirely absent from the Babylonian code. The
Bible contains two laws on this subject that are without parallel in
the Babylonian code. These are found in Exod. 22 : 16, 17 and
Deut. 22 : 28, 29, and impose penalties for the violation of virgins
who were not betrothed. In both codes the principle is manifest
that the loss of a girl's honor was to be compensated by money,
though Deut. 22 : 28, 29 recognizes that it has a value that money
cannot buy.
The laws relating to a wife whose fidelity is suspected (§§ 131,
132) find a general parallel in Num. 5 : 11-28. The provision at
the end of § 132 that the wife should plunge into the sacred river
is in the nature of trial by ordeal. The law in Numbers imposes
on such a woman trial by ordeal, though it is of a different sort.
She must drink water in which dust from the floor of the sanctuary
is mingled — dust surcharged with divine potency — and if she does
not swell up and die, she is counted innocent.
The laws which provide that a wife may present her husband
with a slave-girl as a concubine (§§ 137, 144-147) are without paral-
lel in the Biblical codes, but arc strikingly illustrated by the patri-
archal narratives. Sarah gave Hagar to Abraham (Gen. 16);
Rachel and Leah gave Bilhah and Zilpah to Jacob (Gen. 30 : 1-13).
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 329
The law (§ 146) which deals with such a slave-girl who would rank
with her mistress is closely parallel to the story of the treatment of
Hagar in Gen. 16 : 5-7 and 21 : 9, 10.
The laws on divorce (§§ 138-141) are really in advance of the one
Biblical law on the subject (Deut. 24 : 1-4). The law in Deuter-
onomy permits a husband to put away a wife, who in any way
does not please him, without alimony, while to the wife no privilege
of initiating divorce proceedings is granted at all. The Babylonian
laws secure to the divorced woman a maintenance, and, while by
no means according her equal rights with the man, provide (§ 142)
that she may herself initiate the proceedings for divorce. The or-
deal must have been an unpleasant one, but in Israel's law a woman
had no such rights.^
The law concerning adultery with a daughter-in-law (§ 155) is
identical in purpose and severity with Lev. 20 : 12. The laws in
§§ 157, 158, which prohibit immorality wdth one's mother or the
chief wife of one's father, just touch upon the great subject of
incest and the prohibited degrees of marriage which are treated at
considerable length in Lev. 18 :6-18; 20 : 11, 19-21, and Deut.
22 : 30. The Babylonian laws touch but two specific cases, which
may be said to be covered by Deut. 22 : 30, while the laws of
Leviticus treat the whole subject of the prohibited degrees of mar-
riage in a broad and comprehensive way. The main idea pervading
Leviticus is holiness. Israel is to be kept free from the pollution
of incest in any form. The religious motive exhibited here is
foreign to the Babylonian code.
Inheritance
§ 162. It a man takes a wife and she bears him children and that woman
dies, her father may not lay claim to her dowry. Her dowry belongs to her
children.
§ 163. If a man takes a wife and she does not present him with children and
that woman dies; if his father-in-law returns unto him the marriage-settlement,
which that man brought to the house of the father-in-law, unto the dowry of that
woman her husband may not lay claim. Her dowry belongs to the house of her
father.
§ 164. But if his father-in-law does not return the marriage-settlement unto
him, he shall deduct from her dowry the amount of the marriage-settlement, and
then return the dowry to the house of her father.
1 In a marriage contract on a papyrus from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in Egypt,
written in the fifth century b. c, it is provided that the wife may institute divorce proceed-
ings on an equality with the husband. Some Jewish women thus secured by contract that
which the law did not grant them. Christ assumed such cases among Palestinian women; see
Mark 10 : 12.
330 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
§ 165. If a man has presented to his son, the first in his eyes, field, garden,
or house, and written for him a sealed deed, and afterward the father dies;
when the brothers divide, he shall take the present which his father gave
him, and over and above they shall divide the goods of the father's house
equally.
§ 166. If a man takes wives for the sons which he possesses, but has not taken
a wife for his youngest son, and afterward the father dies; when the brothers
divide, for their younger brother who does not have a wife they shall present
over and above his portion money for a marriage-settlement, and shall enable
him to take a wife.
§ 167. If a man takes a wife and she bears him children and that woman
dies, and after her he takes a second and she bears him children, after the father
dies, the children shall not share according to their mothers. They shall receive
the dowries of their respective mothers, and the goods of their father's house they
shall share equally.
§ 168. If a man has set his face to cut off his son, and says to the judges: "I
will cut off my son," the Judges shall make investigation concerning him; if
the son has not committed a grave crime which cuts off from sonship, the father
may not cut oil his son from sonship.
§ 169. If he has committed against his father a grave crime which cuts off
from sonship, he shall pardon him for the first offense. If he commits a grave
crime the second time, the father may cut off his son from sonship.
§ 170. If a man's wife bears him children and a slave-girl bears him children,
and the father during his lifetime says to the children which the slave-girl bore
him: "My children," and counts them with the children of the wife, after the
father dies the children of the wife and the children of the slave-girl shall divide
equally the goods of their father's house. The sons that are sons of the wife
shall at the sharing divide and take.
§ 171. But if the father during his lifetime has not said unto the children
which the slave-girl bore him: "My children," after the father dies the children
of the slave-girl shall not share with the children of the wife. The slave-girl
and her children shall be given their freedom; the children of the wife may hot
put a. claim upon the children of the slave-girl for service. The wife shall
receive her dowry and a gift which her husband gav^e her and wrote upon a tablet
and may dwell in the dwelling of her husband as long as she lives and eat. She
may not sell it. After her it belongs to her children.
§ 172. If her husband has not given her a gift, they shall restore to her her
dowry and she shall receive from the goods of the house of her husband the
portion of one son. If the children abuse her in order to drive her from the
house, the judges shall investigate concerning her and if they find the children
in the wrong, that woman shall not go from the house of her husband. If that
woman sets her face to go out, she shall leave with her children the gift which her
husband gave her; the dowry from the house of her father she shall receive and
the husband of her choice may take her.
§ 173. If that woman, where she has entered, bears children to her later
husband, after that woman dies the children of her first and her later husband
shall share her dowry.
§ 174. If she did not bear children to her later husband, the children of her
first husband shall receive her dowry.
§ 175. If a slave of the palace or the slave of a workingman takes the daughter
of a patrician and she bears children, the owner of the slave shall have no claim
for service on the children of the daughter of a patrician.
§ 176. But if a slave of the palace or the slave of a workingman takes the
daughter of a patrician, and when he takes her she enters together with the
dowry from her father's house into the house of the slave of the palace or the
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 331
slave of the workingman; if after they are united they build a house and acquire
property and afterward the slave of the pailice or the skive of the workingman
dies, the daughter of the patrician shall receive her dowry and they shall divide
into two parts whatever her husband and herself had accjuired after their union.
Half the owner of the slave shall take, and the daughter of the patrician shall
receive half for her children. If the daughter of the patrician had no dowry,
whatever her husband and herself had acquired after their union they shall
divide into two parts. The owner of the slave shall take half and the daughter
of the patrician shall receive half for her children.
§ 177. If a widow whose children are minors sets her face to enter the house
of a second husband, she shall not do it without the consent of the judges. When
she enters the house of a second husband, the Judges shall inquire into the estate
of her former husband, and the estate of the former husband they shall entrust
to the second husband and to that woman, and shall cause them to leave a tablet
(receipt). The estate they shall guard and rear the minors. The household
goods they may not sell. The purchaser of household goods belonging to the
children of a widow shall forfeit his money. The goods shall revert to their
owners.
§ 178. If there is a wife of a god, priestess, or sacred harlot, whose father has
given her a dowry and written her a record of gift, and in the record of gift he
has not written, "after her she may give it to whomsoever she pleases," and has
not given her full discretion; after her father dies her brothers shall take her
field and garden, and according to the value of her share they shall give her grain,
oil, and wool,. and shall content her heart. If her brothers shall not give her
grain, oil, and wool, according to the value of her share, and shall not content
her heart, she may let her field and garden unto any tenant she pleases and her
tenant shall maintain her. Her field, garden, or whatever her father gave her
she may enjoy as long as she lives. She may not sell it for money or transfer it
to another. Her heritage belongs to her" brothers.
§ 179. If there is a wife of a god, priestess, or sacred harlot, whose father
has given her a dowry and written a record of gift; and in the record of gift he
has written, "after her she may give it to whomsoever she pleases," and has
granted .her full discretion; after her father dies sher may give it after her to
whomsoever she pleases. Her brothers have no^claim upon her.
§ 180. If a father does not give a dowry to his daughter, a priestess living in
the appointed house, or a sacred harlot, after the father dies she shall receive
from the^goods of her father's house the same share as one son, and as long as she
lives she shall enjoy it. After her it belongs to her brothers.
§ 181. If the father of a priestess, sacred harlot, or temple maiden gives her
to a god and does not give her a dowry, after the father dies she shall receive
from the goods of her father's house a third of, the portion of a son and shall en-
joy it as long as she lives. After her it belongs to her brothers.
§ 182. If a father does not give a dowry to his daughter, a priestess of Marduk
of Babylon, and does not write a record of gift for'her; after her father dies she
shall receive from the goods of her father's house one-third of the portion of a
son, and shall pay no ta.x. A priestess of Marduk after her death may leave it to
whomsoever she pleases.
§ 183. If a father presents a dowry to his daughter who is a concubine, and
gives her to a husband and writes a record of gift; after the father dies she shall
not share in the goods of her father's house.
§ 184. If a father does not present a dowry to his daughter who is a concu-
bine and does not give her to a husband; after her father's death her brothers
shall give her a dowry according to the value of the father's estate and shall give
her to a husband.
332 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
In comparison with these Babylonian laws of inheritance those
in the Old Testament are comparatively simple. We learn from
Deut. 21 : 15-17, that a man's firstborn son received a "double
portion" of his father's estate, i. e., twice as much as any other son.
The inference is that the«other sons shared equally. This law also
provides that, when a man has two wives, the sons of the favorite
wife shall have no advantage as to inheritance over the sons of the
less loved wife. In Num. 27 : 8-11 it is provided that if a man has
no son, his estate {i. e., real estate) may go to his daughter; if he
has no daughter, it may go to his brothers; if no brothers, it goes to
his father's brothers. If his father has no brothers, the estate
is to go to the next of kin. In Num. 36 : 2-12 the law that a
daughter may inherit her father's estate is supplemented by the
provision that such a daughter must marry within the tribe, so
that the landed property may not in the next generation pass out
of the tribe.
Such were the Hebrew laws of inheritance. They apply to a
much less complexly organized society than the Babylonian.
§§ 168, 169 of Hammurapi's code deal with the cutting off of a
son. This is paralleled in Deut. 21 : 18-21, though punishment
inflicted by the law in Deuteronomy is quite different from the
Babylonian, since the Hebrew boy, whose parents have proved him
before the elders to be unworthy of sonship, was not cast out and
sent away, but stoned to death. Another form of this law appears
in Exod. 21 : 17.
Adoption
§ 1 85. If a man takes a young child in his name unto sonship "and brings
him up, one may not bring a claim for that adopted son.
§ 186. If a man takes a j'oung child unto sonship, and when he has taken him
he rebels against his [adopted] father and mother, that foster-child shall return
to his father's house.
§ 187. One may not bring claim for the son of a temple-servant, a palace
guard, or of a sacred harlot.
§ 188. If an artisan takes a son to sonship and teaches him his handicraft, one
may not bring claim for him.
§ 189. If he does not teach him his handicraft, that foster-son may return to
the house of his father.
§ 190. If a man does not count among his sons a young child whom he has
taken to sonship and reared, that foster-child may return to his father's house.
§ 191. If a man who takes a young child to sonship and rears him and estab-
lishes a house and acquires children, afterward sets his face to cut off that foster-
son, that son shall not go his way. The father who reared him shall give him
from his goods one-third the share of a son and he shall go. From field, garden,
or house, he shall not give him.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 333
In the codes of the Old Testament there are no laws of adoption.
The story of the adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh by Jacob in
Gen. 48 shows that the idea was not unknown to the Hebrews,
among whom the ceremony of adoption would seem to have con-
sisted of the act of acknowledging the children as one's own by
placing one's hands on their heads and giving them a paternal
blessing.
Renunciation of Sonship
§ 192. If the son of a temple-servant or the son of a sacred harlot says to the
father that brought him up or to the mother that brought hun up, "Thou art not
my father," or, "Thou art not my mother," they shall cut out his tongue.
§ 193. If the son of a temple-servant or the son of a sacred harlot has identi-
fied his father's house and hated the father who brought him up or the mother
who brought him up and goes back to his father's house, they shall pluck out his
eye.
The Old Testament has no laws with which to compare these.
The two classes of persons whose children are mentioned were
banished from Israel by Deut. 23 : 17, 18.
Wet-nurses or Foster-mothers
§ 194. If a man gives his son unto a nurse and his son dies in the hands of
the nurse and the nurse substitutes another child without the consent of the
father or the mother, they shall prosecute her; because she substituted another
child without the consent of his father or his mother they shall cut off her breast.
This law also is without Biblical parallel.
Assault and Battery
§ 195. If a son strikes his father, they shall cut ofif his hand.
§ 196. If a man destroys the eye of the son of a patrician, they shall destroy
his eye.
§ 197. If he breaks a man's bone, they shall break his bone.
§ 198. If one destroys the eye of a workingman or breaks the bone of a
workingman, he shall pay 1 mana of silver.
§ 199. If one destroys the eye of a man's slave or breaks the bone of a man's
slave, he shall pay half his value.
§ 200. If a man knocks out the tooth of a man of his own rank, they shall
knock his tooth out.
§ 201. If one knocks out the tooth of a workingman, he shall pay 5 of a mana
of silver.
§ 202. If a man shall strike the private-parts of a man who is of higher rank
than he, he shall receive sixty blows with an ox-hide scourge in the assembly.
§ 203. If a patrician strikes the private-parts of a patrician of his own rank,
he shall pay 1 mana of silver.
§ 204. If a workingman strikes the private-parts of a workingman, he shall
pay 10 shekels of silver.
§ 205. If the slave of a patrician strikes the private-parts of the son of a
patrician, they shall cut off his ear.
334 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
§ 206. If a man strikes a man in a quarrel and wounds him, he shall swear,
"I did not strike with intent," and shall pay for the physician.
§ 207. If from the stroke he dies, he shall swear [as above], and if it was a
patrician, he shall pay i mana of silver.
§ 208. If it was a workingman. he shall pay § of a mana of silver.
§ 209. If a man strikes a man's daughter and causes a miscarriage, he shall
pay 10 shekels of silver for her miscarriage.
§ 210. If that woman dies, they shall put his daughter to death.
§ 211. If through a stroke one causes a miscarriage of the daughter of a
workingman, he shaU pay 5 shekels of sUver.
§ 212. If that woman dies, he shall pay | mana of silver.
§ 213. If one strikes the slave-girl of a man and causes a miscarriage, he shall
pay 2 shekels of silver.
§ 214. If that slave-girl dies, he shall pay ^ of a mana of sUver.
These laws are strikingly parallel to Exod. 21 : 18-27, to which
Exod. 21 : 12-14 should be prefixed. The Babylonian code, like
the Hebrew, imposes the death penalty for wilful murder. Both
codes provide that one who is an accidental homicide shall escape
the penalty, but they do it in different ways. Hammurapi pro-
vides that the killer may take an oath that he did it without intent
to kill. Exod. 21 : 13, 14 provides that the homicide may find
sanctuary at the altar of God. In place of this Deut. 19 : 4, &.,
provides that he may flee to a city of refuge.
If a man injures another m a fight, the Bible (Exod. 21 : 18, 19)
provides that' he shall pay for the lost time and, as does Hammu-
rapi, the cost of healing the injured man. Exod. 21 : 22 provides, as
does Hammurapi, for the pa}Tnent of a fine for causing a woman to
miscarry, but Exodus does not, like the Babylonian code, ILx the
amount of the damage; that is left to the judges. In the laws con-
cerning the injury of slaves the two codes differ. Exodus provides
(21 : 20, 21, 26, 27) for cases in which owTiers injure or kill their
own slaves; Hammurapi, for cases in which the injury is done by
others. A mere reading of the penalties imposed by the parts of the
Babylonian code translated above impresses vividly upon the mind
the fact that underlying many of them is the principle so forcibly
expressed in E.xod. 21 : 21-25: "life for life, eye for eye, tooth for
tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for
wound, stripe for stripe." The details of application are different,
but the principle is the same. Many of the differences were caused
by the more complex nature of Babylonian society, in which three
classes, patricians, workingmen (or semi-serfs), and slaves, existed.
Hebrew law recognizes but two classes — freemen and slaves.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 335
Physicians
§ 215. If a physician operates upon a man for a severe wound with a bronze
lancet and saves the man's life, or if he operates for cataract with a bronze lancet
and saves the man's eye, he shall receive 10 shekels of silver.
§ 216. If it is a workingman, he shall receive 5 shekels of silver.
I 217. If it is a man's slave, the owner of the slave shall give the physician 2
shekels of silver.
§ 218. If a physician operates upon a man with a bronze lancet for a severe
wound, and the man dies; or operates upon a man with a bronze lancet for
cataract and the man's eye is destroyed, they shall cut off his hand.
§ 219. If a physician operates with a bronze lancet upon the slave of a work-
ingman and causes his death, he shall restore a slave, of equal value.
§ 220. If he_ operates for cataract with a bronze lancet and destroys his eye,
he shall pay | his price.
§ 221. If a physician sets a broken bone for a man or has cured of sickness
inflamed flesh, the patient shall pay 5 shekels of silver to the physician.
§ 222. If he is a workingman, he shall give 3 sliekels of silver.
§ 223. If he is the slave of a. patrician, the owner of the slave shall give 3
shekels of silver to the physician.
§ 224. If an ox-doctor or an ass-doctor treats an ox or an ass for a severe
wound and saves its.Ufe, the owner of the ox or tlie ass shall pay to the physician
^ of a shekel of silver as his fee.
§ 225. If he operates upon an ox or an ass for a severe wound and it dies, he
shall give unto the owner of the ox or the ass | of its value.
These laws about physicians have no parallel in the Old Testa-
ment, the laws of which did not. take account of the existence of
doctors. They are of interest, since they show the antiquity of
physicians in Babylonia, not only for men, but for animals. They
also reveal the fact that the practice of medicine in Babylonia was
attended by some risks !
Herodotus (I, 197) declares that the Babylonians had no physi-
cians, but brought their sick out into the streets and asked of each
passer-by whether he had had a like sickness and what he had done
for it. Possibly, as among ourselves, there were many who did not
wish to incur the expense of a doctor, and who did as Herodotus
reports, but these laws, and the existence of physicians at Nineveh
at the time of the later Assyrian kings, make it probable that
Herodotus was wrong as to their non-existence at Babylon in his
day.
Laws of Branding
§ 226. If a brander without the consent of the owner of a slavse cuts a mark
on a slave, making him unsalable, they shall cut off the hands of that brander.
§ 227. If a man deceives a brander and he brands a slave with a mark, making
him unsalable, they shall put that man to death and cause him to perish in the
gate of his house. The brander shall swear: "I did not brand hun knowingly"
and shall go free.
336 ARCH.EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
These laws have no parallel in the Old Testament. Evidently the
simpler organization of Hebrew society made them unnecessary.
Responsibility of House-builders
§ 228. If a builder builds a house for a man and completes it, he shall give
him as his wages 2 shekels of silver for each Shar of house.
§ 229. If a builder builds a house for a man and does not make its work
strong and the house which he made falls and causes the death of the owner of
the house, that builder shall be put to death.
§ 230. If it causes the death of the son of the owner, the son of that builder
shall be put to death.
§ 231. If it causes the death of a slave of the owner of the house, a slave like
the slave he shall give to the owner of the house.
§ 232. If it destroys property, he shall restore whatever was destroyed, and
because he did not build the house strong and it fell, he shall rebiiiid the house
that fell from his own property.
§ 233. If a builder builds a house for a man and does not make his work
strong and a wall falls, that builder shall strengthen that wall at his own expense.
These laws have no parallel in the Bible. Among the agricul-
tural population of Palestine builders were not a separate class.
The penalties inflicted by the Babylonian code were severe, and yet,
if modern legislators w^ould put upon the house-builders of our time
a similar responsibility for good work, fewer lives would be sacri-
ficed by falling buildings.
Responsibility of Boatmen
§ 234. If a boatman builds a boat of 60 Gur for a man, he shall give him 2
shekels of silver as his wages.
§ 235. If a boatman builds a boat for a man and does not make his work
sound and in that year the boat is sent on a voyage and meets with disaster, that
boatman shall repair that boat and from his own goods shall make it strong and
shall give the boat in sound condition to the owner of the boat.
§ 236. If a man gives his boat to a boatman for hire and the boatman is care-
less and sinks or wrecks the boat, the boatman shall restore a boat to the owner
of the boat.
§ 237. If a man hires a boatman and a boat and loads it with grain, wool,
oil, dates, or any other kind of freight, and that boatman is careless and sinks the
boat or destroys its freight, the boatman shall replace the boat and whatever
there was in it wliich he destroyed.
§ 238. If a boatman sinks adman's boat and re-floats it, he shall give money
for \ its value.
§ 239. If a man hires a boatman, he shall give him 6 Gur of grain a year.
The Hebrews were not a maritkne people, and had no such laws
as these or the following.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 337
The Collision of Ships
§ 240. If a boat that is floating downstream strikes a boat that is being
towed and sinks it, the owner of the boat that was sunk shall declare in the
presence of a god everything that was in that boat and [the owner] of the boat
floating downstream, which sunk the boat that was being towed, shall replace the
boat and whatever was lost.
There is, naturally, nothing similar to this in the Old Testament.
Laws Concerning Cattle
§ 241. If a man levies a distraint upon an o.x as security for debt, he shall
pay ^ of a mana of silver.
§ 242. If a man hires for a year, the wages of a working ox is 4 Gur of grain.
§ 243. The hire of a milch cow,i3 Gur of grain for a year he shall give.
§ 244. If a man hires an ox or an ass and a lion kills it in the field, the loss
falls on the owner.
§ 245. If a man hires an ox and causes its death through neglect or blows, he
shall restore to the owner an ox of equal value.
§ 246. If a man hires an ox and crushes its foot or cuts the cord of its neck,
he shall restore to the owner an ox of like value.
§ 247. If a man hires an ox and destroys its eye, he shall pay to the owner of
the ox money to ^ its value.
§ 248. If a man hires an ox and breaks off its horn, or cuts off its tail or injures
the flesh which holds the ring, money to | of its value he shall pay.
§ 249. If a man hires an ox and a god strikes it and it dies, the man who hires
the ox shall take an oath in the presence of a god and shall go free.
§ 250. If an ox when passing along the street gores a man and causes his
death, there is no penalty in that case.
§ 251. If the ox of a man has the habit of goring and they have informed him
of his fault and his horns he has not protected nor kept his ox in, and that ox
gores a man and causes his death, the owner of the ox shall pay | mana of money.
§252. If it is the slave of a man, he shall pay ^ of a mana of money.
§ 253. If a man hires a man and puts him over his field and furnishes him
with seed-grain and intrusts him with oxen and contracts with him to cultivate
the field, if that man steals the seed-grain or the crop and it is found in his
possession, they shall cut off his hands.
§ 254. If he takes the seed-grain, but enfeebles the cattle, from the grain
which he has cultivated he shall make restoration.
§ 255. If he shall let the cattle to a man for hire, or steal the seed-grain so
that there is no crop, they shall prosecute that man, and he shall pay 60 Gur
of grain for each Gan.
§ 256. If he is not able to meet his obligation, they shall tear him in pieces
in that field by means of the oxen.
The Biblical legislation corresponding to this is found in Exod.
21 : 28-35, but it covers only a portion of the cases of which the
Babylonian law treats. It provides that, if an ox gores a man or a
woman to death, the ox shall be stoned. If the ox was wont to
gore and the owner had not kept it in, but it had been permitted to
kill a man or a woman, the owner as well as the ox should be stoned.
At the discretion of the tribunal a fine or ransom might be laid on
338 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the owner. In case the ox gored a slave, the owner of the ox was to
pay 30 shekels of silver and the ox was to be stoned. If a man
opened a pit and a neighbor's ox oT ass fell into it, the digger of the
pit must make good the loss to the owner of the animal, and the
dead beast became the property of the digger of the pit. If one
man's ox killed the ox of another man, the two men were to sell
the live ox and divide the price. If it were known that the ox was
wont to gore in the past, and its owner had not kept it in, he was to
pay ox for ox, and the dead animal should be his.
It thus appears that the exigencies of Hebrew agricultural life
were different from those of Babylonia, and were naturally met in
different ways.
Wages of Laborers
§ 257. If a man hires a field-laborer, he shall pay him 8 Giir of grain per year.
§ 258. If a man hires a herdsman, he shall pay him 6 Gur of grain per year.
Hebrew law did not regulate wages.
On Stealing Farming-tools
§ 259. If a man steals a watering-machine from a field, he shall pay to the
owner of the watering-machine 5 shekels of silver.
§ 260. If a man steals a watering-bucket or a plow, he shall pay 3 shekels of
silver.
As the Hebrews did not systematically irrigate their land, the
Old Testament contains no similar laws.
Laws Concerning Shepherds
§ 261. If a man hires a herdsman to tend cattle or sheep, he shall pay him 8
Gur of grain per year.
§ 262. If a man, oxen, or sheep
(The rest is broken away.)
§ 263. If he loses an ox or a sheep that is intrusted to him, he shall restore
ox for ox and sheep for sheep.
§ 264. If a herdsman who has had cattle or sheep intrusted to him receives
his full pay and is satisfied, and he causes the cattle or the sheep to diminish in
number or lessens the birth-rate, he shall give increase and produce according
to his contracts.
§ 265. If a shepherd to whom cattle or sheep have been given to tend is dis-
honest and alters the price or sells them, they shall prosecute him, and he shall
restore to their owner 10 times the oxen or sheep which he stole.
§ 266. If in a fold there is a pestilence of a god, or a lion has slain, the shep-
herd shall before a god declare himself innocent, and the owner of the fold shall
bear the loss of the fold.
§ 267. If the shepherd is careless and causes a loss in the fold, the shepherd
shall make good in cattle or sheep the loss which he caused in the fold and shall
give them to the owner.
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 339
The nearest approach in the Old Testament to laws of this char-
acter is in Exod. 22 : 10-13, which provides that, if a man deliver to
his neighbor an ox, or ass, or sheep, or any beast to keep, and it
dies, or is injured or is carried off when no one sees the deed, the
oath of Jehovah shall be between them that the keeper has not put
his hand to his neighbor's goods. The owner was to accept this,
and no restitution was necessary. If the animals were stolen from
the keeper, he must make restitution. Jf they were torn m pieces
by beasts of prey, he must bring the pieces for witness, and need not
make restitution.
The same general principles of the lunits of responsibility under-
lay the two codes in these cases, though they differ in details. In
Israel the shepherdmg of the flocks and herds of other people was
not, as in Babylonia, a distinct occupation.
On Wages of Animals and Men
§ 268. If a man hires an ox for threshing, 20 Qa of grain is its hire.
§ 269. If he hires an ass for threshing, 10 Qa of grain is its hire.
§ 270. If he hires a kid for threshing, 1 Qa of grain is its hire.
§ 271. If he hires cattle, a wagon and a driver, he shall pay 180 Qa of grain
per day.
§ 272. If a man hires a wagon only, he shall pay 40 Qa of grain per day.
§ 273. If a man hires a field-laborer from the beginning of the year until the
fifth month, he shall pay him 6 She of silver per day; from the sixth month to the
end of the year, 5 SJie of silver per day he shall pay.
§ 274. If a man hires an artisan, he shall give per day as the wages of a
5 She; as the wages of a brick-maker, 5 She of money; as the«wages of a tailor, 5
She of silver; as the wages of a stone-cutter, She of silver; She
of silver; She of silver; of a carpenter, 4 She of silver;
as the wages of a 4 She of silver; as the wages of a She of silver;
the wages of a builder, She of silver.
§ 275. If a man hires a boat (?) to go upstream (?), its hire is 3 She of silver
per day.
§ 276. If he hires a boat to float downstream, he shall pay as its hire 2\ She
of silver per day.
§ 277. If a man hires a boat of 60 Gur burden, he shall pay | of a shekel of
money per day.
There are no parallels to these laws in the Bible, as the Old Testa-
ment does not attempt to regulate prices. When one considers the
customs of trade all over the Orient, and the time fruitlessly con-
sumed in making bargains, one does not wonder that the practical
sovereign of a great commercial people, such as the Babylonians
were, should regulate prices by law. As a rule, to this day, a pur-
chaser begins by offering only a fraction of what he is willing to
give, and the seller by asking at least twice as much as he is will-
340 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
ing to take. A long psychological battle follows, during which there
are many victories and capitulations on each side. This law was
designed to put an end to this time-consuming custom.
When the Sales of Slaves are Void
§ 278. If a man buys a male or a female slave and before a month is past he
has an attack of rheumatism (?), he shall return to the seller, and the purchaser
shall receive back the money that was paid.
§ 279. If a man buys a male or a female slave, and another has a legal claim
upon him, the seller shall be responsible for that claim.
§ 280. If a man,_ while in a foreign country, purchases a male or a female
slave of a man, and,'when he returns home, the former owner of the male or the
female slave recognizes his slave, if that male or female slave is a. native of the
land, he shall give it its freedom without recompense.
§ 281. If they are natives of another country, the purchaser shall declare in
the presence of a god the price that he paid, and the former owner of the male or
female slave shall pay the price to the merchant, and shall receive back his slave.
No laws similar to these are found in the Old Testament.
The Penalty for Renouncing a Master
§ 282. If a slave shall say to his owner: "Thou art not my owner," they shall
make him submit as his slave, and shall cut off his ear.
This penalty reminds one of the boring of a slave's ear (Exod.
21 : 6; Deut. 15 : 17) in token of perpetual slavery.
2. The Mosaic Code not Borrowed from the Babylonian; Dif-
ferent Underlying Conceptions.
A comparison of the code of Hammurapi as a whole with the
Pentateuchal laws as a whole, while it reveals certain similarities,
convinces the student that the laws of the Old Testament are in no
essential way dependent upon the Babylonian laws. Such resem-
blances as there are arose, it seems clear, from a similarity of ante-
cedents and of general intellectual outlook; the striking differences
show that there was no direct borrowing. The primitive Semitic
custom of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth (Exod. 21 : 24;
Lev. 24 : 20; Deut. 19 : 21) is made the basis of many penalties in
the Babylonian code. (See §§ 196, 197, 200, 229, 230, etc.) The
principle underlying it is found also in many other sections. These
similarities only show that Babylonia had a large Semitic clement in
its population. Again, Hammurapi pictured himself at the top of
the pillar on which these laws are written as receiving them from
the sun-god (Fig. 292) . The Bible tells us that Moses received the
HAMMURAPI AND THE PENTATEUCH 341
laws of the Pentateuch from Jehovah. The whole attitude of the
two documents is, however, different. Hammurapi, in spite of the
picture, takes credit, both in the, prologue and in the epilogue of his
code, for the laws. He, not Shamash, established justice in the
land. Moses, on the other hand, was only the instrument; the
legislation stands as that of Jehovah himself.
This difference appears also in the contents of the two codes.
The Pentateuch contains many ritual regulations and purely relig-
ious laws, while the code of Hammurapi is purely civil. As has
been already pointed out, the code of Hammurapi is adapted to the
land of the rivers, and to a highly civilized commercial people, while
the Biblical laws are intended for a dry land like Palestine, and for
an agricultural community that was at a far less advanced stage of
commercial and social development.
Religion is, however, not a matter of social advancement only.
In all that pertains to religious insight the Pentateuch is far in ad-
vance of Hammurapi's laws.
CHAPTER XIV
AN ALLEGED PARALLEL TO LEVITICUS— A CARTIL\-
GINIAN LAW CONCERNING SACRIFICES^
The Text of the C.\sthaginian Law. Compakison with the Levitical Law.
1. The Text of the Carthaginian Law.
Temple of Baal[zephon]. Tar[ifl of d]ues, which [the superintendents of d]ues
fixed in the time [of our rulers, Khalasjbaal, the judge, son of Bodtanith, son of
Bod[eshmun, and of Khalasbaal], the judge, son of Bodeshmun, son of Khalas-
baal, and their colleagues.
For an ox as a whole burnt-offering^ or a prayer-offering, or a whole peace-
offering,^ the priests shall have 10 (shekels) of silver for each; and in case of a
whole burnt-offering, they shall have in addition to this fee [300 shekels of fle]sh;
and, in case of a prayer-offering, the trimmings, the joints; but the skin and the
fat of the inwards* and the feet and the rest of the flesh the owner of the sacrifice
shall have.
For a calf whose horns are wanting, in case of one not castrated (?) , or in case
of a ram as a whole burnt-offering, the priests shall have 5 shekels of silver [for
each; and in case of a whole burnt-offering they shall have in addit]ion to this
fee 150 shekels of flesh; and, in case of a prayer-offering, the trimmings and the
joints; but the skin and the fat of the inwards and the fe[et and the rest of the
flesh the owner of the sacrifice shall have].
In case of a ram or a goat as a whole burnt-offering, or a prayer-offering, or a
whole peace-offering, the priests shall have 1 shekel of silver and 2 zars for each;
and, in case of a praj^er-offering, they shall [have in addition to this fee the trim-
mings] and the joints; but the skin and the fat of the inwards and the feet and
the rest of the flesh the owner of the sacrifice shall have.
For a lamb, or a kid, or the young (?) of a hart, as a whole burnt-offering, or a
prayer-offering, or a whole peace-offering, the priests shall have f (of a shekel)
and zars of silver [for each; and, in case of a prayer-offering, they shall
have in addition] to this fee the trimmings and the joints; but the skin and the
fat of the inwards and the feet and the rest of the flesh the own[er of the sacri-
fice] shall have.
For a bird, domestic or wild, as a whole peace-offering, or a sacrifice-to-avert-
calamity (?) or an oracular (?) sacrifice, the priests shall have f (of a shekel) of
silver and 2 zars for each; but the f [lesh shall belong to the owner of the sacrifice].
For a bird, or sacred first-fruits, or a sacrifice of game, or a sacrifice of oU,
the priests shall have 10 g[erahs] for each; but
In case of every prayer-offering that is presented before the gods, the priests
shall have the trimmings and the joints; and in the case of a prayer-offering. . . .
' From the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, I, No. 165.
2 It is the word so translated in Deut. 33 : 10.
' 5>o rendered in Lev. 7 : 13; 10 : 14. Many scholars would render it "thank-offering."
* Compare Exod. 29 : 13, 14. The Hebrew law differed from the Carthaginian.
342
AN ALLEGED PARALLEL TO LEVITICUS 343
For a cake, and for milk, and for every sacrifice wliich a man may offer, for a
meal-offering'
For every sacrifice which a man may offer who is poor in cattle, or poor in
birds, the priests slmll not have anything
Every freeman and every slave and every dependent- of the gods and all men
who may sacrifice , these men [shall give] for the sacrifice at the rate
prescribed in the regulations
Every payment which is not prescribed in this table shall be made according
to the regulations which [the superintendents of the dues fixed in the time of
Khalasbaal, son of Bodtani]th, and Khalasbaal, son of Bodeshmun, and their
colleagues.
Every priest who shall accept payment beyond what is prescribed in this
table shall be fi[ned]
Every person who sacrifices, who shall not give for the fee
which
2. Comparison with the Levitical Law.
This document is not earlier than the fourth or fifth century b. c.
The Carthaginians, from whom it comes, were an offshoot of the
Phoenicians, who were, in turn, descended from the Canaanites.
They were accordingly of kindred race to the Hebrews. One can,
therefore, see from this doctmient something of how the Levitical
institutions of Israel resembled and how they differed from those of
their kinsmen. It will be seen that the main sacrifices bore the
same names among both peoples. We find the "whole burnt-
ofifering," the "peace-offering," and the "meal-offering." The
Carthaginians had no "sin-offering," while among the Hebrews we
find no "prayer-offering." The ways of rewarding the priests also
differed with the two peoples. The Hebrews had no such regular
tariff of priests' dues as the Carthaginians, but parts of certain
offerings and all of others belonged to them. Leviticus assigns
from the peace-offering the "heave- thigh" and the "wave-breast"
to the priests (Lev. 7 : 14, 34; Num. 5 : 9, 10; 31 : 29, 41). Meal-
or flour-offerings belonged to the priests (Lev. 5 : 13; 7 : 9, 10), as
did the sin- and trespass-offerings (Lev. 6 : 18, 29; 7 : 9, 10). Of
the burnt-offerings the priests had the skin (Lev, 7:8).
The interesting thing is that in the ritual, as in the social laws,
we find that the heathen Semites had a considerable number of
regulations similar to those of the Hebrews.
1 This is the rendering of the Revised Version for this word. The Authorized Version rendered
it less accurately "meat-offering."
2 Each temple had a number of officials connected with it besides the priests, such as carpenters,
gate-keepers, slaughterers, barbers, Sodomites, and female slaves. Another Phoenician inscrip-
tion mentions these.
CHAPTER XV
SOME LETTERS FROM PALESTINE
Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal. Of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem. Their Light on
Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian Domination of Palestine.
Many of the El-Amarna^ Letters were written from Palestine
and Phoenicia. Some scholars think these letters come from the
Patriarchal period; others hold that they are contemporary with
the Hebrew conquest, and give us additional information concerning
it. Some of those who hold this last view believe that the conquest
of Palestine by the Hebrews was not made all at once. They think
that the tribes descended from Leah entered the land before those
descended from Rachel. Such scholars hold that these letters give
us contemporary evidence of the wars of the Leah tribes. Which-
ever view one takes, the letters are most interesting, as they open to
us a previously unknown chapter in the history of Jerusalem.
1. Some Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal.^
I'
To the kins, my lord, the king of the countries, speak, saying, Rib-Adda, thy
servant, the footstool of thy feet; at the feet of the sun, my lord, eight times and
seven tim^s I prostrate myself. Again, there is clear to the king, my lord, the
deed of Ebed-Ashera, the dog, when all the lands of the king, my lord, are made
over unto him and are subservient to his land. And now behold the city of
Sumur has been won over— a fold of my lord and a temple of his shrine — to
him, and he has encamped in the temple of my shrine and has opened the place
of the curse of my lord and won it. What is he, a man and dog that
he should judge? Again, when men say in the presence of the king, my lord:
"Learn that Gebal is " then know that he has not taken Gebal
and it is difficult for the lands of the king, my lord. Again,
let the king, my lord, send his inspector who may judge and may
protect the city of the king, my lord. And I and will serv^e my lord,
the king of the lands. And may my lord send people and let them bring what-
ever belongs to my into the presence of the king, my lord, and let not
that dog take anything that belongs to thy gods. And is it clear now that he
would take Gebal? See, Gebal is like Memphis, loyal to the king. A second
time, see Ebed-Ninib, the man whom I sent with Buhiya, is a So
I Sec Part I, Chapter I, § 7 (3).
« From Winckler und Abel's Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 73. Cf. Knudtzon, Die El-
Amnrna Tafeln, No. 84.
» The letter takes up assertions made by Rib-Adda in previous letters.
344
SOME LETTERS FROM PALESTINE 345
send unto thy sen'ant. Again see, Ummahnu is a maid-servant of the Baal-
goddess of Gebal; her husband is Ishkur send!
(The tablet is broken off at this point.)
Ill
To the king, my lord, my sun, say: Rib-Adda, thy servant; at the feet of my
lord, my sun-god, seven times and seven times I prostrate myself. May the
king, my lord, listen to the words of his faithful servant! It is going very hard
for me! The hostility has become strong. The sons of Ebed-Ashera have
become great in Amurru; theirs is the whole land. The city of Sumur and the
city of Irkata are left to the princes. And behold in Sumur I am strong. When
it was difficult for the princes on account of the enmity, I left Gebal and
Zimridda and Yapa-Addi with me. Behold, then wrote
the prince unto them; but they did not hearken unto him. And may the king,
my lord, hearken to the words of his faithful servant! Send aid very quickly
unto the city Sumur for its protection until the arrival of the mercenaries of the
king, the sun. And may the king, the sun, drive out the enemy from his land.
Again may the king, my lord, hearken to the word of his servant and send men as
guards to the city of Sumur and to the city of Irkata, in case that all the guards
flee from Sumur. And may it seem good to my lord, the sun of the countries,
to give to me 20 pairs of horses. And may he send help very quickly to the city
of Sumur to guard it. All the guards who remain are in straits and few are the
men in the city. If mercenaries thou dost not send, then there will be no city
remaining to thee. If there are mercenaries, we will take all the lands for the
king.
These letters mention a certain Ebed-Ashera and claim that his
sons are gaining possession of all the land of Amurru. If the
"Ebed" were dropped out of the phrase, "sons of Ebed-Ashera, "^
there would remain "sons of Ashera," or, "sons of Asher." The
"land of Amurru," or, "land of the Amorites," lay, at the time these
letters were written, in the later home of the tribe of Asher, and a lit-
tle to the north of it, between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon moun-
tains. Some scholars hold that we have in these letters references
to the coming of the "sons of Asher," or the tribe of Asher into this
region, but it is a theory which in the present state of our knowledge
we can neither prove nor disprove. If it should prove to be true,
these tablets would reflect a part of the Hebrew conquest of this
region.
2. Letters of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem.
[To the king, my lord, speak, saying, E]bed-H[epa thy servant — at] the feet
[of the king, my lord,] seven times and seven times [I prostrate myself]. Behold
1 Winckler und Abel, op. cit.. No. 77, Knudtzon, op. ci(.. No. 103.
2 These "sons of Ebed-Ashera" are mentioned in many other letters.
' Winckler und Abel, op. cit., No. 174, and Knudtzon, op. cit., No. 286.
3A6 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
I am not a [prefect]; a vassal am I unto [the king, my lord]. Why did not the
king, [my lord], send a messenger [quickly]? In similar circumstances sent
lenhamu I. [May] the king [hearken unto Ebed]-IIepa, his
servant. [Behold] there are no mercenaries. [May] the king, my lord, s[end
a governor] and let him take [the prefects] with hun lands of the king
_. .and people who are [and Addaya], the governor
of the king [has] their house So may the king care for them and send
a messenger quickly. When
IV
To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant — at the feet of
my lord, the king, seven times and seven times I prostrate myself. What
have I done to the king, my lord? They slander and misrepresent me before the
king, my lord, [saying] : Ebed-Hepa is disloyal to the king, his lord. Behold I —
neither my father nor my mother set me in this place; the arm of the mighty king
caused me to enter into the house of my father. Why should I commit rebellion
against the king, my lord? As long as the king, my lord, lives I will say unto the
governor of the king, my lord: "Why dost thou love the Habiri and hate the
prefects?" But thus he misrepresents me before the king, my lord. Now I say,
"Lost are the lands of the king, my lord." So he misrepresents me to the king,
my lord. But let the king, my lord, know (that) after the king, my lord, set
guards, lenhamu took them all Egypt of the
king, my lord; [there are no] guards there. Then may the king care for his land!
May the king care for his land! Separated are all the lands from the king.
lUmilku has destroyed all the country of the king; so may the king, my lord,
care for his land! I say: "I will enter the presence of the king, my lord, and I
will behold the eye of the king, my lord," but the enemy is more mighty than I,
and I am not able to enter into the presence of the king, my lord. So may it
seem right to the king may he send guards, and I will enter in and
will behold the eyes of the king, my lord! And so long as the king, my lord,
lives, so long as the governors are withdrawn, I will say: "Perished arc the lands
of the king." Thou dost not hearken to me! All the prefects have perished;
there is left no prefect to the king, my lord! May the king turn his face toward
mercenaries, so that there may come forth mercenaries of the king, my lord.
There are no lands left to the king, my lord. The Habiri plunder all the coun-
tries of the king. If there are mercenaries in this year, then there will be left
countries of the king, my lord. If there are no mercenaries, the countries of the
king will be lost. Unto the scribe of the king, my lord, saying: "Ebed-Hepa, thy
servant. Take beautiful words to the king, my lord! Lost are all the lands of
the king, my lord."
iir
[To the king, my lord, [speak,] saying, Eb]ed-Hcpa, thy servant. [Unto the
feet] of my lord seven [times and seven times I prostrate myself]. [I have heard
all] the words [which the king, my lord,] has sent to me Behold the
deed which has done Copper word
He has brought [into the city Keilah]. [Cf. Josh. 15 : 44.] May the king know
that all the lancls are gone and there is enmity against me. So may the king
care for his land! Behold the land of the city Gezer, the land of the city Askclon
and the city of Lakish have given them food, oil, and all kinds of herbs. So may
the king give attention to the mercenaries! May he send mercenaries against
the people who commit outrages against the king, my lord! If there are in this
I Winckler und Abel, No. 102; Knudtzon, 286.
* Winckk-r und Abel, op. cit., No. 103; Knudtzon, op. cil., No. 287.
SOME LETTERS FROM PALESTINE 347
year mercenaries, then there will remain lands and prefects to the king, my lord.
But if there are no mercenaries, there will be no lands and prefects to the king.
Behold this land of the city of Jerusalem — neither my father nor my mother
gave it to me; the mighty hand, the arm of the king gave it to me. Behold this
deed; it is the deed of Malkiel and the deed of the sons of Labaya, who have
given the land of the king to the Habiri. Behold, O king, my lord, right is on
my side as regards the Kashi-people. Let the king ask the governors whether
that house is very mighty and they have committed a grievous, a great sin; they
have taken their weapons and have cut off the horsemen (?) And may
he send into that land who with servants. May
[the king] care for them the lands in their hands [and] may
the king provide for them much food, much oil, much clothing until Paru, the
governor of the king, comes up to the country of the city of Jerusalem. Gone is
Addaya, together with the guards of the vassals whom the king appointed. Let
the king know that Addaya said to me: "Behold, I am going away; do not thou
abandon it" (the city). This year send me men as guards and a governor, O
king! Send us I have sent to the king, my lord , people,
five thousand three hundred and eighteen porters for the caravans of
the king. They were indeed captured in the fields near the city Aijalon. (Cf .
Josh. 10 : 12.) Let the king, my lord, know that I am not able to send a caravan
to the king, my lord. Indeed thou knowest it. Behold the king has set his
name in the country of the city of Jerusalem forever and he ought not to aban-
don the lands of the city of Jerusalem.
To the scribe of the king, my lord, has Ebed-Hepa, thy ser\^ant spoken, saying:
At the feet I, thy ser\'ant, prostrate myself. Take beautiful words to the king,
my lord! A vassal of the king am I, exceedingly loyal (?) as regards thee. Also
an evil deed has been done against me by the men of Kashi. I was all but killed
by the men of Kashi in my house. May the king make investigation concernmg
them. Seven times and seven times, O king, justice is on my .side.
To the king, my lord, my sun-god, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy serv-ant.
At the feet of the king, my lord, seven times and seven times I prostrate myself.
Behold the king, my lord, has set his name at the rising of the sun and the setting
of the sun. It is slander which they have multiplied against me. Behold I am
not a prefect; a vassal of the king, my lord, am I. Behold I am a shepherd of the
king and one who brings tribute to the king, am I. Neither my father nor my
mother, but the arm of the mighty king set me in the house of my father
There came unto me I gave 10 slaves into his hand. Shuta, the governor
of the king, came unto me. Twenty-one female slaves and eighty prisoners I
gave into the hand of Shuta as a present to the king, my lord. Let the king take
counsel for his land! Lost is the land of the king. All of it is taken from me.
Enmity is against me. As far as the lands of Seir and as_ far as Gath-Carmel
there is peace among all the prefects, but enmity against me is practised. When I
sent a man, then he said : "I do not see the eyes of the king, my lord, for hostility
is against me." I set once a ship on the sea when the mighty arm of the king
took Naharina and Kapasi, but, behold the Habiri take the cities of the king.
There is no prefect to the king, my lord; all are lost. Behold Turbazu was killed
in the city gate of Zilu and the king is inactive! Behold Zimridda ofLakish ; his
servants were enraged at him; he adhered to the Habiri. Yapti-Adda was
killed in the city gate of Zilu and there is no action! Concerning it the king
makes no inquiry! Let the king care for his land and let the king turn his face
1 Winckler und Abel, No. 104; Knudtzon, No. 288,
348 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
to mercenaries for the land of tribute! For if there are no mercenaries in this
year, lost, perished are all the lands of the king, my lord. Let not one say in the
presence of the king, my lord, that the land of the king, my lord, is lost and all
the prefects are lost. If there are no mercenaries in this year, then let the king
send a governor to bring me and my brothers xmto thee and we will die with the
king, our lord.
To the scribe of the king, my lord, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At thy
feet I prostrate myself. Bring beautiful words to the king. Emphatically thy
servant and thy son am I.
VI
To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At the feet of
my lord I prostrate myself seven times and seven times. Behold Malkiel, he
has not separated himself from the sons of Labaya and from the sons of Arzaya
that they may seek the hand of the king for themselves. A prefect who has
done this deed— why does not the king call him to account?^' Behold Malkiel and
Tagi — the deed which they have done is this: formerly they took Rabuda and
now they seek Jerusalem. If this land belongs to the king, whj^ is it oppressed?
Gaza has sided with the king. Behold the land of Gath-Carmel belongs to Tagi
and the people of Oath are on guard in Beth-shean, and verily it will happen to us
when Labaya and the land of Shechem have been given to the Habiri. Malkiel
has written to Tagi and his sons: "Let our two forces grant all their desire to the
people of Keilah." Shall we indeed throw open Jerusalem? The guards, whom
thou didst send by the hand of Haya, son of Miare, Addaya took, stationing them
in his house in Gaza and twenty men has he sent to Egypt. Let the king know
that there are no royal guards with me! It is so as the king lives! Verily Puru
is beaten. _ He has gone from me and is in Gaza. May the king remember it and
rnay the king send fifty men as guards to protect the land! All the lands of the
king are in revolt. Send Yinhenhame and let him care for the land of the king.
To the scribe of the king, my lord, say: Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. Beautiful
words give to the king. Ever emphatically am I thy servant.
VP
To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At the feet of
the king, my lord, seven times and seven times T prostrate myself. Behold the
deed which Malkiel and Shuardatu have done against the country of the king,
my lord! They have won over the soldiers of Gezer, the soldiers of Gath, and
the soldiers of Keilah; they have seized the country of the city of Rubute. The
country of the king is fallen away to the Habiri.' And now also a city of the
country of Jerusalem (its name is Beth-shemesh),^ a citv of the king, has gone
over to the men of Keilah. May the king hearken unto Ebed-Hepa , th v servant ,
and send mercenaries that the land of the king may remain unto the'king. If
there are no mercenaries, lost is the land of the king to the Habiri. This is the
deed which Malkiel and Shuardatu have done May the king care
for his land!
3. Their Light upon Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian
Domination of Palestine.
These letters are among the most interesting of the many fasci-
nating documents which have come to us from ancient times. They
1 Winckler und Abel, No. 105 plus No. 199; Knudtzon, No. 289.
»Wincklcr und Abel, No. 106; Knudtzon, No. 290.
' The tablet reads Belh-Ninib, but scholars are attrecd that it refers to Beth-shemesh.
SOME LETTERS FROM PALESTINE 349
give us our first historical glimpse of Jerusalem, giving us a view of
it 350 years before its capture by David. At this time its ruler
was one Ebed-Hepa, a vassal of Amenophis IV, King of Egypt.
Jerusalem was at the time the capital of a considerable territory.
If the places mentioned have been rightly identified by scholars, its
dominion extended to Mount Carmel on the northwest and as far
as Rabbith in Issachar on the north. At the time these letters
were written, Jerusalem was hard pressed by some invaders called
Habiri, and Ebed-Hepa again and again appeals to the Egyptian
king to send mercenaries in that year or all the territories of the king
would be lost. Already the Egyptian army was composed in part
of hired soldiers. We know from Egyptian sources that Amenophis
was much more interested in religious reform than in statecraft.
The desired troops were not sent, and apparently Ebed-Hepa was
overcome, for his letters cease.
The condition of Palestine, as revealed by these letters, is the
same as that of Phoenicia as revealed by the letters of Rib- Adda.
Egyptian authority was breaking up; each ruler was doing his best
to look after his own interests; while invaders were overrunning
the country.
Who was Ebed-Hepa? All that we know of him is told in these
letters. Hepa was, however, the name of a Hittite and ]\Iitannian
goddess. It has, accordingly, been inferred that Ebed-Hepa be-
longed to that race. Ezekiel long afterward in speaking to Jeru-
salem said: "The Amorite was thy father and thy mother was a Hit-
tite" (Ezek. 16 : 3, 45). If this first ruler of Jerusalem known to us
was a Hittite, as seems probable, it would be a striking confirmation
of Ezekiel's statement. Another interesting question is: Who were
the Habiri who were invading Palestine when these letters were
written? The answer to this question is not certain. Four differ-
ent views have been held :
L They have been thought to be the same as the clan Heber
which was after^^ard a part of the tribe of Asher, and which is also
mentioned in connection with Malkiel in Gen. 46 : 17 ; Num. 26 : 45,
and 1 Chron. 7 : 31. The objection to this view is that the Habiri
seem far too powerful in these letters to be simply the ancestors of
such a clan.
2. It has been held that the Habiri were a branch of the Hittites.
This view is based upon the fact that among the tablets found by
Winckler at Boghaz Koi a list of Hittite gods was headed "gods of
350 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the Habiri." This is, however, not decisive, as the gods may have
been Semitic gods, whom, after the fashion of antiquity, the Hittite
scribe had identified with the deities of his own country.
3. It has been held that the Habiri were Hebrews, and that we
have here contemporary records of their wars of conquest.
4. Some scholars maintain that it is impossible to tell who the
Habiri were.
The writer is inclined to hold that the Habiri were Hebrews,
though this view is not without difficulty. The indications of the
book of Exodus point to Ramses II as the Pharaoh of the oppression
and to Merneptah as the Pharaoh of the Exodus. These kings
belonged to the nineteenth dynasty, while Amenophis IV, to
whom Ebed-Hepa wrote his letters, belonged to the eighteenth.
How then could Hebrews be already in Palestine struggling to con-
quer it? The view has been held by a number of scholars that the
Hebrew conquest took place in two parts, one of which was under
the eighteenth and the other under the nineteenth dynasty. The
view is not without its difficulties, but it may prove to be true. If
the Habiri were Hebrews, it seems necessary to suppose that it is
true. Perhaps further discovery will throw more light upon it.
The following letter, found in 1892 at Tell el-Hesy (Lachish) in
Palestine, belongs to the same period as the preceding letters.^
To the chief officer speak, saying: Pabi — at thy feet I prostrate myself. Thou
shouldst know that Shiptibaal and Zimrida are conspiring together and Shipti-
baal has said to Zimrida: "My father of the city Yarami has written to me: 'Give
me six bows and three daggers and three swords. If I go out against the land of
the king and thou wilt be the breath of Hfe to me, then I shall surely (?) be supe-
rior to it and shall subdue it.' He who makes this plan is Pabu, so send him to
me." Now I have sent thee Raphiel. He will bring to the chief officer news
of this matter.
Another letter from Taanach belongs to the same general period.
It is one of four found by Sellin in 1903. It is as follows :2
To Ishtarwashur speak, sajdng, Ahijah^ — may the lord of the gods protect
thy life! Thou art my brother and love is in thy bowels and in mj- heart. When
I was detained in Gurra a workman gave to me two knives and a lance and two
baskets (?) for nothing. As the lance was broken, he will repair it and send it by
the hand of Buritpi. Again: is there lamentation over thy cities, orhast thou
indeed put thyself in possession of them? Over my head is one who is over the
'For the text cf. Hilprecht, Old]Babylonian Inscriptions, No. 17. See also Knudtzon, El-
Atnarna Tafeln, No. 333.
I Published by Hrozny in Sellin's Tell-Taanek, pp. US and 121.
• In the Babylonian script, Ahi-ya-mi.
SOME LETTERS FROM PALESTINE 351
cities. Now let us see whether he will do good to thee. If his countenance is
favorable there will be great destruction. Further: let Ilurabi enter Rahab and
either send my man to thy presence or give him protection.
This letter is chiefly interesting for the name Ahi-ya-mi, which
is probably the Babylonian equivalent of Ahijah or Ahi-Yahweh.
If this is so, and, while not certain, there is considerable collateral
evidence in its favor,^ the divine name, Yahweh (Jehovah), was
already known in Palestine.
Another phrase in this letter which has recalled to some a Biblical
phrase is "the lord of the gods." This has been compared with
Baal-berith (?". g., lord of the covenant), Judges 9 : 4, who is later
called El-berith (god of the covenant). Judges 9 : 46. Such a com-
parison is, however, somewhat fanciful.
I See the writer's article, "Yahweh before Moses," in Studies in the History of Religions Presented
to C. H. Toy, especially pp. 188-191.
CHAPTER XVI
DOCUMENTS FROM THE TIME OF ISRAEL'S JUDGES
Report of Wenamon. Its Illustration of Certain Points of Biblical History
ABOUT THE TiME OF DeBORAH OR GiDEON. REFERENCE TO THE PHILISTINES.
The following vivid story of adventure dates from about 1100
B. c. and throws a vivid light on the condition of the coast-lands of
Palestine and Phoenicia about the middle of the period of the Judges.
1. Report of Wenamon.^
Year five, third month of the third season (eleventh month), day 16, day of
departure of the "eldest of the hall," of the house of Amon, the lord of the lands,
Wenamon, to bring the timber for the great and august barge of Amon-Re, king
of the gods, which is on the river called: "Userhet" of Amon.
On the day of my arrival at Tanis at the palace of Nesubenebded and Ten-
tamon, I gave to them the writings of Amon-Re, king of the gods, which they
caused to be read in their presence; and they said: "I will do it, I will do it ac-
cording to that which Amon-Re, king of our gods, our lord, saith." I abode
until the fourth month of the third season, being in Tanis.
Nesubenebded and Tentamon sent me with the ship-captain, Mengebet, and
I descended into the great Syrian sea, in the fourth month of the third season, on
the first day. I arrived at Dor, a city of Thekel [a people kindred to the Philis-
tines], and Bedel, its king, caused to be brought for me much bread, a jar of wine,
and a joint of beef.
Then a man of my ship fled, having stolen:
. . [vessels] of gold, [amounting to] 5 deben
4 vessels of silver, amounting to 20 deben
a sack of silver 1 1 deben
[Total of what] he [stole] 5 deben of gold.
31 deben of silver.
_ In the morning then I rose and went to the abode of the prince, and said to
him: "I have been robbed in thy harbor. Since thou art the king of this land,
thou art therefore its investigator, who should search for my money. For the
money belongs to Amon-Re, king of the gods, lord of the lands; it belongs to
Nesubenebded, and it belongs to Hrihor, my lord, and the other magnates of
Egypt; it belongs also to Weret, and to Mekmel, and to Zakar-Baal. the prince
of Byblos" [Gebal]. He said to me: "To thy honor and thy e.xcellence! but,
behold, I know nothing of this complaint which thou hast lodged with me. If
the thief belonged to my land, he who went on board thy ship, that he might steal
thy treasure, I would repay it to thee from my treasury till they find thy thief
by name; but the thief who robbed thee belongs to thy ship. Tarry a few days
here with me, and I will seek him." When I had spent nine days moored in his
harbor, I went to him and said to him : "Behold, thou hast not found my money,
' Taken from Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, pp. 278, ff.
352
FROM THE TIME OF ISRAEL'S JUDGES 353
therefore let mc'depart with the ship-captain, and with those who go
the sea. He said to me: "Be silent " the harbor
[I arrived at] Tyre. I went forth from Tyre at early dawn
Zakar-Baal, the prince of Byblos [Gebal].
the I found 30 deben of silver therein. I seized it,
[saying to them: "I will take] your money, and it shall remain with me until ye
find [my money. Was it not a man of Thekel] who stole it, and no thief [of
ours]? I will take it They went away, while I
[I] arrived the harbor of Byblos [Gebal]. [I made a place of conceal-
ment, I hid] "Amon-the-way," and I placed his things in it. The prince of
Byblos sent to me, saying: "Betake thyself from my harbor." I sent to him,
saying, " if they sail, let them take me to Egypt." ._ _. . .
I spent nineteen days in his harbor and he continually sent to me daily, saying:
"Betake thyself from my harbor."
Now, when he sacrificed to his gods , the god seized one of his noble
youths, making him frenzied, so that he said : "Bring [the god] hither! Bring the
messenger of Amon who hath him. Sendhimandlet him go."_
Now, while the frenzied youth continued in frenzy during this night, I found a
ship bound for Egypt, and I loaded all my belongings into it. I waited for the
darkness, saying: "When it descends, I will embark the god also, in order that no
other eye may see him."
The harbor-master came to me, saying: "Remain until morning by the prince."
I said to him: "Art not thou he who continually came to me daily, saying, 'Be-
take thyself away from my harbor? Dost thou not say, 'Remain in the [land'],
in order to let depart the ship that I have found? thou that mayest come and
say again, 'Away'? He went and told it to the prince, and the prince sent to the
captain of the ship, saying: 'Remain until morning by the king.' "
When morning came he sent and had me brought up, when the divine offering
occurred in the fortress where he was, on the shore of the sea. I found him
sitting in his upper chamber, leaning his back against a window, while the waves
of the great Syrian sea beat against the behind him. I said to him:
"Kindness of Amon!" He said to me: "How long is it until this day since thou
camest away from the abode of Amon?" I said: "Five months and one day
until now."
He said to me: "Behold thou art true, where is the writing of Amon, which is
in thy hand? Where is the letter of the High Priest of Amon, which is in thy
hand?" I said to him: "I gave them to Nesubenebded and Tentamon." Then
he was very wroth, and he said to me: "Now, behold, the writing and the letter
are not in thy hand! Where is the ship of cedar which Nesubenebded gave to
thee? Where is its Syrian crew? He would not deliver thy business to this
ship-captain to have thee killed, that they might cast thee into the sea.
From whom would they have sought the god then? And thee, from whom would
they have sought thee then?" So he spake to me. I said to him: "There are
indeed Egyptian ships and Egyptian crews who sail under Nesubenebded, (but)
he hath no Syrian crews." He said to me: "There are surely twenty ships here
in my harbor, which are in connection with Nesubenebded; and at Sidon, whither
thou wouldst go, there are indeed 10,000 ships also which are in connection with
Berket-el and sail to his house."
Then I was silent in this great hour. He answered and said to me: "On what
business hast thou come hither?" I said to him: "I have come after the timber
of the great and august barge of Amon-Re, king of gods. Thy father did it, thy
grandfather did it, and thou wilt also do it." So spake I to him.
He said to me : "They did it, truly. If thou give me (something) for doing it, I
will do it. Indeed mv agents transacted the business; the Pharaoh, ._ . . . .
sent six ships, laden with the products of Egypt, and they were unloaded in their
354 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
storehouses. And thou also shalt bring something for me." He had the journal
of his fathers brought in, and he had them read it before me. They found 1,000
deben of every (kind of) silver, which was in his book.
He said to me: "If the ruler of Egypt were the owner of my property, and I
were also his servant, he would not send silver and gold, saying: 'Do the com-
mand of Amon.' It was not the payment of tribute which they e.xacted of my
father. As for me, I am myself neither thy servant nor am I the servant of him
that sent thee. If I cry out to the Lebanon, the heavens open, and the logs lie
here on the shore of the sea."
A long speech of Wenamon follows, in which he claims Eg}^t
as the home of civilization, and claims Lebanon for Amon. He
then continues:
"Let my scribe be brought to me, that I may send him to Nesubenebded and
Tentamon. the rulers whom Amon hath given to the north of his land, and they
will send all that of which I shall WTite unto them, saying: 'Let it be brought,'
until I return to the south and send thee all thy trifles again." So spake I to him.
He gave my letter into the hand of his messenger. He loaded in the keel, the
head of the bow and the head of the stern, with four other hewn timbers, to-
gether seven; and he had them taken to Egypt. His messenger went to Egypt,
and returned to me, to Syria in the first month of the second season. Nesuben-
ebded and Tentamon sent:
Gold: 4 ri-vessels, 1 iv'^-;H7z-vessel;
Silver: 5 Tb-vesseh;
Royal linen: 10 garments, 10 hm-hrd;
Papyrus: 500 rolls;
Ox-hides: 500;
Rope: 500 (coils);
Lentils: 20 measures;
Fish: 30 measures;
She^ sent me:
Linen 5 ,5 hm-hrd;
Lentils: 1 measure;
Fish: 5 measures.
The prince rejoiced, and detailed 300 men and 300 oxen, placing overseers
over them, to have the trees felled. They spent the second season therewith ....
In the third month of the second season (seventh month) the}' dragged them [to]
the shore of the sea. The prince came forth and stood by them.
He sent to me, saying: "Come." Now, when I had presented myself before
him, the shadow of his sunshade fell upon me. Penamon, a butler, he stepped
between us, saying: "The shadow of Pharaoh , thy lord, falls upon thee."
He was angry with him, saying: "Let him alone!" I presented myself before
him, and he answered and said unto mc: "Behold the command which my fathers
formerly executed, I have executed, although thou for thy part hast not done
for me that which thy fathers did for me. Behold there has arrived the last of
thy timber, and there it lies. Do according to my desire and come to load it,
for they will indeed give it to thee."
"Come not to contemplate the terror of the sea, (but) if thou dost contemplate
the terror of the sea, thou shalt (al.so) contemplate mine own. Indeed I have
not done to thee that which they did to the messengers of Khamwese, when they
spent seventeen years in this land. They died in their place." He said to his
butler; "Take him, and let him see their tomb, wherein they sleep."
' "She" refers to Tent.imon, the queen.
FROM THE TIME OF ISRAEL'S JUDGES 355
I said to him: "Let me not see it! As for Khamwese, (mere) people were the
messengers whom he sent unto thee; but people there was no [god
among] his messengers. And yet thou sayest, 'Go and see thy companions.'
Lo, art thou not glad? and dost thou not have made for thee a tablet, whereon
thou sayest: 'Amon-Re, king of gods, sent to me "Amon-the-way," his [divine]
messenger, and Wenamon, his human messenger, after the timber for the great
and august barge of Amon-Re, king of gods? I felled it, I loaded it, I supplied
him (with) my ships and my crews, I brought them to Egypt, to beseech for me
10,000 years of life from Amon, more than my ordained (life), and it came to
pass.' Then in future days when a messenger comes from the land of Egypt, who
is able to write, and reads thy name upon the stela, thou shalt receive water in
the west, like the gods who are there." He said to me: "It is a great testimony
which thou tellest me."
I said to him: "As for the many things which thou hast said to me, when I
reach the place of the abode of the High Priest of x-^mon, and he shall see thy
command in thy command, [he] will have something delivered to thee."
I went to the shore of the sea, to the place where the timbers lay; I spied eleven
ships, coming from the sea, belonging to the Thekel, saying: "Arrest him! Let
not a ship of his pass to Egypt!" I sat down and began to weep. The letter-
scribe of the prince came out to me, and said to me: "What is the matter with
thee?" I said to him: "Surely thou seest these birds which twice descend upon
Egypt. Behold them! They come to the pool, and how long shall I be here,
forsaken? For thou seest surely those who come to arrest me again."
He went and told it to the prince. The prince began to weep at the evil words
which they spoke to him. He sent out his letter-scribe to me and brought me
two jars of wine and a ram. He sent to me Tento, an Egyptian singer (feminine) ,
who was with him, saying: "Sing for him; let not his heart feel apprehension."
He sent to me, saying: "Eat, drink, and let not thy heart feel ^apprehension.
Thou shalt hear all that I have to say unto thee in the morning."
Morning came, he had (the Thekel) called into his , he stood in their
midst and said to the Thekel: "Why have ye come?" They said to him: "We
have come after the stove-up ships which thou sendest to Egypt with our._
comrades." He said to them: "I cannot arrest the messenger of Amon in my
land. Let me send him away, and ye shall pursue him, to arrest him."
He loaded me on board, he sent me away to the harbor of the sea. The
wind drove me to the land of Alasa [Cyprus]; those of the city came forth to me
to slay me. I was brought among them to the abode of Heteb, the queen of
the city. I found her as she was going forth from her houses and entering
into her other [house]. I saluted her, I asked the people who stood about her:
"There is surely one among you who understands Egyptian?" One among
them said: "I understand (it)." I said to him: "Say to my mistress: 'I have heard
as far as Thebes, the abode of Amon, that in every city injustice is done, but
that justice is done in the land of Alasa; (but), lo, injustice is done every day
here.' " She said: "Indeed! what is this that thou sayest?" I said to her: "If
the sea raged and the wind drove me to land where I am, thou wilt not let them
take advantage of me to slay me. I being a messenger of Amon. I am one whom
they will seek unceasingly. As for the crew of the prince of Byblos whom they
sought to kill, their lord will surely find ten crews of thine, and he will slay them
on his part." She had the people called and stationed (before her) ; she said to
me: "Pass the night "
Here the papyrus, which contains this vivid personal narrative
of travel, is broken off and the rest of the story is lost. We may be
356 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
sure that Wenamon escaped from Cyprus and succeeded in reaching
Egypt again, or the story would never have been told.
2. Its Illustration of Certain Points of Biblical History.
The story illustrates well a number of points in Biblical history.
This adventure was approximately contemporary with the career
of Deborah or of Gideon. It shows that the city of Dor, which was
situated on the coast just south of Mount Carmel, was in the posses-
sion of a tribe kindred to the Philistines, who soon afterward appear
in Biblical history. We also learn from it that Egyptian authority
m Palestine and Phoenicia, which was at the time of the El-Amarna
letters so rapidly decaying, had entirely disappeared. Zakar-Baal
stoutly asserts his independence, while the king of the Thekel is
evidently quite independent of Egypt. The way in which these
petty kingdoms deal with one another is quite after the m.anner of
the international relations reflected in the book of Judges. The
expedition of Wenamon to the Lebanon for cedar wood illustrates
the way Solomon obtained cedar for the temple.
Lastly, the way one of the noble youths became frenzied and
prophesied, is quite parallel to the way in which Saul "stripped off
his clothes and prophesied and lay down naked all that day
and all that night" (1 Sam. 19 : 24). The heed which Zakar-Baal
gave to this youth shows that at Gebal, as in Israel, such ecstatic
or frenzied utterances were thought to be of divine origin. Later in
Israel this sort of prophecy became a kind of profession, or trade.
The members of these prophetic guilds were called "sons of the
prophets." The great literary prophets of Israel had nothing to do
with them. Amos is careful to say that he is not a "son of a
prophet" (Amos 7 : 14).
3. Reference to the Philistines.
Ramses III in his inscriptions makes the following statements:^
"The northern countries are unquiet in their limbs, even the Peleset [Philis-
tines], the Thekel, who devastate their land O my august
father [/. c, the god Amon] come to take them, being: the Peleset, the Denyen
[Dardanians], and the Shekelesh [Sicilians]
Utterance of the vanquished Peleset: "Give to us the breath for our nostrils,
O king, son of Amon."
The Peleset are undoubtedly the same people who appear in the
Bible as the Philistines. Ramses III, of the twentieth dynasty,
from whose inscriptions the above quotations are taken, reigned
> These statements are taken from Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, §§ 44. 81, and 82.
FROM THE TIME OF ISRAEL'S JUDGES 357
from 1198-1167 b. c. In his reign tlie Philistines were coming over
the sea and invading northern Egypt along with other wanderers
from different parts of the Mediterranean, the Thekel, the Danaoi,
and the Sicilians. Upon being repelled from Egypt by Ramses,
they passed on and invaded Palestine. As the report of Wenamon
shows, the Thekel were in possession of Dor by the year 1100, and
no doubt the Philistines had gained a foothold also hi the cities
farther to the south, where we find them in the Biblical records
(Judges 13-16; 1 Sam. 4-7; 13, 14; 17, 18, etc.).
Amos says the Philistines came from Caphtor (Amos 9:7).
This has long been supposed to be Crete. Eduard Meyer thinks
that confirmation of this has now been found. A disc mscribed in a
peculiar writing, which has not yet been deciphered, was found in
July, 1908, at Phcestos in Crete in strata of the third middle Minoan
period, i. e., about 1600 b. c.^ This writing is pictographic, and
although not yet translated, appears to be a contract. ^ One of the
frequently recurring signs represents a human head surmounted by
a shock of hair (see Fig. 38), almost exactly like the hair of the
Philistines as they are pictured by the artists of Ramses III on the
walls of his palace at Medinet Habu (see Fig. 36). This sign was
probably the determinative for man. This likeness would make the
proof of the Cretan origin of the Philistines complete, were it not
that some scholars think that the disc exhumed at Phaestos had been
brought thither from across the sea. This is possible, but does not
seem very probable. The doubt will, perhaps, be resolved when we
learn to read the inscription.
1 See Evans, Scripta Minoa, Oxford, 1909, pp. 22, ff., 273. ff.
2 See R. A. S. Macalister, The Philistines, Their History and Civilization, London, 1913, p. 83, ff.
CHAPTER XVII
ARCH.^OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS
GuDEA AND Cedar-wood for his Palace. The Eponym Canon. The Seal of
Shema. Shishak's List of Conquered Asl^tic Cities. Ashurnasirpal's Descrip-
tion of his Expedition to Mediterranean Lands. Shalmaneser Ill's Claims
Regarding Tribute from the Kings of Israel. The Moabite Stone. i\D.ADNi-
RARi IV's Mention of the "Land of Omri." Inscription Describing Tiglathpi-
LESER IV's Campaign. S.argon's Conquests. Sennacherib's Western Campaigns.
The Siloam Inscription. Esarh.\ddon's List of Conquered Kings. Ashurbani-
pal's Assyrian Campaign. Necho of Egypt. Nebuchadrezzar II. Evil-Mero-
dach. Discoveries in Sheba.
1, Gudea and Cedar- Wood for His Palace.
Gudea, a ruler of Lagash in Babylonia (the modern Telloh; see
p. 45), who lived about 2450 b. c, rebuilt Enmnu, the temple of
Ningirsu, at Lagash. In his account of the work he makes the
following statement:^
From Amanus, the mountain of cedar, cedar wood, the length of which was
60 cubits, cedar-wood, the length of which was 50 cubits, iikarimiu-wood, the
length of which was 25 cubits, for the dwelling he made; (from) their mountain
they were brought.
The Amanus mountains lay along the Mediterranean to the north
of the river Orontes. They belong to the same general range as the
Lebanons. Again, in the same inscription, Gudea says:^
From Umanu, the mountain of Menua, from Basalla, the mountain pf the
Amorites, great cut stones he brought; into pillars he made them and in the
court of Eninnu he erected them. From Tidanu, the mountain of the Amorites,
marble in fragments (?) he brought.
This passage shows that a ruler of Babylonia came to this region
for cedar-wood and stones for his temple, as Solomon is said to have
done (1 Kings 5, especially vs. 6 and 17; 2 Chron. 2 : 8, flf.).
That Egyptian rulers did the same is clearly shown by the report of
Wenamon. (See p. 352, ff.)
1 See Sarzcc, Dirouverles en ChahUe. p. ix, col. v. 28, ff. Sec also Thurcaii-Dangin, Les inscrip-
tions de Stimcr etJ'Akkad. Paris, 1905, p. 109, and his Sumerischen und akkadischen Konigstn-
schriften, Leipzi;,', 1907, p. 68, f.
2/ftiW., col. vi, 3, fit.
358
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 359
2. The Eponym Canon.
The Assyrians kept chronological lists called by scholars "Eponym
Canons," which are of great importance in determining the chro-
nology of Hebrew history at a number of obscure points. A trans-
lation of them has not been included in this work, since so few Bib-
lical names occur in them that they would be of little use except to
experts. Any who wish to consult them will find them translated in
Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, pp. 219-238.
3. Jeroboam.
During Schimiacher's excavation at Megiddo (see p. 96), a seal
was found in the palace; it is shown in Fig. 27. Its inscription
reads:
Belonging to Shema, servant of Jeroboam.
We have no means of knowing whether the Jeroboam referred to
was Jeroboam I (1 Kings 12 : 12, fT.), or Jeroboam II (2 Kings 14 :
23, ff.).
4. Shishak.
Sheshonk I (954-924 b. c), the founder of the twenty-second
Egyptian dynasty, the Shishak of the Bible (1 Kings 14 : 25-28),
has left on the walls of a pylon which he erected at the temple of
Karnak a relief picturing his victory. The pictures are of the con-
ventional type, but they are accompanied by a list of conquered
Asiatic cities. Of these the names of about one-hundred and twenty
are legible, though it is possible to identify but a small proportion
of these with known localities. As it would be of no interest to the
general reader to place before him the Egyptian spelling of unidenti-
fied place names, only those are here given which have been identi-
fied or have some Biblical interest. The numbers before each name
designate its distance from the beginning of Sheshonk's list.
Among his conquered towns, then, are the following:^
11. Gimty = Gath. 13. RiihHy = Rabbith (Josh. 19 : 20). 14. T'nqy =
Taanach (Josh. 12 : 21; Judges 5 : 19). 15. Sh'nm'y = Shunem (Josh. 19 : 8;
2 Kings 4 : 8). 16. B'tvsfi'iiry = Beth-shean (Josh. 17 : 11; 1 Sam. .51 : lU;
1 Kings 4 : 12). 17. R^li'b'iy = Rehob (Judges 1 : 31). ^^: J^ f %''''!" y =
Haphraim (Josh. 19 : 19). 22. MyWnm' = Mahanaim (Gen. 32 : 2; Josh. 13 :
26; 2 Sam. 2 : 8; 17 : 24). Q-6'-"-n' = Gibeon (Josh. 10 : 1, f.). 24..BtyJmjrwn
= Beth-horon (Josh. 10 : 10; 1 Sam. 13 : 18). 26. lyuTwn = Aijalon (Josh.
10 : 12 ; 19 : 42). 27. Myqd\'w = Megiddo (Josh. 12 : 21; Judges 1 : 27). 28.
Idyrw' = Edrei (Num. 21 : 33; Deut. 1 : 4; Josh. 12 -.4). 32. 'Win = Elon
1 Translated from W. Max MuUer's Egyptological Researches, Washington, D. C, 1906, Plates
75-87, with a comparison of Breasted's Ancient Records, IV, pp. 350-354.
360 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
(Josh. 19 : 43). 38. Sh'wka = Soco (2 Chron. 11 : 7; 28 : 18). 39. BHytpwh ==
Beth-tapuah (Josh. 15 : 53). 57. Dymrwm = Zemaraim (Josh. 18 : 22). 58.
[M]gdrw = Madgala (Matt. 15 : 39 A. V.). 71, 72. P'ku'qrw' 'b'r'tn = The
field of Abram. 100. Iwdri' = Addar (?) (Josh. 15 : 3). 124. B'ty'nt = Beth-
anoth (?) (Josh. 15 : 59).
According to 1 Kings 14 : 25, ff ., Sheshonk's campaign was directed
against Judah, and there is no hint that the northern kingdom
suffered too. This may be because the interest of the author of
Kings in the house of David and in Jerusalem was greater than his
interest in the north. It is clear from the list of places just quoted
that Sheshonk conquered both kingdoms. He either took or re-
ceived tribute from Megiddo, Taanach, Shunem, and Beth-shean,
cities in the great plain of Jezreel, but crossed the Jordan and cap-
tured Mahanaim and Edrei.
5. Ashurnasirpal.
Ashurnasirpal, King of Assyria, 884-860 b. c, in describing his
expedition to the Mediterranean lands, makes the following state-
ment:^
At that time I marched along Mount Lebanon, imto the great sea of the land
of the Amorites I went up. In the great sea I cleansed my weapons. I made
sacrifices to the gods. The tribute of the kings by the side of the sea, from the
land of the Tyrian, the land of the Sidonian, the land of the Gebalite, the land of
the Mahallatite, the land of the Maisite, the land of the Kaisite, the land of the
Amorite, and the city Arvad, which is in the midst of the sea; silver, gold, lead,
copper, copper vessels, garments of bright colored stuffs, cloth, a great pagittu,
a small pagidu, ushu-wood, ukarinnu-wood., teeth of a sperm-whale porpoise, a
creature of the sea, as their tribute I received; they embraced my feet. To
Mount .\manus I ascended; beams of cedar, cj^ress, juniper, pine, I cut. Sac-
rifices to my gods I offered. A pillar recording my warlike deeds I set up.
This inscription records the first approach of an Assyrian king to
Hebrew territory. He did not actually come into contact with the
Israelites, though he took tribute from their neighbors, the Tyrians
and Sidonians. The expedition of Ashurnasirpal was, however, the
precursor of many others which progressed further.
Ashurnasirpal, like Gudea and Hrihor, secured wood from this
region for his buildings, thus affordmg another parallel to Solomon's
procedure.
6. Shalmaneser IIL
Shalmaneser III, the son and successor of Ashurnasirpal, reigned
from 859 to 825 b. c. He not only approached more closely to Pal-
estine, but claims to have taken tribute from her kings. In the
■ See Le Gac, Les Inscriptions d'Alsur-nasir-cplu III, Paris.'lOOS, p. Ill, line 84, ff.; cf. also
Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the OU Testament, New York, 1912, p. 277, ff.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 361
case of King Jehu the claim is no doubt true. The following ex-
tracts give the accounts in Shalmaneser's own words.^
In the eponym year of Dan-Ashur (/. e., 854 b. c), month Aru, 14th day, I
departed from the city of Nineveh; I crossed the river Tigris. . . . ■. to the
city Qarqar I approached. Qarqar, his royal city, I destroyed, I devastated,
I burned with fire. 1,200 chariots, 1,200 horsemen, 20,000 men of Hadadidri
(Benhadad) of Damascus; 700 chariots, 700 horsemen, 10,000 men of Irhulina,
the Hamathite; 2,000 chariots, 10,000 men of Ahab, the IsraeUte; 500 men of the
Quaean (/. e., Que, in Cilicia) ; 1,000 men of the Musrsan; 10,000 chariots, 10,000
men of the Ircjantaean; 200 men of Matinu-ba'li, the Arvadite; 200 men of the
Usantsean; 30 chariots, 10,000 men of Adunu-ba'li, the Shianian; 1,000 camels of
Gindibu, the Arabian; 1,000 (?) men of Basa, sen of Ruhubi, the Ammonite—
these 12 kings he took as his helpers and they came to make battle and war
against me. With the exalted power which Ashur, the lord, had given me, with
powerful weapons, which Nergal, who goes before me, had presented me, I
fought with them; from Qarqar to Gilzan I accomplished their defeat. 14,000
of their troops I overthrew with arms, like Adad I poured out a flood upon them;
I flung afar their corpses, I filled the plain with their mighty troops. With
weapons I made their blood to flow The field was too narrow for
smiting (?) them, the broad plain (?) was used (?) for burying their bodies.
With their corpses I dammed the Orontes as with a dam (?). In that battle
their chariots, their horsemen, their horses, harnesses, and yokes I took.
It is of especial interest that Ahab and Benhadad, two kings
well known from the Bible, formed a part of the coalition that at-
tempted to repel this first Assyrian invasion. Shalmaneser's claim
of victory is probably exaggerated, for he retired without further
effort to subdue the country. Had it been as sweeping a triumph
as he would have us believe, he would surely have pressed forward.
Another of his inscriptions describes the battle of Qarqar as
follows:^
In the 6th year of my reign from Nineveh I set out unto Qarqar
I approached. Hadadidri of Damascus, Irhulina, the Hamathite, together
with twelve kings of the sea-roast, trusted in their own power and came to make
war and fight with me. With them I fought. 25,000 of their fighting men I
destroyed with arms. Their chariots, their horses, their implements of war I
took from them. They fled to save their lives. I embarked on a ship and went
out to sea.
Four years later Shalmaneser records the subjugation of Car-
chemish, on the Euphrates (cf. Isa. 10 : 9; Jer. 46 : 2). His account
of it is brief and runs thus:^
1 The text is published in Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western A sia, III, 7, 8. These
lines are at the bottom of p. 8. Cf. also Craig, Uebraica, III, 220, fif., and RoRers, Cuneiform Paral-
lels to the Old Testament, 295, £F.
^ From Layard's Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from the Assyrian Monuments, London,
1851, p. 15. Cf. Delitzsch in Beitrage zur Assyriologie, VI, 146.
« Layard, op. cit., line 84, fi.
362 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
In the 10th year of my reign (850 B. c), the river Euphrates I crossed for the
eighth time. The cities of Sangar, the Carchemishite, I devastated, I destroyed
I burned with fire. From the cities of Carchemish I departed and approached
the cities of Arame.
The next year Shalmaneser again tried conclusions with the kings
of the west. His longer account of this runs as follows:^
In the 1 1th year of my reign (849 b. c.) I set out from Nineveh. I crossed the
river Euphrates at high water for the ninth time At that time Hadad-
idri of Damascus, Irhulina the Hamathite, together with twelve kings of the
sea-coast, trusted to their own power and to make war and battle with me they
came. I fought with them, I accomplished their defeat. 10,000 of their
fighting men I slew with arms. Their chariots, horsemen, and implements of
war I took from them.
Shahnaneser's third campaign against these kings is thus de-
scribed:^
In the 14th year of my reign I mustered the broad land without number. I
crossed the Euphrates at high water with 120,000 troops. At that time Hadad-
idri of Damascus and Irhulina, the Hamathite, together with twelve kings of the
sea-coast, upper and lower, mustered their numerous armies without number and
into my presence came. I fought with them, I accomplished their defeat. I
brought away their chariots and horses, their implements of war I took from
them ; they fled to save their lives.
A fourth campaign another inscription describes thus:^
In the 18th year of my reign (842 B. c), I crossed the river Euphrates for the
sixteenth time. Hazael of Damascus (cf. 1 Kings 19 : 15, 17; 2 Kings 8) trusted
to the great numbers of his forces and mustered his troops in large numbers.
Saniru (/. e., Hermon, see Deut. 3 : 9), a mountain-peak at the side of Mount
Lebanon, he made his fortress. I fought with him, I accomplished his defeat.
16,000 of his fighting men I slew with arms. 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his
horses with his camp I took from him. He fled to save his life. I pursued him
and in Damascus, his capital city, shut him up. I cut down his parks. I
marched to the mountains of Hauran. Cities innumerable I destroyed, devas-
tated, I burned with fire; their untold spoil I took as plunder. To the mountain
of Bilirasi,^ a mountain at the head of the sea, I marched. My royal portrait in
it I set up. At that time the tribute of theTyrian, the Sidonian, and of Jehu,
son of Omri, I received.
The tribute of Jehu of Israel, mentioned in the last line of this
inscription, is pictured on Shalmaneser's black obelisk; (see Figs.
295, 2%). Above its various panels is the following inscription:^
' Layard, np. ril.. line 90, ff.
« Ihid., line 99, ff.
•From Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 5, No. 6. The text is also
published in Delitzsch's Assyrische LesesliUke. 4th ed.. p. 51, ff.
* The cliff at the mouth of the Dor river, a short distance north of Beirut. This portrait, with
that of Ramses II and other kin^s. may still be seen carved in the cliff.
•From Abel und Winckler's Keilschrifltexte, Berlin, 1890, p. 12.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 363
Tribute of Jehu, sonof Omri: silver, gold, a bowl (?) of gold, a basin (?) of gold,
cups of gold, pails (?) of gold, bars of lead, scepters (?) for the hand of the king
and balsam wood I received from him.
A fifth expedition is thus briefly described:^
In the 21st year of my reign (839 b. c), the river Euphrates I crossed, against
the cities of Hazael of Damascus I went. Four of his cities I captured. The
tribute of the Tyrian, of the Sidonian, and of the Gebalite I received.
In still another inscription, which gives a summary of his wars,
Shalmaneser compresses the account of his various wars in the west
as follows:-
At that time Hadadidri of the land of Damascus, together with 12 princes, his
helpers, — their defeat I accomplished. 29,000 mighty warriors I prostrated like
a simoom (?). The rest of his soldiers I cast into the river Orontes. They fled
to save their lives. Hadadidri forsook his land. Hazael, son of a nobody, seized
the throne. He summoned his numerous soldiers and came to make war and
battle with me. With him I fought, I accomplished his defeat. The wall of his
camp I seized. He fled to save his life. I pursued hun to-Damascus, his capital
city.
7. The Moabite Stone.
This stone, which bears an inscription of Mesha, King of Moab, a
contemporary of King Ahab, was erected at Dibon (the modern
Diban) on the north shore of the Arnon, where it was found in the
last century. The upper portion of it was first seen by a Prussian
clergyman, Rev. F. A. Klein, in the year 1868. Reports of its
existence had previously reached the French scholar, Clermont-
Ganneau, who was then in Jerusalem, and a squeeze of it was
afterward taken by an Arab for this French scholar. Both the
French and Prussian governments were desirous of obtaining it, and
the Arabs, conceiving that they could obtain more money for it by
selling it in parts, broke it up, thus greatly mutilating the inscrip-
tion. Afterward the French obtained it, putting the pieces together
again, and it may now be seen in the Louvre at Paris; (see Fig. 300) .
The inscription is as follows:^
I am Mesha, son of Chemoshmelek, King of Moab, the Dibonite. ]My father
ruled over Moab thirty years, and I ruled after my father. And I made this
1 Layard, ap. cil., p. 10, line 102, £F.
2 Messerschmidt, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur hislorisdien Inltalls, Leipzig, 1911, No. 30, line 13,
ff. Cf. Langdon's translation Expository Times, Vol. XXIII, 1911, p. 69; also Rogers, Cuneiform
Parallels, p. 298, ff.
3 Translated from Smend and Socin's Die Inschrifl Mesa von Moab, Freiburg I. B., 1886. Cf.
also Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische Epigraphik, Weimar, 1898, Tafel I; G. A. Cooke, North Semitic In-
scriptions. Oxford, 1903, p. 1, ff.; Davis, in Hebraica. VII (1891), 178-182; Bennett, The Moabite
Stone, Edinburgh, 1911; and Hastings, Diet, of the Bible, III, 406, ff.
364 ARCH/EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
high place to Chemosh in Qarhah (?)because of the deliverance of Mesha, because
he saved me from all the kings and because be caused me to see [my desire] upon
all who hated me. Omri, king of Israel — he oppressed JMoab many days, be-
cause Chemosh was angry with his land. And his son succeeded tum, and he
also said I will oppress Moab. In my day he spoke according to [this] word, but
I saw [my desire] upon him and upon his house, and Israel utterly perished for-
ever. Now Omri had possessed all the land of ^Nledeba and dwelt in it his days
and half the days of his son, forty years, but Chemosh restored it in my day.
And I built Baal-meon and I made in it the reservoir (?), and I built Kiryathaim.
And the men of Gad had dwelt in the land of Ataroth from of old and the king
of Israel had built for himself Ataroth. And I fought against the city and took
it, and I slew all the people of the city, a sight [pleasing] to Chemosh and to
Moab. And I brought back from there the altar-hearth of Duda and I dragged
it before Chemosh in Kirj-oth. And I caused to dwell in it the men of Sharon (?)
and the men of Meharoth (?). And Chemosh said to me: "Go take Nebo
ajgainst Israel"; and I went by night and fought against it from break of dawn
till noon, and I took it and slew all, seven thousandmen, boys (?), and women,
and girls, for I had devoted it to Ashtar-Chemosh. And I took from there the
altar-hearths of Yahweh (Jehovah), and I dragged them before Chemosh. And
the king of Israel built Jahaz and dwelt in it while he fought with me and Che-
mosh drove him out from before me. And I took from Moab two hundred men,
all its chiefs, and I led them against Jahaz and took it to add unto Dibon. And
I built Qarhah (?), the wall of the forests and the wall of the hill; and I built its
gates and I built its towers, and I built the king's house, and I made the sluices (?)
for the reservoir of water in the midst of the city. And there was no cistern
in the midst of the city, in Qarhah (?); and I said to all the people: ":\Iake you
each a cistern in his house;" and I cut the cuttings for Qarhah (?) with the help of
the prisoners of Israel. I built Aroer and I made the highway by the Arnon.
And I built Beth-bamoth, for it had been destro3'ed. And I built Bezer, for it
was in ruins [Chi]efs of Dibon were fifty, for all Dibon was obedient.
And I ruled a hundred , in the cities which I had added to the land.
And I built [Medejba and Beth-diblathan. And [as for] Beth-baal-meon, there
1 placed sheep-raisers sheep of the land. And [as for] Horonaim
there dwelt in it and Chemosh said unto me: "Go down, fight
against Horonaim," and I went down and Chemosh in my day, and
from there and I
The author of this inscription is the Mesha mentioned in 2 Kings
3:4. He is there said to have been a "sheep-master" (Hebrew,
noqedh). Mesha appears to say in line 30 (the word, is broken) that
he placed noqedhim, "sheep-raisers," or, "sheep-masters," in Beth-
baal-meon. The noqedh was a raiser of a peculiar breed of sheep.
Moab is excellent grazing land and raised a great many.
In general the inscription supplements the Biblical narrative.
It mentions persons and places well known from the Bible, and
gives us an account of a series of events of which the Bible makes no
mention. The Biblical account says nothing of Mesha's revolt,
while Mesha in his turn says nothing of the campaign described in
2 Kings 3. Neither document implies that the events described
in the other did not occur; the two are written from two different
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 365
points, of view and their authors selected the events which suited
the purpose of the respective writers. In spite of this consideration
there are some differences of statement which are perplexing.
Mesha says in substance that Omri conquered Medeba and occu-
pied it during his reign, half the reign of his son, a period of forty
years, but Chemosh restored it to Moab in his (Mesha's) day. It is
said in 2 Kings 3 : 5, on the other hand, that "when Ahab was dead,
the king of Moab rebelled against the king of Israel." According
to 1 Kings 16 : 23-29, Omri reigned twelve years and Ahab twenty-
two years. All the reign of Omri, and half of that of Ahab would,
accordingly, be but twenty-three years. It is possible, however,
as has been suggested by several scholars, that Mesha uses the
word son to denote descendant, and that he refers to the war with
Israel in the reign of Jehoram, son of Ahab, described in 2 Kings
3 : 6-27. Another suggestion, which seems more probable, is that
the recapture of Medeba, mentioned near the beginning of Mesha's
inscription, occurred about the middle of the reign of Ahab, while
the capture of Ataroth may have belonged to the period of Jehoram,
the whole time from Omri to Jehoram being forty years. Some
scholars have supposed that the Biblical chronology is in error and
that Omri and Ahab together ruled some fifty years. This sup-
position can hardly be correct, since the general accuracy of the
chronology of this part of Kings is confirmed by the Assyrian in-
scriptions.
Mesha's inscription mentions a number of places which the Bible
also names, the Arnon (Num. 21 : 13, etc.; Deut. 2 : 24; 3 : 16, etc.),
Aroer (Josh. 13:16) , Ataroth (Num. 32 :34) , Baal-meon or Beth-baal-
meon (Josh. 13 : 17; Num. 32 : 38), Beth-bamothi (jo^h^ 13 : 17),
Beth-diblathaim (Jer. 48 : 22), Bezer (Josh. 20 : 8), Dibon (Num.
32 : 34; Josh. 13 : 17; Isa. 15 : 2), Horonaim (Isa. 15 : 5), Jahaz
(Josh. 13 : 18; Isa. 15 : 4), Kerioth (Jer. 48 : 24), Kirathaim (Josh.
13 : 19; Jer. 48 : 23), Medeba (Josh. 13 : 16; Isa. 15 : 2), and Nebo
(Num. 32 : 38; Deut. 34 : 1; Isa. 15 : 2).
8. Adadnirari IV.
Adadnirari IV of Assyria (810-782 b. c.) has left an inscription
which mentions Syria and Palestine. It reads as follows i^
' In Joshua the name appears as Bamoth-baal.
= Tran-^lated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western-Asia, Vol. I, p. 35, No. 1.
Cf. also Rogers, Cuneiform-Parallels to the Old Testament, p. 305, fi., and the references there given
toother translations.
366 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Palace of Adadnirari, the great king, the mighty king, the king of the world,
the king of Assyria, who conquered from the Euphrates, the Hittite country, the
Amorite land in its entirety; Tyre, Sidon, the land of Omri, Edom, Palastu, to the
coast 'of the great sea, where the sun sets, cast themselves at my feet; I imposed
tribute and imposts upon them. To the land of Damascus I marched. Mari,
King of Damascus, in Damascus his royal city I besieged. The fear of the luster
of Ashur my lord overwhelmed him and he seized my feet and became subject.
2,300 talents of siK'er, 20 talents of gold, 3,000 talents of copper, 5,000 talents of
iron, variegated garments, linen (?), an ivory bed, an ivory couch (?) with inlaid
border, his goods without measure I received in the palace in his royal city
Damascus.
"The land of Omri" was the kingdom of Israel. Omri had made
such an impression on the East that the Assyrians still so called it.
"Palastu" is Philistia. Edom is here mentioned for the first time
as paying tribute to an Assyrian king, but Judah is not mentioned;
she was still free. Adadnirari was a contemporary of Jehoahaz and
Jehoash of Israel, and of Joash and Amaziah of Judah.
9. Tiglathpileser IV.
Tiglathpileser IV, one of the greatest of Assyria's kings, made
several campaigns into the west and had a profound influence upon
the fortunes of the Hebrew people. Unfortunately, his inscriptions
have been greatly mutilated. Esarhaddon, a later king, determined
to remodel Tiglathpileser's palace for his own use. Apparently he
intended to erase Tiglathpileser's inscriptions from the wall-tablets
which adorned the palace, in order to inscribe these tablets with his
own. Esarhaddon died before the work had progressed very far,
so that the inscriptions were not entirely ruined. The beginnings
and ends of many lines are, however, entirely destroyed, and at some
points deplorable gaps exist in the body of an inscription. Much
that is of interest to the Biblical student can still be made out, as
the following translation will show:^
1
2. [In] the progress of my exijcdition the tribute of ki[ngs]
3 Azariah, the Yaudiean, like
4 Azariah of Yaudi in
5 without number exalted to heaven
6 in the eyes, when that which from heaven
7 by the onset of infantry
8. [the advance] of my powerful [troops] they heard and [their hearts]
feared
9 1 destroyed, devastated, burned with fire
10 who had joined with Azariah and had strengthened him.
' Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 9, No. 2, with a
comparison of Rest, Die Keihchrifllexle Tiglalhpilcsers III.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 367
.... like vines
23 Azariah, the Yaudaean my royal palace
24 tribute like the [Assyrian I laid upon them.]
30 the city Bumame/ 19 districts
31. of the city of Hamath, together with the cities of their environs on the
shore of the western sea, which sinfully and wrongfully they had seized
for Azariah,
32. unto the territory of Assyria I added. I set my officers over them as
governors. 30,000 men [I carried away captive]
33 from their cities, in the city of Ku I settled them. 1,223
people I settled in the province of Ullubu.
50 Tribute of Kushtashpi, the Kummukhite, Rezin, the Damascene,
Menahem, the Samaritan,
51. Hiram, the Tyrian, Sibitti-baal, the Gebalite, Urikke, the Queite, Pisiris
of Carchemish, Eniel
52. the Hamathite, Panammu, the Samalite, Tarhulara, the Gamgumalite,
Sulumal, the Melidite, Dadilu,
53. the Kaskite, Ussurmi, the Tabalite, Ushkitti, the Tunite, Urballa, the
Tuhanite, Tuhammi, the Ishtundite,
54. Urimme, the Hushimnite, Zabibe, Queen of Arabia, gold, silver, lead, iron,
elephant-hide, ivory,
55. variegated garments, linen cloths, purple and red wool, tishu-wood,
ukarinii-wood, costly things, a royal treasure, fat sheep whose wool
56. was dyed red, winged birds of heaven whose wings were dyed purple,
horses, mules, oxen and sheep, camels,
57. she-camels, together with their foals, I received.
This account relates to the campaign of 738 b. c. The Azariah
referred to has been thought to be King Uzziah of Judah, who is
called Azariah in 2 Kings 14 : 21 and 15 : 1-27. It is probable
that he was an Azariah of Yadi, of northern Syria, mentioned in
an inscription of Panammu, to whom Tiglathpileser refers above,
since the kings mentioned with him ruled in the north. Mana-
hem of Israel (2 Kings 15 : 14-23) yielded to Tiglathpileser, as did
Rezin, of Damascus (2 Kings 15 : 37 and 16 : 5-9), but for some
reason Azariah and Judah escaped.
This inscription, fragmentary though it is, tells us that Tiglath-
pileser now practised upon others the system of deportation from
which Israel herself afterward suffered. He forcibly removed
thousands from their homes to distant parts of the empire. This
was an administrative measure, to prevent future rebellion. Per-
sons who had been influential at home among their own people
would be powerless to foment trouble in the midst of strange sur-
roundings and neighbors of an unfriendly race.
1 Translated from Rawlinson, ibid., No. 3.
368 ARCH.EOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
The following relates to the campaign of 733-732:^
1 his warriors I captured I overthrew with
my weapons.
2 before him.
3. the charioteers and their weapons I broke.
4. the[ir chariots and] horses I seized his bowmen
5 who carried shields and spears my hands overthrew, their
battle
6 to save his life he fled alone and
7 like a mouse (?) entered the gate of his city. His captains
alive
8. [my hands captured and on] stakes I hung them and exhibited them to his
land. 45 people (?) from his camp
9 1 brought together before his city, and I shut him in like a bird in a
cage. His parks
10 his orchards, which were without number, I cut down and did not
leave one.
11 Hadara, the home of the father of Rezin of Damascus,
12. [the place where] he was born, I besieged, I captured. 800 people, to-
gether with their possessions,
13 their cattle, and sheep I took as spoil. 750 prisoners of the city
Kurussa,
14 . prisoners of the city Irma, 550 prisoners of the city Mituna, I cap-
tured. 591 cities
15 of 16 districts of Damascus like a deluge heap I destroyed.
19 Hanno of Gaza^
20. fled before my weapons and escaped to Egypt. The city, Gaza,
21. [I captured. His goods], his possessions, his gods [I took as spoil].
my royal image
22 in the palace of [Hanno I set up].
27. The country- of the house of Omri all its people,
28. [and their possessions] I carried away unto Assyria. Pekah, their king,
they had overthrown. Hoshea
29. [as king] over them I placed. 10 talents of gold talents of silver I
received as tribute from them.
57. Tribute^ of Kushtashpi, the Kummuchite, Urikki, the Queite, Sibittibaal,
the Gebalite, Pisiris, the Carchemishite,]
58. Eni-el, the Hamathite, Panammu, the Samalite, Tarhulara, the Gurgum-
ite, Sulu[mal, the Meliditc, Dadilu, the Kaskite],
59. Ussurmi, the Tabalite, Urassurme, the Tabalite, Ushhitti, the Tunite,
Urballa, the Turhanite, Tuhamm[e, the Ishtundite, Urimme, the
Hushimnite],
60. Matanbaal, the Arvadite, Sanipu, the Beth-Ammonite, Salamanu, the
Moabite
61. Mitinti, the Askelonite, Jehoahaz [Ahaz], the Juda^an, Kaushmalaka,
the Edomite, Mus
> Translated from Layard, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character, with a comparison of Rost
op. cit.
' From Rawlinson, op. cit., 10, No. 2, with a comparison of Rost, op. cit.
' From Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 67
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 369
62. Hanno, the Gazaite, gold, silver, lead, iron, tin, variegated garments,
linen, red cloths of their lands,
63. every costly thing, products of sea and dry land produced by their coun-
tries, royal treasures, horses, mules, harnesses [I received.]
The record of this campaign, fragmentary as it is, shows how com-
pletely Tiglathpileser conquered the west. He accomplished the
overthrow of Damascus, which his predecessors had been trying in
vain to do for more than a hundred years. His invasion of northern
Israel led to the overthrow of Pekah, and the deportation as cap-
tives to other parts of the empire of numerous Israelites. This
confirms 2 Kings 15 : 29, 30. It was this conquest of Damascus
and Israel that fulfilled Isaiah's prophecy given in 735 b. c. (Isa.
7 : 16). It was while Tiglathpileser was at Damascus, receiving
the tribute, that Ahaz, whose full name was Jehoahaz, went to
Damascus to carry his tribute, — an act which prevented the in-
vasion of Judah by Assyria at this time. While Ahaz was in
Damascus, he saw the altar of which a copy was made for the temple
in Jerusalem (2 Kings 16 : 10, ff.). The list of kings from whom
Tiglathpileser received tribute contains many Biblical names. Not
only Israel and Judah, but the Philistine cities, Edom, Moab,
Ammon, Damascus, Hamath, the Phoenician cities of Gebal and
Arvad, Samal in the extreme north of Syria, Que in Cilicia, and
Carchemish on the Euphrates, were all drawn into his net.
10. Sargon, 722-705 B. C.
Tiglathpileser IV was succeeded by Shalmaneser V, who ruled, as
the eponym canon shows, from 727 to 722 b. c. On account of a
rebellion of Hoshea, King of Israel, Shalmaneser overran his king-
dom and besieged Samaria for three years, as recorded in 2 Kings
17 : 3-5. Before the city fell, however, Shalmaneser had passed
away and Sargon, the founder of a new dynasty, was on the throne
of Assyria. In Sargon's first year Samaria fell into the hands of the
Assyrian army; Sargon counted this as his own victory and tells of
it in the following words :^
At the beginning of my reign, in my first year Samaria I besieged, I
captured. 27,290 people from its midst I carried captive. 50 chariots I took
there as an addition to my royal force I returned and made more than
formerly to dwell. People from lands which my hands had captured I settled
in the midst. My officers over them as governors I appointed. Tribute and
taxes I imposed upon them after the Assyrian manner.
1 From Winckler's KeilschrifUexle Sargons, p. 1, line 10, f.
370 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
In another inscription the following summary account occurs:^
From the beginning of my reign to my 15th year, the defeat of Humbanigash,
the Elamite, in the en\drons of Durilu I accomplished. Samaria I besieged, I
captured; I carried captive 27,290 people who dwelt in it; 50 chariots I took from
them, and permitted the rest to keep their possessions (?), and placed my gover-
nor over them and imposed on them the tribute of the former king.
These statements confirm 2 Kings 17 : 6 and 24, ff. In one re-
spect they throw an interesting light upon the captivity of Israel.
Only 27,290 people were transported at this time. True, Tiglath-
pileser IV had previously transported the inhabitants of several
towns of Galilee. (See 2 Kings 15 : 29, and his inscriptions trans-
lated above.) When we put together all those who were deported,
however, they were but a fraction of the population. As Sargon
distinctly says, the others remained there.^ They intermarried with
the settlers whom he brought in and became the ancestors of the
sect of Samaritans. The "ten lost tribes" were not "lost," as is
often popularly supposed to have been the case.
The first of the inscriptions quoted above contains also the fol-
lowing passage :2
In the second year of my reign Ilubidi, the Hamathite collected his
numerous troops at Qarqar. The oath [of Ashur he despised]. Arpad, Simirra,
Damascus, Samaria, he made rebellious against me .Sib'u,
his Tartan, he summoned to his aid, and to give fight and battle came into my
presence. In the name of Ashur, my lord, I accomplished his defeat. Sib'u fled
like a shepherd whose sheep are stolen and escaped. Hanno I caught in my
hand and took him bound unto my city Ashur. The city Raphia I devastated,
destroyed, burned with fire. I took captive 9,033 people, together with their
numerous possessions.
The Sib'u of this inscription is probably the same as So, King of
Egypt, in 2 Kings 17 : 4. He cannot be identified with any known
Eg)qDtian king. He was probably a prince of a nome of the Delta.
The above is Sargon's description of the battle of Raphia, which
occurred in the year 720 b. c. This campaign was an aftermath of
the fall of Samaria.
717 B. C.
[Sargon],* the exalted prince, who came upon Ilummanigash, the King of
Elam, in the environs of Durilu and accomplished his overthrow, who reduced
1 Translated from Winckler, op. cil.. p. 30, No. 64, 23, f.
* Ibid., pp. 1, 2. becinning at p. 1, No. 2, line 10.
*/6W., p. 48, lines, ff.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 371
to submission Yaudi, the place of which was distant, who destroyed Hamath,
hands captured Yaubidi.
This Yaudi has been taken by some scholars for Judah, but it
was probably the kingdom in northern Syria mentioned by Tig-
lathpileser IV and in the inscription of Panammu, of Samal, the
modern Zendjirli. We know of no Assvrian invasion of Judah at
this time.
The tribute of Pharaoh, King of Egypt, of Samsi, the Queen of Arabia, Ith-
amara, the Sabaean, gold, the of the mountain, horses, and camels, I
received ^
Yaubidi, the Hamathite, a soldier (?), with no right to the throne, a bad Hit-
tite, had set his heart on the kingdom of Hamath; he caused Arpad, Simirra,
Damascus, and Samaria to rebel against me, made them of one intent and col-
lected for battle. The whole army of Ashur I mustered and in Qarqar, his favor-
ite city, I besieged him together with his soldiers. I captured Qarqar, I burned
it with fire. His skin I flayed and the partakers of his sin I killed in their cities;
I established peace. 200 chariots and 200 horsemen I collected from the people
of Hamath, and added to my royal force.
This passage records the overthrow of Hamath and Arpad (Isa.
10 : 9), and mentions the tribute of a king of Sheba, the account of
the coming of whose queen to Solomon is found in 1 Kings 10 : 1, £F.
711 B. c.
Azuri, King of Ashdod, planned in his heart not to pay tribute, and among
the kings of his neighborhood disseminated hatred of Assyria. On account of
the evil he had done I cut off his lordship over the people of his land. I ap-
pointed Ahimiti, his younger (?) brother to the kingship over them. But the
Hittites, planning evil, hated him and exalted over them Yamani, who had no
claim to the throne, and who, like them, knew no fear of authority. In the anger
of my heart the mass of my army I did not muster, I did not assemble my camp.
With my usual bodyguard I marched against Ashdod. Yamani heard of the
progress of my expedition from afar and fled to the borders of Egypt, which lies
by the side of Melucha, and was seen no more. Ashdod, _Gath, Ashdudimmu,
I besieged, I conquered. I took as spoil his gods, his wife, his sons, his daughters,
his possessions, the treasures of his palace, together with the people of his land.
I seized those cities anew, and settled in them peoples of lands I had captured
from among [the lands] of the east With the people of Assyria I
numbered them, and they bore my yoke. The king of Melucha, who among
an inaccessible place, a road whose fathers from ancient days as
far back as the moon-god, his father, had sent no messengers to my fathers to
pay their respects, heard from afar- of the might of Ashur, Nabu, and Marduk;
the fear of the luster of my royalty covered him and fright was poured over him.
He cast him [Yamani] into bonds, fetters of iron, and brought him Ijefore me
into Assyria,— a long journey .^
' From Winckler, op. cit., p. 31, lines 27, ff. and 33, £f. ^ Ibid., p. 33, line 90, ff.
372 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Another fragmentary account runs thus:^
In the 9th [error for 11th] year of my reign I marched to the coast
of the great sea Azuri, King of Ashdod, Ahimiti his
younger (?) brother I exalted over them tribute and taxes
of my lordship like those of kings, I imposed upon them The
evil in in order not to pay tribute their princes
they drove him away Yamani, a soldier, they appointed to kingship
over them. Their city in its environs a moat cubits in
depth they dug, they reached the water-level To [punish] Philistia,
Judah, Edom, Moab, who inhabit the sea-coast, payers of tribute, and taxes to
Ashur, my lord. Planning rebelUon and untold evil against me, they bore their
pledges to Pharaoh, King of Egj'iit, aprince who could not help them, and sought
his aid. I, Sargon, the faithful prince, who honors the oath of Nabu and
Marduk, who guards the name of Ashur, caused my trusty troops to cross the
Tigris and Euphrates at high water. As for him, Yamani, their king, who had
trusted to his own power, and had not submitted to my lordship, he heard of the
advance of my army. The fear of Ashur, my lord, cast him down, and to
which is on the bank of the river waters his land far away
he fled Ashdod
The two passages just translated are Sargon's accounts of the
events alluded to in Isa. 20 : L These events were the occasion
of the prophecy there recorded. Until the discovery of the palace
of Sargon by Botta in 1845, this passage in Isaiah, was the only
place in extant Literature where the name of Sargon had been pre-
served.
In the last of the passages just quoted, Sargon speaks as though
he had also punished Judah on this expedition. There is no direct
allusion to this in the Bible unless it be the vivid description in Isa.
10 : 28-32, where an approach of an Assyrian army to Jerusalem
from the north is described. It is difficult to date those verses un-
less they also refer to this expedition of 711 b. c. {See Appendix.)
11. Sennacherib, 705-681 B. C.
Campaign of 701^
In my third expedition I went to the land of the Hittites. The fear of my
lordship overthrew Lull, King of Sidon, and he (led to a distance in the midst of
the sea. His land I subdued. Great Sidon, little Sidon, Beth-zet, Zareptah,
Mahalliba, Ushu, .'\chzib, Accho. his strongholds, his fortresses, tlie places of his
food and drink, the forts in which he trusted, the might of the weapons of .Vshur,
my lord, overthrew them and they submitted to my feet. I caused Tubal to sit
on the royal throne over them, and imposed upon him the yearly payment of
tribute as the tax of my lordship. INIinhimmu, the Shamsimurunian, Tubalu,
the Sidonian, Abdiliti, the .Vrvaditc, Urumilkc, the Gebalite, Mitinti, the .\shdod-
ite, Puduilu, the Beth-.'Vmmonite, Kammusunadbi, the Moabite, MiUiiranimu„
1 From Winckler's work previously cited, p. 44.
» From Abel und Winckler's Keilschrifttexle, p. 18, col. ii, 34, ff.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 373
the Edomite, kings of the Westland, all of them, an extensive district, brought
their heavy tribute together with their possessions into my presence and kissed
my feet.
And Sidqa, the King of Askelon, who had not submitted to my yoke, the gods
of the house of his father, himself, his wife, his sons, his daughters, his brothers,
the seed of the house of his father I took away and brought him to Assyria.
Sharruludari, the son of Rukibti, their former king, I placed over the people of
Askelon, and imposed upon him the payment of tribute as an aid to my rule,
and he bore my yoke. In the progress of my expedition Beth-Dagon, Joppa,
Banabarka, .\zuru, the cities of Sidqa, who had not with alacrity submitted to
my feet, I besieged, I captured, I took their spoil. The governors, princes, and
people of Ekron, who had cast into fetters of iron Padi, their king, my ally, bound
by Ashur's oath, and had delivered him to Hezekiah, the Judaean, who as an
enemy imprisoned him, — their hearts feared. The kings of Egypt, the soldiers,
bows, chariots, and horses of the king of Meluhu, an unnumbered force, they
summoned, and they came to their aid. In the environs of Elteke the battle
array was drawn up before me; they asked for their weapons. In the might of
Ashur, my lord, I fought with them and accomplished their defeat. My hands
took alive in the midst of the battle the commander of the chariots and the sons
of the Egyptian king, together with the commander of the chariots of the king of
Meluhu. Elteke [and] Timnath I besieged, captured and took their spoil. I
approached Ekron. The governors and princes who had committed sin I killed
and on stakes round about the city I hung their bodies. The citizens who had
committed wickedness and rebellion I counted as spoil. I declared the right-
eousness of the rest of them, who had committed no sin and rebellion and in
whom was no wickedness. I brought Padi, their king, out of the midst of Jeru-
salem, and on the throne of dominion over them I placed, and imposed the trib-
ute of my over-lordship upon him.
And as to Hezekiah, the Judtean, who had not submitted to my yoke, 46 of his
strongholds, fortified cities, and smaller cities of their environs without number,
with the onset of battering ram,s and the attack of engines, mines, breaches, and
axes ("?), I besieged, I captured. 200,150 people, small and great, male and
female, horses, mules, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep without number I brought
out of their mjdst and counted as booty. He himself I shut up like a caged bird
in Jerusalem, his capital city; I erected beleaguering works against him,_ and
turned back by command every one who came out of his city gate. The cities,
which I had captured, from his country I cut off and gave them to Mitinti, King
of Ashdod, Padi, King of Ekron, and Sillibaal, King of Gaza, and diminished his
land. In addition to the former tribute, their yearly tax, I added a tax as the
impost of my over-lordship and laid it upon them. As to Hezekiah himself, the
fear of the luster of my lordship overcame him and the Urbi and his favorite
soldiers, whom he had brought in to strengthen Jerusalem, his capital city,
deserted. With 30 talents of gold, 800 talents of silver, precious stones, rouge,
dakkasi, lapis lazuli, great aKgHgww'-stones, beds of ivory, stationary ivory thrones,
elephants' hide, ivory, ushu-wood, ukarinnu-wood, all sorts of objects, a heavy
treasure; also his daughters, the women of his palace, male and female musicians
he sent after me to Nineveh, my capital city, and sent his messenger to present
the gift and to do homage.
Inscription under Lachish-picture, 701 B. C.
Sennacherib, king of the world, King of Assyria, sat on his throne, and the
spoil of the city of Lachish passed before him;i (see Fig. 298).
iprom Winckler's Keilschriftlexlbuch, 1892, p. 36.
374 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Expedition against Merodachbaladan, 703 B. C.
In my first expedition I accomplished the defeat of Merodachbaladan, King
of Babylon, together with the forces of Elam, his ally, in the environs of the city
of Kish. In the midst of that battle he left his camp and fled alone; he saved his
life. The chariots, horses, wagons, and mules, which at the onset of battle he
had left, my hands captured. I entered joyfully into his palace which was in
Babylon. I opened his treasure-house; gold, silver, gold and silver utensils,
precious stones of all kinds, his untold treasured possessions, a great bootyj the
women of his palace, princes, his body-guards, male and female musicians,
the rest of his troops as many as there were, and the servants of his palace I
brought out and counted as spoil.^
Campaign against Arabia (between 688 and 682)
Telhunu, the Queen of Arabia, in the midst of the desert— from her I took. . .
camels. The [luster of] my [lordship] overthrew her and Hazael. They left
their tents and fled to Adummatu, which is situated in the desert, a thirsty
place, where there is neither food nor drink .^
The material contained in the first two passages just quoted from
Sennacherib is parallel in a general way to 2 Kings 18, 19 and Isa.
36, 37. All Biblical students recognize that these two chapters in
Isaiah are practically identical with the two in Kings. In discussing
the parallelism, therefore, we shall refer to 2 Kmgs 18, 19 only.
With reference to the bearing of this Assyrian material upon the
Biblical narrative there are three different views which have been
entertained by three groups of scholars.
1. One view, w^hich was first expressed by the late Prof. Schrader,^
of Berlin, is that the inscription of Sennacherib, while differing from
the Biblical account in some particulars, really confirms it at nearly
every point. Sennacherib, though he clauns to have diminishe'd
Hezekiah's territory, and to have received from him a hea\y tribute,
does not claim to have taken. Jerusalem. According to 2 Kings
18 : 14, ff., Hezekiah submitted to Sennacherib, sendmg his mes-
senger to Lachish for the purpose, and paid him a hea\^ tribute;
according to 2 Kings 19 : 35, ff., a great disaster so weakened Sen-
nacherib's army that he was obliged to withdraw. Schrader called
attention to the close correspondence between 2 Kings 18 : 14 and
Sennacherib. Both state that Hezekiah paid 30 talents of gold,
though they differ as to the amount of silver. Kings making it 300
talents, while. Sennacherib makes it 800. It was supposed that the
numbers in the case of the silver were really equivalent tx) one an-
other, the present divergence being due to textual corruption.
• From Abel und Wincklcr's Kcihchriftlexte. p. 17. line 0. ff.
2 From Vorilerasialiscltc Schrijldcnkmiiler der koniRlkhcn Museen zu Berlin, I, 75.
* Keitinschriften uiul das Alle Tcslamait. 1872, 168, ff.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 375
Assyrian kings never record their failures, but Sennacherib's ad-
mission that he did not take the city was held to be confirmation of
2 Kings 19 : 35, ff., which describes a great destruction of the
Assyrian army and a signal deliverance of Jerusalem.
2. A second view, of which Prof. Meinhold,^ of Bonn, may be
taken as the chief exponent, starts from the fact that there seem
to be two accounts in 2 Kings 18 and 19. In 18 : 13-16 there is a
statement of how Hezekiah sent to Sennacherib, while Sennacherib
was besieging Lachish, and admitted that he had done wrong and
promised to bear whatever Sennacherib might choose to put upon
him. Sennacherib thereupon imposed a heavy tribute upon him,
which he paid. The whole transaction seems to be concluded, when
at V. 17 the Tartan, or Rabsaris (Rabshakeh), appears upon the
scene and taunts Hezekiah for his obstinacy and he submits again.
Possibly this might be considered the details of the transaction that
was described in mere outline in 18 : 13-16. When, however, it
has all been described again, and the Rabshakeh has returned to
Sennacherib at Lachish, Sennacherib again sends messengers
(chapter 19 : 9) , again demanding a surrender. These messengers
are said to have been sent when Sennacherib heard that Tirhakah,
King of Ethiopia, was marching against him. This narrative goes
on to tell how Hezekiah, acting under the advice of Isaiah, delayed
his surrender, and how the camp of the Assyrians was decimated by
the angel of the Lord, and Jerusalem escaped.
Meinhold and his followers hold that there are here two incon-
sistent accounts. According to the first, Hezekiah surrendered;
according to the second, he did not. According to the first, Heze-
kiah paid tribute; according to the second, Sennacherib's army was
destroyed. The first of these accounts is confirmed by Sennach-
erib's inscription; the second is, so Meinhold holds, shown by it to
be unhistorical: first, by the fact that Sennacherib gives no hint that
his army was harmed, and, secondly, by the mention of Tirhakah,
who did not come to the throne until 688 b. C, and could not,
therefore, have been a factor in the war of 701 b. c.
A third view was suggested by Winckler^ and is held by Prasek,^
FuUerton,'* and Rogers.^ According to this view, Sennacherib
1 Meinhold, Die JewaerzaMung^n, Jes. 36-39, 1898.
2Winckler, AlUestamentlichc Untersuclmngen, 1892, pp. 27-50.
' Prasek, Sanherihs Feldzuge gegen Juda, 1903.
4 In Bihliotheca Sacra, LXIII (1906), 577-634.
^Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, 1912, 332-340.
376 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
made two expeditions against Jerusalem, and 2 Kings 18 : 13 — 19 : 8
is an account of the first of these (the expedition of 701), while 2
Kings 19 : 9-36 is the account of the second, — an expedition which
did not occur until after the accession of Tirhakah, eight or ten
years later. The inscription of Sennacherib, already quoted,
refers to the first of these expeditions only. We have no inscrip-
tion of Sennacherib referring to the later disastrous campaign, but
that is not surprising, for unless the account of his expedition against
the queen of Arabia, already quoted above, belongs to this period,
we have no inscriptions referring to the last eight years of his reign.
It is thought by the scholars who believe that there were two expe-
ditions, that Sennacherib would approach the queen of Arabia only
from the west, so that that inscription is regarded as an incidental
confirmation of this view. Of course, an Assyrian king would not
record a disaster.
The account in 2 Kings 19 : 9-36 receives confirmation from an
mteresting passage in Herodotus, the Greek "father of history."
He says (Book II, 141) :
And after this the next king [of Egypt] was a priest of Hephaistos, called
Sethos. He held the warrior class of the Egyptians in contempt as though he
had no need of them. He did them dishonor and deprived them of the arable
lands which had been granted them by previous kings, twelve acres to each
soldier. And afterward Sennacherib, King of the Arabians and Assyrians,
marched a great army into Egypt. Then the soldiers of Egj'pt would not help
him; whereupon the priest went into the inner sanctuary to the image of the god
and bewailed the things which he was in danger of sutTering. As he wept he fell
asleep, and there appeared to him in a vision the god standing over him to en-
courage him, saying that, when he went forth to meet the Arabian army he
would suffer no harm, for he himself would send him helpers. Trusting to this
dream he collected those Egyptians who were willing to follow him and marched
to Pelusium, where the entrance to his country was. 'None of the warriors fol-
lowed him, but traders, artisans, and market men. There, as the two armies lay
opposite to each other, there came in the night a multitude of field mice, which ate
up all the quivers and bowstrings of the enemy, and the thongs of their shields.
In consequence, on the next day they fled, and, being deprived of their arms,
many of them fell. And there stands now in the temple of Hephaistos a stone
statue of this king holding a mouse in his hand, bearing an inscription which
says: "Let any who look on me reverence the gods."
George Adam Smith' pointed out several years ago that, when this
passage is compared with 2 Kings 19 : 36, it points clearly to the
conclusion that Sennacherib's army was attacked by bubonic plague.
In modern times this plague first attacks rats and mice, which in
» Uhtorical Geography oj the Holy Land, 158, ff.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 377
their suffering swarm the dwellings of men and spread the disease.
The Hebrews regarded the attack of such a plague as a smiting by
the angel of God. This is shown by 2 Sam. 24 : 16, 17; Acts 12 : 23;
2 Kings 19 : 36. Such a pestilence would render the Assyrian army
helpless, and would be regarded by the Hebrews as a divine inter-
vention on their behalf. As it is supported by both the book of
Kings and Herodotus, it probably affords us a clue to what really
happened to Sennacherib's army.
We hold, then, that the last of the three views concerning the
campaigns of Sennacherib to Palestine is probably correct.
The Elteke mentioned in the inscription of Sennacherib is the
city referred to in Josh. 19 : 44 and 21 : 23. The Merodachbaladan
referred to is mentioned in Isa. 39 : 1, where it is said that he sent
to congratulate Hezekiah upon his recovery from sickness. It is
clear from what the Assyrian accounts tell us that his real motive in
sending to Hezekiah was to induce him to rebel against Assyria.
12. The Siloam Inscription.
The following inscription was discovered in 1880 on the right wall
of the tunnel which connects the Virgin's Well (Ain Sitti Maryam)
at Jerusalem with the Pool of Siloam (Birket Silwan).
The boring through [is completed]. And this is the story of the boring through :
while yet [they plied] the drill, each toward his fellow, and while yet there were
three cubits to be bored through, there was heard the voice of one calling unto
another, for there was a crevice in the rock on the right hand. And on the day
of the boring through the stone-cutters struck, each to meet his fellow, drill upon
drill; and the waters flowed from the source to the pool for a thousand and two
hundred cubits, and a hundred cubits was the height of the rock above the heads
of the stone-cutters;^ (see Fig. 297).
This inscription, though not dated, is believed to come from the
time of Hezekiah. Hezekiah is said in 2 Kings 20 : 20 to have built
a conduit and to have brought the water into the city. This in-
scription was found in a remarkable conduit which still runs under
the hill at Jerusalem, cut through the solid rock. It is about 1,700
feet long. It was cleared of silt by the Parker expedition of 1909-
1911, and the tunnel is about 6 feet in height throughout its entire
length. When it was cut the wall of Jerusalem crossed the Tyro-
poeon Valley just below it, so that, while the Virgin's Spring (the
Biblical Gihon) lay outside the walls, this aqueduct brought the
water to a pool within the walls, so that the inhabitants of the city
1 Translated from a facsimile in the Kautzsch-Gesenius, Eebraische Grammatik, 1902.
378 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
could, in case of siege, fill their water-jars without exposing them-
selves to the enemy.
The inscription is now in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at
Constantinoi)le.
13. Esarhaddon, 681-668 B. C.
I overthrew the kings of the Hittite country and those beyond the sea; Baal,
King of Tyre, Manassah, King of Judah, Kaushgabri, King of Edom, Musuri,
King of Moab, Silbaal, King of Gaza, Mitinti, King of Askelon, Ikausu, King
of Ekron, Milkiashapa, King of Gebal, Matanbaal, King of Arvad, Abibaal,
King of Shamsimuruna, Puduel, King of Beth-Ammon, Ahi-milku, King of Ash-
dod, 12 kings of the sea-coast; Ekishtura, King of Idalion, Pilagura, King of Kiti,
Kisu, King of Sillua, Ituandcr, King of Paphos, Erisu, King of Sillu, Damasu,
King of Kuri, Atmizu, King of Tamesu, Damusi, King of Kartihadasti, Unasa-
gusu, King of Lidir, Bususu, King of Nurenu; 10 kings of Cyprus in the midst of
the sea— altogether 22 kings of the Hittite land, of the sea-coast and the midst
of the sea— I sent to them and great cedar beams, etc [they sentj.i
Esarhaddon, the author of the inscription from which this ex-
tract is taken, is mentioned in 2 Kings 19 : 37 and Isa. 37 : 38 as
Sennacherib's successor, a statement which the inscriptions abun-
dantly confirm. The above quotation from his inscription shows
that Manasseh, King of Judah, 2 Kings 20 : 21 and chapter 21, was
a vassal of Esarhaddon. Esarhaddon is also alluded to in Ezra 4 : 2.
14. Ashurbanipal of Assyria, 668-626 B. C.
In my third campaign I marched against Baal, King of Tyre, who dwelt in the
midst of the sea. Because he had not kept the word of my lordship nor heeded
the utterance of my lips, I erected against him siege-works and cut off his exit
both by land and sea; their lives I made narrow and straitened; I caused them to
submit to my yoke. They brought the daughters that came forth from his
loins and the daughters of his brothers into my presence to become concubines.
Yahimilki, his son, who had never crossed the sea, they brought at the same
time to do me ser\dce. His daughter and the daughters of his larothers with an
abundant dowry I received from him. I granted him favor and returned to him
the son that came forth from his loins.-
Yakinlu, King of Arvad, who dwells in the midst of the sea, who had not sub-
mitted to the kings, my fathers, I brought under my yoke. He brought his
daughter to Nineveh with an abundant dowry and kissed my feet
On my return I captured Ushu, which is situated on the coast of the sea.
The inhabitants of Ushu, who had not been obedient to their governors, who had
not paid their tribute, I killed as the tribute of their land. Among the rebellious
peoples I set my staff. Their gods and their peoples I carried as booty to Assy-
ria. The people of Accho who had not submitted I subdued. I hung their
bodies on stakes around the city. The rest I took to Assyria; I preserved them
and added them to the numerous army which Ashur had given unto me.'
> Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. Ill, p. 16, col. v,
line 12. fT.
*Ibi<t., Vol. V, 2, 49, f.
* Ibid.. 9. 115, f.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 379
These extracts from the inscriptions of Ashurbanipal show that
during the reign of Manasseh he was active in reducing the rebel-
lions of Phoenician cities, some of which, as Tyre and Accho, were
at the doors of Palestine. No doubt Manasseh continued to pay
him tribute and so was not molested. The name of Ashurbanipal
is preserved in Ezra 4 : 10 in the corrupt form of Osnappar.
15. Necho of Egypt, 609-593 B. C.
Year 16, fourth month of the first season, day 16, under the majesty of Horns:
Wise-hearted; king of Upper and Lower Egypt; Favorite of the two goddesses:
Triumphant; Golden Horus: Beloved-of-the-Gods; Uhemibre; Son of Ra, of his
body, his beloved: Necho, living forever, beloved of Apis, son of Osiris.^
(An account of the interment of an Apis bull then follows.)
The above is the beginning of an inscription of Pharaoh Necho,
whose defeat of King Josiah, of Judah, is recorded in 2 Kings 23 :
29, f. He became over-lord of Judah for four years and placed
Jehoiakim on the Judsean throne (2 Kings 23 : 34). Necho was
himself defeated at Carchemish on the Euphrates by Nebuchad-
rezzar, of Babylon, in 604 b. c, and as he retreated to Egypt
Nebuchadrezzar pursued him through Palestine. The book of
Jeremiah speaks of this defeat and vividly describes the pursuit
which followed. (Cf. Jer. 46 : 2, f.)
16. Nebuchadrezzar II, 604-562 B. C.
Many inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar are known, but most of
them relate to buildings. The following extracts are those which
best illustrate the Bible.
In exalted trust in him (Marduk) distant countries, remote mountains from
the upper sea (Mediterranean) to the lower sea (Persian Gulf), steep paths,
blockaded roads, where the step is impeded, [where] was no footing, difficult
roads, desert paths, I traversed, and the disobedient I destroyed; I captured the
enemies, established justice in the lands; the people I exalted; the bad and evil
I separated from the people.^
Reference to the Lebanon
From the upper sea to the lower sea, [which] Marduk, my lord, had
entrusted to me, in [all] lands, the totality [of dwelling-places] 1 [exalted] the
city of Babylon to the first place. I caused his name to be reverenced among the
cities; the shrines of Nabu and Marduk, my lords, 1 made them recognize, con-
tinually At that time the Lebanon mountain, the mountain [of
cedar], the proud forest of ]VLarduk, the odor of whose cedars is good
of another god no other king had my god, Marduk, the
' From Breasted 's Ancient Records, Egypt. IV. 498.
' Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, I, 33, col. ii, line 12, ff.
380 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
king to the palace of the princes of heaven and earth shone as adorn-
ment As a foreign enemy had taken possession of (the mountain) and
seized its riches, its people had fled and taken refuge at a distance. In the power
of Nabu and Marduk, my lords, I drew up [my soldiers, for battle] in mount
Lebanon. Its enemy I dislodged above and below and made glad the heart of
the land. I collected its scattered people and returned them to their place. I
did what no former king had done; I cleft high mountains, stones of the mountain
I quarried, I opened passes. I made a straight road for the cedars. ISIighty
cedars they were, tall and strong, of wonderful beauty, whose dark appearance
was remarkable,^the mighty products of mount Lebanon I made
the people of mount Lebanon to lie down in abundance; I permitted no adversary
to possess it. That none might do harm I set up my royal image forever.^
A Building Inscription
Nebuchadrezzar, King of Babylon, the restorer of Esagila and Ezida, son of
Nabopolassar am I. As a protection to Esagila, that no powerful enemy and
destroyer might take Babylon, that the line ofbattle might not approach Imgur-
Bel, the wall of Babylon, that which no former king had done [I did]; at the
enclosure of Babylon I made an enclosure of a strong wall on the east side. I
dug a moat, I reached the level -of the water. I then saw that the wall which
my father had prepared was too small in its construction. I built with bitumen
and brick a mighty wall which, like a mountain, could not be moved and con-
nected it with the wall of my father; I laid its foundations on the breast of the
under-world; its top I raised up like a mountain. Along this wall to strengthen
it I constructed a third and as the base of a protecting wall I laid a foundation of
bricks and built it on the breast of the under-world and laid its foundation. The
fortifications of Esagila and Babylon I strengthened and established the name
of my reign forever.
O ^larduk, lord of the gods, my divine creator, may my deeds find favor before
thee; may they endure forever! Eternal life, satisfied with posterity, a secure
throne, and a long reign grant as thy gift. Thou art indeed my deliverer and
my help, O Marduk, I by thy faithful word which does not change — may my
weapons advance, be sharp and bje .stronger than the weapon of the foe!^
Nebuchadrezzar was the king who destroyed Jerusalem and car-
ried the more prominent of the people of Judah captive. (See 2
Kings 24 and 25.) His inscriptions give no account of these events.
In the first of the quotations made above he covers all his con-
quests by one general reference. In the second quotation he gives a
more detailed account of his conquest of the Lebanon, because that
inscription was carved on the rocks at the side of one of the deep val-
leys of the Lebanon. The third inscription, relating to the building
of Babylon, has been strikingly confirmed by Koldewey's excava-
tion of Babylon, by which the massive walls and extensive temples
were imcovered.^ It also gives us a background for Daniel 4 : 29,
•Translated from PoRnon, Les inscriptions bahyhniennes du Wadi Brissa, PI. xiii. f., and
Recueil dt travcaux relalifs a la philoloRte el a I'arclieologie egyplienncs el assyriennes, XXVIII, 57.
Sec also I-anRdon. \cubahylonisclicn Konigsinschriflen, 174. ff.
'Translated from the Zeitschrifl Jiir Assyriologie, I, 337, f.
> See Part I, Chapter II, p. 46, f.
LIGHT ON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 381
where Nebuchadrezzar is said to have walked upon* the royal palace
and said: "Is not this great Babylon which I have built?"
17. Evil-Merodach, 562-560 B. C.
Nebuchadrezzar was succeeded by his son, Amil-Marduk, whom
the Bible (2 Kings 25 : 27) calls Evil-Merodach. The only inscrip-
tion of his that has been found is the following, inscribed on an
alabaster vase found at Susa, whither the Elamites had at some time
carried it as booty :2
Palace of Amil-Marduk, King of Babylon, son of Nebuchadrezzar, King of
Babylon.
This is the king who released Jehoiachin, King of Judah, from
prison after his thirty-six years in confinement and treated him
kindly.
1 This is the reading of the margin in R. V., and correctly translates the original. He was
not walking "in" the palace, but upon its flat roof, from which he could see the great city.
* From de Morgan's Delegation en Perse, Vol. XIV, p. 60.
Note on the Land of the Queen of Sheba. — This region, which lay in
South Arabia, was explored during the nineteenth century by a number of
travelers. Three of these, Thomas J. Arnaud in 1843, Joseph Halevy in
1869, and Eduard Glaser who made four expeditions between 1882 and 1894,
brought back from South Arabia many inscriptions, several of which were
made by rulers of Saba, the Biblical Sheba, whose queen is said to have vis-
ited Solomon (1 Kings 10 : 1-13). As none of these relate to that queen, it
has not seemed fitting to include one of them. The inscriptions, however,
show that two important kingdoms existed there, Saba and Main. Main is
thought by some to be related to the Biblical Midianites. The Greek ver-
sion of Job makes Job's friend, Zophar, king of Main. The kingdom of Saba
lasted until 115 b. c. It established strong colonies in Africa. In 115 B. c.
one colony overthrew the mother-country and established the kingdom of
Saba and Raidhan, which lasted till about 300 A. d. After that Saba became
apparently unimportant, but various Semitic kingdoms succeeded one another
in Africa, including the present-day Abyssinian kingdom. The Abyssinian
king claims descent from Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE END OF THE BABYLONIAN EXILE
Inscriptions of Nabuna'id; Their Bearing on Biblical Statements Regarding
Belshazzar. Account of the Capture of Babylon Bearing on the Book of
Daniel. Inscription of Cyrus Bearing on the Capture of Babylon. Cyrus'
Permission for the Return to Jerusalem.
1. Inscriptions of Nabuna'id.
Several inscriptions of this king, who ruled 555-538 b. c, are
known, but only a brief e.xtract of one of them is given here, as the
major part of the material has no bearing on the Bible.
Nabuna'id, King of Babylon, the restorer of Esagila and Ezida, the worshiper
of the great gods am I O Sin, lord of the gods of heaven and earth,
god of the gods, as for me, Nabuna'id, King of Babylon, save me from
sinning against thy great divinity. A life of many days grant as thy gift. As
for Belshazzar, the firstborn son, proceeding from my loins, place in his heart fear
of thy great divinity; let him not turn to sinning; let him be satisfied with fulness
of Ufe!i
Belshazzar is here said to be the son of Nabuna'id, whereas in
Dan. 5 : 11, 18 Nebuchadrezzar is called his father. Nabuna'id,
as the Babylonian documents show, was not a descendant of
Nebuchadrezzar, but a usurper of another family. Some scholars
hold that this shows the book of Daniel to be in error, while others
hold that "father" in Dan. 5 : 11, 18 is equivalent to "ancestor,"
and think Belshazzar may have been descended from Nebuchad-
rezzar on his mother's side.
The Nabuna'id-Cyrus Chronicle
This chronicle is known only from a tablet which is somewhat
broken. The following extract will show the nature of its contents:
In the 9th year Nabuna'id was at Tema. The son of the king, the princes,
and soldiers were in Akkad. The king did not come to Babylon in Nisan,
Nebo did not go to Babylon. Bel did not go out. The festival sacrifice was
omitted. They olTercd sacrifices in Esagila and Ezida on account of Babylon
and Borsippa, that the land might prosper. On the 5th of the month, Nisan
' From Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 68, No. 1.
382
THE END OF THE BABYLONIAN EXH^E 383
the mother of the king, died in Dur-karashu on the bank of the Euphrates above
Sippar. The son of the king and the soldiers mourned three days. In the month
Sivan there was mourning for the king's mother in Akkad.
In the month Nisan Cyrus, King of Persia, mustered his soldiers, and crossed
the Tigris below Arbela and in the month lyyar went to the land of _.
its king he killed, he took his possessions. His own governor (?) he placed in it
afterward his governor (?) and a king (?) were there.^
2. Bearing on Biblical Statements Regarding Belshazzar.
Similar chronicles are given by the tablet for other years. It is
stated each time what Nabuna'id was doing; where the king's son
(Belshazzar) was, and what Cyrus was doing. Cyrus, who over-
threw the Median king in 553 b. c, was occupied for several years
in subjugating other lands before he attacked Babylon. He over-
threw Croesus, King of Lydia, in 546. It would seem that it was
well known in Babylonia what he was doing each year. Those
scholars who believe that Isaiah 40 — 55 is the work of a prophet
who lived during the Babylonian Exile, claim that this chronicle
explains how that prophet could refer in Isa. 44 : 28; 45 : 1 to
Cyrus as a w^ell-known figure. They see the exercise of the pro-
phetic gift of the prophet in the faith which he had that Cyrus
would release Israel from captivity. Those who believe that the
whole of the book of Isaiah is the work of the son of Amoz, see in
these verses pure prediction of the rise of Cyrus as well as of the
release of the Jews.
3. Account of the Capture of Babylon.
From the chronicle just quoted we have the following state-
ment for the 17th year of the reign of Nabuna'id:
Nebo to go forth from Borsippa the king entered the
temple of Edurkalama. In the month in the lower sea a revolt
. .Bel came out; the feast of Akiti (Sept.-Oct.), accordmg to the cus-
tom .... the gods of Marad, Zagaga, and the gods of Kish, Beltis, and the
gods of Harsagkalama entered Babylon. Unto the end of Elul (Aug.-Sept.)
the gods of Borsippa, Cutha, and Sippar did not enter. In the month 1 ammuz
(June-July) Cyrus, when he made battle in Opis, on the banks of the rncr
Zalzallat, with the soldiers of Akkad, conquered the inhabitants of Akkad.
When they assembled the people were killed. On the 14th Sippar was taken
without a battle. Nabuna'id fled. On the 16th Gobiyas. governor of the land
of Gutium, and the soldiers of Cyrus entered Babylon without a battle^ l^ater
Nabuna'id was captured because he remained in Babylon. To the end ot the
month the shield-bearers of the land of Gutium assembled at the gates of LsagUa.
No weapon of any kind was taken into Esagila or the temples; nor was the
standard raised. On the third day of Marcheswan (Oct.-Nov.) Cyrus entered
Babylon. The walls (?) were broken down before him. Cyrus proclaimed
1 From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaology, VII, 157, f.
384 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
peace to all of Babylon. He appointed Gobryas his satrap, and also prefects in
Babylon. From Kisleu (Nov.-Dec.) unto Adar (Feb.-March), the gods of
Akkad, whom Nabuna'id had brought to Babylon, returned to their cities. In
the month Marcheswan, on the night of the 11th, Gobryas unto the
son of the king was killed. From the 27th of Adar to the 3rd of Nisan there was
lamentation in Akkad. All the people bowed their heads. On the 4th day
Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, went to Eshapakalama.^
4. Bearing of This Account on the Book of Daniel.
This interesting text here becomes too broken for connected
translation. It is clear that the document means to state that
Nabuna'id was king of Babylon when it was captured, and not
Belshazzar, as stated in Daniel 5 : 30. It states, also, that Cyrus
captured Babylon and not Darius the Mede, as in Dan. 5 : 3L It
is true that Gobryas took Babylon first, and occupied it about two
weeks before Cyrus arrived. He was, however, Cyrus's officer
and was acting in his name. Critical scholars, who believe that
Daniel was written 168-165 b. c, find in these statements a con-
firmation of their views. They think its author lived so far from
the events that he confused their exact order. Those who defend
the traditional date of Daniel think that Gobryas is meant by
Darius the Mede, and see in the exalted position which Belshazzar
held, as crown prince and commander of the army, sufficient ground
for the Biblical statement that he was king. By such interpreta-
tions they harmonize this chronicle with the Bible.
Dr. Theophilus G. Pinches has recently published^ some extracts
from two tablets from Erech which are in the possession of an
Englishman, Mr. Harding Smith, which throw some additional
light on these points. It was customary for Babylonians in con-
firming a contract to swear by the name of the reigning king, and
one of these tablets contams a contract, dated in the 12th year of
Nabuna'id, in which a man bound himself by the oath of Nabuna'id,
King of Babylon, and of Belshazzar, the king's son. As Belshazzar
is here associated with the king, he must have been but slightly
lower in rank and power than the king himself.
This is confirmed by a tablet at Yale, recently published by
Prof. Clay.^ The text contains the interpretation of a dream for
the King Nabuna'id and for his son Belshazzar. It is dated in the
seventh year of the reign of Nabuna'id.
» From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaology, VII, 162, f., and Clay, Light on the
Old Testament from Babel, 374. f.
« See Expository Times. Vol. XXVI, 297-299 (April, 1915).
» Babylonian Texts from the Yale Collection, No. 39.
THE END OF THE BABYLONIAN EXILE 385
The other tablet quoted by Pinches shows that in the fourth
year of Cambyses {i. e., 524 b. c), Gobryas was still governor of
Babylon. If he is the man who in Daniel is called Darius the
Mede, he exercised the powers of governor in Babylon for a consid-
erable number of years.
5. Inscription of Cyrus.
The following is an inscription of Cyrus. The lines are much
broken at the beginning, but it reads as follows:^
begat (?) him [the four] regions
of the world great coward was established as ruler over the land . .
a similar one he set over them; like Esagila he made to Ur
and the rest of the cities a rule not suitable for them he planned daily
and in enmity he caused the established sacrifice to cease. He appointed
he established within the city. The worship of Mardiik, king of the
gods he wrought hostility against his city daUy his
[people] all of them he destroyed through servitude, without rest. On account
of their lamentation the lord of the gods was exceedmgly angry and [left] their
territory ; the gods who dwelt among them left their dwellings. In anger because
he brought [them] into Babylon, Marduk to return to all the dwell-
ings, their habitations, which were overthrown. The people of Sumer and Ak-
kad, who were Uke corpses, he brought back and granted them a
return. Through all lands he made his way, he looked, he sought a righteous
prince, a being whom he loved, whom he took by the hand. Cyrus, King of
Anshan, he called by name and designated him to rule over all the lands. The
land of Qutu, all the Scythian hordes, he made to submit to his feet. The
black-headed people {i. e., the Babylonians), whom he caused his hand to cap-
ture, in faithfulness and righteousness he sought. Marduk, the great lord,
looked Joyfully upon the return of his people, his kindly deeds and upright heart.
To his city, Babylon, he commanded him to go; he caused him to take the road
to Babylon, going as a friend and companion at his side. His numerous army,
the number of which was, like the waters of a river, unknown, marched at his
side girded with their weapons. He caused him to enter Babylon without war
or battle. He preserved his city, Babylon, from tribulation; he filled his
(Cyrus's) hand with Nabuna'id, the king who did not fear him. All the people
of Babylon, all of Sumer and Akkad, the princes and governors, prostrated them-
selves under him and kissed his feet. They rejoiced in his sovereignty; their
faces shone. The lord, who by his power makes the dead to Hve, who from de-
struction and injustice had saved them, altogether they blessed him in joy; they
revered his name.
I am Cyrus, king of the world, the great king, the mighty king, king of Baby-
lon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four quarters of the world, son of
Cambyses, the great king, king of Anshan, grandson of Cyrus, the great king,
king of Anshan, great-grandson of Teispes, the great king, king of Anshan; an
everlasting seed of royalty, whose government Bel and Nabu love, whose reign
in the goodness of their hearts they desire. When I entered in peace into Baby-
lon, with joy and rejoicing I took up my lordly dwelling in the royal palace,
Marduk, the great lord, moved the understanding heart of the people of Babylon
to me, while I daily sought his worship* My numerous troops dwelt peacefully
in Babylon; in all Sumer and Akkad no terrorizer did I permit. In Babylon and
all its cities in peace I looked about. The people of Babylon [I released] from
» From Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 35.
386 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
an unsuitable yoke. Their dwellings — their decay I repaired; their ruins I
cleared away. Marduk, the great lord, rejoiced at these deeds and graciously
blessed me, Cyrus, the king who worships him, and Cambyses, my son, and all
my troops, while we in peace joyfully praised before him his exalted divinity.
All the kings who dwell in palaces, from all quarters of the world, from the
upper sea to the lower sea, who live [in palaces], all the kings of the Westland
who live in tents, brought me their heavy tribute in Babylon and kissed my feet,
From to Ashur and Susa, Agade, Eshnunak, Zamban, Meturnu, Deri,
to the border of Gutium, the cities [beyond] the Tigris, whose sites had been
founded of old, — the gods who dwelt in them I returned to their places, and
caused them to settle in their eternal shrines. All their people I assembled and
returned them to their dwellings. And the gods of Sumer and Akkad, whom
Nabuna'id, to the anger of the lord of the gods, had brought into Babylon, at the
command of Marduk, the great lord, I caused in peace to dwell in their abodes,
the dwellings in which their hearts delighted. ]\lay all the gods, whom I have
returned to their cities, pray before Marduk and Nabu for the prolonging of my
days, may they speak a kind word for me and say to Marduk, lord of the gods,
"May Cyrus the king, who fears thee, and Cambyses, his son, their
caused all to dwell in peace"
6. Bearing on the Capture of Babylon and the Return of the Jews.
This inscription confirms the statement of the chronicle already
quoted that Cyrus conquered the city of Babylon without a blow.
The most important feature of it for the student of the Bible is,
however, its revelation of the reversal of the Assyrian policy of
transportation. That policy had been inaugurated by Tiglath-
pileser IV more than two hundred years before. In accordance
with it the kingdom of Israel had first been stripped of its more
prominent inhabitants who had been carried captive to distant
lands, and then the kmgdom of Judah. Cyrus determined to
attach his subjects to himself by gratitude instead of terror, so he
permitted, as he says here, those who had been transported to
return to their several countries and rebuild their temples. It was
in consequence of this general policy that the Jews were permitted
to return from Babylonia and rebuild the temple at Jerusalem.
This is referred to in Ezra, chapter 1. It is there implied that
Cyrus made a special proclamation concerning the temple at
Jerusalem. Some scholars infer from the above inscription of
Cyrus, that the book of Ezra (chapter 1) has freely interpreted the
general policy of Cyrus as a special permission granted to the Jews.
It may be, however, as others have held, that a special edict was
issued in favor of each individual nation in order that this general
policy might be carried out without opposition.
In any event, the inscription confirms the statement of Ezra that
Cyrus permitted the Jews to return.
CHAPTER XIX
A JEWISH COLONY IN EGYPT DURING THE TIME OF
NEHEMIAH
Papyri Witness to the Existence of a Colony at Elephantine. Translation
OF a Petition Relating to Their Temple. Reply of Persian Governor. His-
torical Bearings of these Documents. A Letter Relating to the Passover.
A Letter Showing that the Jews were Unpopular at Elephantine.
Numerous papyri found since 1895 at Elephantine, an island at
the First Cataract of the Nile, reveal the existence of a Jewish
community there. The documents are dated from the year 494
B. c. to the year 400 b. c. They show that this Jewish community
had at Elephantine a temple to Jehovah, that they were soldiers,
and that some of them were engaged in trade. One document
declares that when Cambyses conquered Egypt (525 b. c.) he then
found the temple of Jehovah in existence there, and that it had been
built under native Egyptian kings. How came such a community
of Jews to be established there? It is thought that they were a
garrison placed there by Psammetik II, King of Egypt, 593-588
B. c. This Psammetik endeavored to conquer Nubia,^ and accord-
ing to a confused statement in Josephus (Contra Apion, I, 26, 27)
Rhampses (perhaps a corruption of Psammetik), employed some
Jews in an expedition to that country.^ However, these Jews came
to dwell at this point, and whensoever the settlement was made, the
documents^ are most interesting, and open to us a hitherto wholly
unknown vista in the history of the Jews.
1. Temple Papyrus from Elephantine.
Unto our lord, Bagohi, governor of Judah, thy servants Jedoniah and his
associates, the priests who are in Yeb, the fortress, health! May our Lord, the
God of heaven, abundantty grant unto thee at all times, and for favors may he
appoint thee before Darius, the king, and the princes of the palace more than at
present a thousand times, and long life may he grant to thee, and joy and
1 Herodotus, Book II, 161.
2 Josephus professes to be quoting Manetho, and puts the incident in the time of Ramses.
Perhaps Aristeas in his letter refers to this colony, when he speaks of Jewish soldiers. (See
Kautzsch, Apokryphen uiui Pseudepigrapken, II, 7.)
3 The documents have been published by Sayce and Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at
Assuan, London, 1906, and Sachau, Aramaische Papyrus und Oslraka aus Elephanline, Leipzig,
1911. Those translated here are Nos. 1, 4, 6, and 11 of Sachau's publicaUon.
387
388 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
strength, at all times! Now thy sen^ant, Jedoniah, and his associates thus speak:
In the month Tammuz, year 14 of Darius, the king, when Arsames departed and
went unto the king, the priests of the god Khnub, who were in Yeb, the fortress,
made an agreement with \\aidrang who was acting governor here; it was as
follows: The temple of Yahu (Jehovah), the God, which is in Yeb, the fortress
they would remove from there. Afterward this Waidrang wickedly sent a letter
unto Nephayan, his son, who was commander of the army at Syene, the fortress,
saying: "The temple which is in Yeb, the fortress they shall destroy." After-
ward Nephayan, mustering Egyptians with the other forces, came to the fortress
\'eb with their quivers (?) ; they entered into this temple, they destroyed it to the
ground, and the pillars of stone which were there they brake. _ Also it came to
pass (that) five gates of stone, constructed of cut stone, which were in this
temple, they destroyed, and their swingmg doors and the bronze hinges of
these doors. And the roof which was of cedar wood, all of it, together \\-ith
the rest of the furnishings and the other things which were there, the whole
they burned with fire. And the vessels of gold and silver and the things which
were in this temple, the whole was taken, and they made it their own.
Now from the days of the kings of Egypt, our fathers built this temple in Y'eb,
the fortress, and when Cambyses came to Egjist, this temple was found built,
and the temples of the gods of Egypt were overthrown, but not a thing in this
temple was harmed. And after they (/. e., Waidrang and the priests of Khnub)
had done this, we and our wives and sons were clothed in sackcloth and were
fasting and praying to Y'ahu, God of heaven, that he would show us this Waid-
rang, the cur, with the anklets torn from his feet, that all the goods which he
possesses might perish, and all the men who desired the pollution of this tem-
ple— all might be killed, and we might see (our desire) upon them. Also for-
merly, at the time this shameful deed was done to us we sent a letter to our
lord, and unto Jehohanan, the high priest, and his associates, the priests who are
in Jerusalem, and unto Ostan, the brother of Anani and the elders of Judah, but
a letter they have not sent unto us. Also from the month Tammuz of the 14th
year of Darius the king even unto this day we have worn sackcloth and fasted,
our wives have been made like widows, we have not anointed ourselves with oil,
wine we have not drunk; also from then unto the I7th year of Darius thekinga
meal-ofJering and incense and a burnt-offering they have not offered in this
temple. Now thy servants Jedoniah and his associates and the Jews, all who are
citizens of Yeb, thus speak: If unto our lord it seems good to think on this temple
to rebuild it, because they will not permit us to rebuild it, look upon those who
share thy favor and kindnesses who are here in Egypt— let a letter be sent unto
them concerning the temple of Yahu God, to build it in Yeb, the fortress, in the
way it was built formerly, and meal-offerings and incense and burnt-offerings let
them offer upon the altar of Yahu God in thy name, and we will pray for thee at
all times, we and our wives and our sons and the Jews, all who are here. If thus
they do until this temple is built, then merit (righteousness) shall be Ihine before
Yahu, God of heaven, more than (that of) the man who offers to him burnt-
offerings and sacrifices of the value of a thousand pieces of silver. And concern-
ing gold for this we have sent information. Also the whole is told in a letter we
sent in our name to Dalajah and Shelemjah, sons of Sanballat, governor of
Samaria. Also concerning this which is done to us, all of it Arsames does not
know.
On the 20th of Marcheswan, year 17 of Darius the king.
To this letter Bagohi (Bagoas) sent the following reply:
Memorandum of Bagohi and Dalajah. They spoke to me a memorandum for
them: It shall be thine to say among the Egyptians before Arsames concerning
A JEWISH COLONY IN EGYPT 389
the place of sacrifice of the pod of heaven, which was built in Yeb the
fortress formerly before Cambyscs, which this wicked Waidrang destroyed in
the year fourteen of Darius the king, to build it in its place like as it was before,
and meal-offerings and incense let them offer upon this altar in the manner it
formerly was done.
The first of these doctiments is dated in the 17th year of Darius
II, i. e., the year 407 b. c. It states that the temple at Elephantine
(Yeb) had been destroyed by Waidrang and had lain in ruins for
three years. The community which worshiped in the temple had
previously written to Jehohanan, high priest at Jerusalem, probably
to ask that he intercede with the Persian governor Bagohi (Bagoses) ,
but had written in vain. They now write to Bagohi himself, and
also to the two sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria (cf. Neh.
2 : 10, 19, etc.), with the result that the request is granted, and
authority is given to rebuild the temple.
The fact that there was a temple at Elephantine at all is new and
startling. Its significance is differently interpreted by different
scholars. More conservative scholars claim that it is opposed to the
date which the critical school assign to the date of Deuteronomy,
viz.: 621 B. c, because, if the law against more altars than one had
been introduced then, Jews would not have so soon violated it by
building this shrine. Critics, on the other hand, hold that it fits
well with their views, since they believe that Deuteronomy was
accepted by Jews as a whole only gradually, and after considerable
struggle.
One thing is clear: at the time the temple at Elephantme was
overthrown, the Jews at Jerusalem looked upon it with disfavor.^
They took no steps to lay the matter before the Persian governor.
It was not till the aggrieved Eg>'ptian Jews wrote to the heretical
Samaritans, Dalajah and Shelemjah, sons of Sanballat, who would
naturally be glad to encourage another rival to the temple at Jeru-
salem, that the matter was pushed and permission given to rebuild
the temple.
This appeal to Sanballat's family throws interesting light on the
progress of the schism between the Jews and the Samaritans.'''
(Compare Nehemiah 4 : 1, ff; 6 : 1, ff.; and 13 : 28.)
The existence of this temple has an interesting bearing upon the
date of Isa. 19. Some scholars have held that that prophecy, which
1 Perhaps this disfavor arose in part from the fact that, as a papyrus not translated here shows,
two other deities were worshiped alonp with Jehovah.
2 It is possible that the Elephantine colony were taken from northern Israel.
390 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
refers to a temple of Jehovah in the land of Egypt, is late and must
refer to the temple built by Onias III, about 170 b. c. (Cf. Jose-
phus, Antiquities, xiii, 3:1,6.) It is now possible to suppose that
the reference may well have been to this hitherto unsuspected temple
at Elephantine.
2. Hananiah's Passover Letter.
To my brethren, Jedoniah and his associates, the Jewdsh garrison, your brother
Hananiah. The peace of my brethren may God And now this year, the
year 5 of Darius the king, there was sent from the king unto Arsames
Now ye thus shall count fourteen and from the 15th day unto the
21st day [of Nisan] be ye clean and guard yourselves. Work ye shall
not [do] ye shall not drink, and all which is leavened ye shall n[ot eat]
from the going down of the sun unto the 21st day of Nisan
take into your rooms and seal between the days of
This letter is from some Hananiah who seems to have stood high
in authority among Jewish communities. Several Hananiahs are
mentioned in the post-exilic literature. One of them was a military
commander in Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 7:2), but
as that was at least twenty-five 3^ears before the date of our letter,
it would be precarious to assert that that Hananiah was the writer
of this letter, though it is possible that he was.
From the letter it is clear that the writer is informing the Jewish
garrison at Elephantine concerning the details of the provisions for
the observance of the Jewish Passover, as they are laid down in
Exod. 12 and Lev. 23. It seems strange that these Jews at Ele-
phantine who were faithful enough to Jehovah to have a temple in
his honor, should have needed to be informed of such details, if they
had copies of the Pentateuch. Adherents of the modern school of
criticism see in this fact a confirmation of their view, that the
Levitical law had been introduced into the Jewish community at
Jerusalem only in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, for, they urge,
this letter shows that it was unknown to the garrison at Elephan-
tine until the reign of Darius II. To this, conservative scholars
reply that it was customary among the Jews to make yearly procla-
mation of the approach of the festival, and that this may be simply
such a ]5roclamation. They also urge that ignorance of the law on
the part of some Jews is no proof that it did not exist.
3. Letter Showing that the Jews of Egypt were Unpopular.
To my lords, Jedoniah, Uriah, and the priests of the God. Jehovah, Mattan.
son of Joshibiah and Neriah son of thy servant Mauziyah; the peace of
A JEWISH COLONY IN EGYPT 391
my lords and be favored before the God of heaven. _ And now, when
Waidrang, the chief of the garrison, came to Abydos, he imprisoned me on ac-
count of a certain precious stone which they found stolen in the hands of the
traders. At last Seha and Hor, who were known to Anani, exerted themselves
with Waidrang and Hornufi, under the protection of the God of heaven, until
they secured my release. Now behold they are coming thither to you. Do you
attend to them whatever they may desire. And whatever thing Seha and Hor
may desire of you, stand ye before them so that no cause of blame may they find
in you. With you is the chastisement which without cause has rested upon us,
from the time Hananiah was in Egypt until now. And whatever you do for Hor
you do for yourselves. Hor is known to Anani. Do you sell cheaply from our
houses any goods that are at hand; whether we lose or do not lose, is one to you.
This is why I am sending to you: he said to me: "Send a letter before us." Even
if we should lose, credit will be established because of him in the house of Anani.
What you do for hkn will not be hidden from Anani. To my lords, Jedoniah,
Uriah, and the priests and the Jews.
This is a letter sent by a member of the Jewish colony of Ele-
phantine to his Jewish brethren there, highly recommending to
them two men. He was especially anxious to make a good impres-
sion upon these because they were acquaintances of a certain Anani.
This Anani apparently was a man of influence at the Persian court.
His name may be the same as Hanani, Nehemiah's brother (Neh.
7:2). It has been pointed out that the existence of two men of
the same name who could have influence at the Persian court would
be improbable. This letter shows that since Hananiah came to
Egypt, the Jews have been in affliction, and the writer of this letter
is anxious to make a good impression upon the friends of Anani, so
that this affliction may be removed.
Scholars of the critical school see in this letter a confirmation of
their view that the Levitical law had but just been mtroduced into
the Egyptian community. The reference to the "chastisement" or
"affliction" which had rested on the community is thought by them
to be, probably, the friction between Jews and Eg>'ptians caused by
the less friendly relations toward foreigners, which the Levitical
law imposed on its devotees. It is, of course, possible that the
"chastisement" may have been due to somethmg quite different.
It should be said, too, that the papyrus is torn somewhat just where
the word rendered chastisement occurs, so that the word itself is
not certain.
CHAPTER XX
A BABYLONIAN JOB
Translation of a Poem Relating to the Apflictions of a Good Man. Comparison
WITH the Book of Job. A Fragment of Another Similar Poem.
1. Babylonian Poem Relating to Affliction.
The following Babylonian poem treats of a mysterious affliction
which overtook a righteous man of Babylonia, and has been com-
pared with the book of Job.^
1. I advanced in life, I attained to the allotted span;
Wherever I turned there was evil, evil —
Oppression is increased, uprightness I see not.
I cried unto god, but he showed not his face.
5. I prayed to my goddess, but she raised not her head.
The seer by his oracle did not discern the future;
Nor did the enchanter with a libation illuminate my case;
I consulted the necromancer, but he opened not my understanding.
The conjurer with his charms did not remove my ban.
10. How deeds are reversed in the world!
I look behind, oppression encloses me
Like one who the sacrifice to god did not bring,
And at meal-time did not invoke the goddess,
Did not bow down his face, his offering was not seen;
15. (Like one) in whose mouth prayers and supphcations were locked,
(For whom) god's day had ceased, a feast day become rare, _ _
(One who) has thrown down his fire-pan, gone away from their images,
God's fear and veneration has not taught his people.
Who invoked not his god, when he ate god's food; _
20. (Who) abandoned his goddess, and brought not what is prescribed,
(Who) oppresses the weak, forgets his god, n t •
Who takes in vain the mighty name of his god; he says, I am like liun.
But I myself thought of prayers and supplications;
Prayer was my wisdom, sacrifice, my dignity;
25. The' day of honoring the gods was the joy of my heart.
The day of following the goddess was my acquisition of wealth;
The prayer of the king,— that was my delight.
And his music, — for my pleasure was its sound.
I gave directions to my land to revere the names of god,
30. To honor the name of the goddess I taught my people.
Reverence for the king I greatly exalted.
And respect for the palace I taught the people;
For I knew that with god these things are in favor.
What is innocent of itself, to god is.evil!
> Translated from the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archccotosy, X, 478, f., and Rawlin-
son's (^unciform Inscriptions, IV, 60*.
392
A BABYLONIAN JOB 393
35. What in one's heart is contemptible, to one's god is good!
Who can understand the thoughts of the gods in heaven?
The counsel of god is full of destruction; who can understand?
Where may human beings learn the ways of god?
He who Hves at evening is dead in the morning;
40. Quickly he is troubled; all at once he is oppressed;
At one moment he sings and plays;
In the twinkling of an eye he howls like a funeral-mourner.
Like sunshine and cloud^ their thoughts change;
They are hungry and like a corpse;
45. They are filled and rival their god!
In prosperity they speak of climbmg to Heaven;
Trouble overtakes them and they speak of going down to Sheol.
(At this point the tablet is broken. We do not know how many
lines are wanting before the narrative is resumed on the back of the
tablet.)
Reverse
Into my prison my house is turned.
Into the bonds of my flesh are my hands thrown;
Into the fetters of myself my feet have stumbled.
5. With a whip he has beaten me; there is no protection;
With a staff he has transfixed me; the stench was terrible!
All day long the pursuer pursues me,
In the night watches he lets me breathe not a moment;
Through torture my joints are torn asunder;
10. My Umbs are destroyed, loathing covers me;
On my couch I welter like an ox,
I am covered, like a sheep, with my excrement.
My sickness bafQed the conjurers.
And the seer left dark my omens.
15. The diviner has not improved the condition of my sickness;
The duration of my illness the seer could not state;
The god helped me not, my hand he took not;
The goddess pitied me not, she came not to my side;
The cofhn yawned; they [the heirs] took my possessions;
20. While I was not yet dead, the death wail was ready.
My whole land cried out: "How is he destroyed!"
My enemy heard; his face gladdened;
They brought as good news the glad tidings, his heart rejoiced.
But I knew the time of all my family,
25. When among the protecting spirits their divinity is exalted.
The above is from a tablet called the "Second" of the series
Ludlul bel nimeqi, i. e., "I will serve the lord of wisdom." The
"Third" tablet of the series has been published by R. Campbell
Thompson in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical ArchcBology,
* Literally, "like opening and shutting."
394 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
XXXII, p. 18, f. It is considerably broken, but the parts which are
lesible are as follows:
Let thy hand grasp the javelin
Tabu-utul-Bel, who lives at Nippur,
5. Has sent me to consult thee,
Has laid his upon me.
In life has cast, he has foimd. [He says]:
"[I lay down] and a dream I beheld;
This is the dream which I saw by night: —
10. [He who made woman] and created man,
Marduk, has ordained (?) that he be encompassed with sickness (?).
15. And in whatever
He said: "How long will he be in such great affliction and distress?
What is it that he saw in his vision of the night?"
"In the dream Ur-Bau ap[peared],
A mighty hero wearing his crown,
20. A conjurer, too, clad in strength,
Marduk indeed sent me;
Unto Shubshi-meshri-Nergal he brought abu[ndance];
In his pure hands he brought abu[ndance].
By my guardian-spirit (?) he st[opped] (?),"
25. [By] the seer he sent a message:
"A favorable omen I show to my people."
he quickly finished; the was broken
of my lord, his heart [was satisfied];
30 his spirit was appeased
my lamentation
good
like
He approached (?) and the spell which he had pronounced (?),
' 5. He sent a storm wind to the horizon;
To the breast of the earth it bore [a blast],
Into the depth of his ocean the disembodied spirit vanished (?);
Unnumbered spirits he sent back to the under-world.
The of the hag-demons he sent straight to the mountain.
10. The sea-flood he spread with ice;
The roots of the disease he tore out like a plant.
The horrible slumber that settled on my rest
Like smoke filled the sky
With the woe he had brought, unrepulsed and bitter, he filled the earth like
a storm.
15. The unrelieved headache which had overwhelmed the heavens
He took away and sent down on me the evening dew.
My eyelids, which he had veiled with the veil of night.
He blew upon with a rushing wind and made clear their sight.
My cars, which were stopped, were deaf as a deaf man's^
A BABYLONIAN JOB 395
20. He removed their deafness and restored their hearing.
My nose, whose nostril had been stopped from my mother's womb —
He eased its deformity so that I could breathe.
My lips, which were closed — he had taken their strength —
He removed their trembling and loosed their bond.
25. My mouth, which was closed so that I could not be understood —
He cleansed it like a dish, he healed its disease.
My eyes, which had been attacked so that they rolled together —
He loosed their bond and their balls were set right.
The tongue, which had stiffened so that it could not be raised —
30. [He relieved] its thickness, so its words could be understood.
The gullet which was compressed, stopped as with a plug —
He healed its contraction, it worked like a flute.
My spittle which was stopped so that it was not secreted —
He removed its fetter, he opened its lock.
2. Comparison with the Book of Job.
A commentary on this text, which has been preserved on a
tablet, informs us that Tabu-utul-Bel was an official of Nippur in
Babylonia.! jj^jg story has some striking similarities to the book
of Job. It presents also some striking dissimilarities.
Tabu-utul-Bel, like Job, had been a just man. He had been also
a religious man. (See lines 23, ff., p. 392.) The virtues which he
claims are similar to those of Job (see Job 29 and 31); there is,
however, this difference: Job's virtues are social; those of Tabu-
utul-Bel consist of acts of worship and loyalty. Tabu-utul-Bel is
smitten, like Job, with a sore disease. To him, as to Job, the
providence is inexplicable. He, like Job, charges his god with in-
scrutable injustice. The chasm which often yawns between ex-
perience and moral deserts was as keenly felt by the Babylonian as
by the Hebrew.
Here the parallelism with the book of Job ends. The two works
belong to widely different religious worlds. Job gains relief by
a vision of God — an experience which made him able to believe
that, though he could not understand the reason for the pain of life
or its contradictions and tragedy, God could, and Job now knew
God. (See Job 42 : 4-6.) Tabu-utul-Bel, on the other hand, is
said to have gained his relief through a magician. We are appar-
ently told by the fragmentary text that at last he found a conjurer
who brought a messenger from the god Marduk, who drove away
1 Perhaps one of the antediluvian Babylonian kings. (See Part II, Chapter IV.) The Sume-
rian form of his name was Laluralim and in Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia,
Vol. V, p. 44, 17b, is glossed as Zugagib or "scorpion." Zugagib is.one-of the early kings of Baby-
lonia, who is said to have ruled 840 years-
396 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
the evil spirits which caused the disease, and so Tabu-utul-Bcl was
relieved. This difference sets vividly before us the greater religious
value and inspiration of the book of Job. It treats the same prob-
lem that the Babylonian poet took for his theme, but between the
outlook of the poet who composed Job and that of the Babylonian
poet there is all the diflference between a real experience of God and
faith in the black art.
3. Another Similar Lament.
Another fragment of a lament of a somewhat similar character,
written in the Sumerian language, comes to us on a tablet from Nip-
pur, the very city with which Tabu-utul-Bel is said to have been
connected. It reads as follows:^
Column I
1
2
3 he carried away,
4 he destroyed,
5 spoke to
6 was destroyed,
7 completely from on high was destroyed.
8. I, even I, am a man of destruction.
9. With might from below he destroyed,
10. I, even I, am a man of destruction.
11. Nippur (?) — its temple verily is destroyed,
12. My city verily is destroj^ed.
13. O Enlil, from the height descend,
14. May Ububul destroy them!
Column II
2. '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. .'...'.'.'.'.'.
3 my food (?) is not,
4. The ground grain is removed, with the hand he seized it;
5. My eyes fail.
6. The shrine of the mother which the silver-smith cast,
7. To earth he has ground,
8. Its contents on the earth verily he flung —
9. I am a man of destruction! —
10. Its contents on the earth verily he destroyed;
11. I am a man of destruction!
12. The man from above is wise;
13. On earth he dwells.
14. The man who went before,
15. Hides in the rear.
16. Namtar my maiden (he snatched away);
17. Who shall bring the maiden back?
» Translated from S. Langdon's Historical and Religious Texts from the Temple Library of Nippur.
Munich, 1914, No. 16.
A BABYLONIAN JOB 397
Column III
1. Namtar verily is smitten, yea verily,
2. Who shall bring back strength?
3. The smiter has smitten, '
4. Who shall strike him down?
5. The hero bearing the dagger
6. He has cast down,
7. Who shall drag him off?
8. At the gate of my palace no protector stands,
9. A man of desolation am I!
10. The land is completely overthrown, I have no defender,
11. A man of desolation am I!
12. The flood tills not the marsh land;
13. My eye thereon I lift not.
14. To man's plantations water reaches not,
15. My hand stretches not out to it.
16. To the marsh land which the flood filled
17. Truly the foot walks upon it!
From this point on the tablet is too broken for connected trans-
lation. Dr. Langdon calls this the lament of a Sumerian Job, but
his woes, in so far as this fragment recounts them, are due to the
conquest of his land by an enemy, and to famine due to a failure of
the rivers to overflow. The parallelism to Tabu-utul-Bel and to
Job might be closer, if we had the whole tablet. As this tablet is
in the script of the first dynasty of Babylon, it is evident that this
kind of lamentation was as early as 2000 b. c.
CHAPTER XXI
PSALMS FROM BABYLONIA AND EGYPT
ClL\R.A.CTER OF ThEIR PsALMS. BaBYLONXA.N PrAYERS TO THE GODDESS ISHTaR-
Comparison with the Psalter. A B.^ylonian Hymn to the Moon-God. A
B.\BYL0NL\N Hymn to Bel. An Egyptian Hymn to the Sun-God. Is the Hymn
Monotheistic? An Egyptian Hymn in Pr.\ise of Aton. Comparison with the
Psalter.
Both from Babylonia and from Egypt a large number of hymns
and prayers have been recovered. Some of these are beautiful on
account of their form of expression, the poetical nature of their
thoughts, and the sense of sin which they reveal. Most of them are
clearly polytheistic, and it is rare that they rise in the expression of
religious emotion to the simple sublimity of the Old Testament
Psalms. Such likenesses to the Psahns as they possess only serve
to set off in greater relief the rich religious heritage which we have
in our Psalter.
A few examples only of the many known hymns are here given.
1. A Babylonian Prayer to the Goddess Ishtar.^
O fulfiller of the commands of Bel
Mother of the gods, fulfiller of the commands of Bel,
Thou bringer-forth of verdure, thou lady of mankind, —
5. Begetress of all, who makest all offspring thrive,
Mother Ishtar, whose might no god approaches,
Majestic lady, whose commands are powerful,
A request I will proffer, which— may it bring good to me!
O lady, from my childhood I have been exceedingly hemmed in by
trouble!
10. Food I did not eat, I was bathed in tears!
Water I did not quaff, tears were my drink!
My heart is not glad, my soul is not cheerful;
I do not walk like a man.
Reverse
painfully I wail!
My sighs are many, my sickness is great!
O my lady, teach me what to do, appoint me a resting-place!
My sin forgive, lift up my countenance!
' Translated from Haupt's Akkadische uml simeriuhe Keilschrijttexte, 116, ff., with comparison
of Zimmern's Babylonische Busspsalmen, 33, £.
398
PSALMS FROM BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 399
S. My god, who is lord of prayer, — may he present my prayer to thee!
My goddess, who is mistress of supplication, — may she present my
prayer to thee!
God of the deluge, lord of Harsaga, — may he present my prayer to thee, —
The god of pity, the lord of the fields, — may he present my prayer to thee!
God of heaven and earth, the lord of Eridu, — may he present my prayer
to thee!
10. The mother of the great water, the dwelling of Damkina, — may she
present my prayer to thee!
Marduk, lord of Babylon, — may he present my prayer to thee!
His spouse, the exalted offspring (?) of heaven and earth,— may she pre-
sent my prayer to thee!
The exalted servant, the god who announces the good name, — may he
present my prayer to thee!
15. The bride, the firstborn of Ninib, — may she present my prayer to thee!
The lady who checks hostile speech, — may she present my prayer to thee!
The great, exalted one, my lady Nana, — may she present my prayer to
thee!
2. A Babylonian Prayer to Ishtar.^
He raises to thee a wail;
He raises to thee a wail;
[On account of his face which] for tears is not raised, he raises to thee a
wail;
On account of his feet on which fetters are laid, he raises to thee a wail;
5. On account of his hand, which is powerless through oppression, he raises
to thee a wail;
On account of his breast, which wheezes like a bellows, he raises to thee a
wail;
O lady, in sadness of heart I raise to thee my piteous cry, "How long?"
O lady, to thy servant — speak pardon to him, let thy heart be appeased!
To thy servant who suffers pain — favor grant him!
10. Turn thy gaze upon him, receive his entreaty!
To thy servant with whom thou art angry — be favorable unto him!
O lady, my hands are bound, I turn to thee!
For the sake of the exalted warrior, Shamash, thy beloved husband, take
away my bonds!
15. Through a long life let me walk before thee!
My god brings before thee a lamentation; let thy heart be appeased!
My goddess utters to thee a prayer, let thy anger be quieted!
The exalted warrior, Anu, thy beloved spouse, — may he present my prayer
to thee!
[Shamash], god of justice, — may he present my prayer to thee!
20 the exalted servant, — may he present my prayer to thee!
the mighty one of Ebarbar, — may he present my tears to thee!
["Thine eye turn truly] to me," may he say to thee!
["Thy face turn truly to] me," may he say to thee!
["Let thy heart be at rest"], may he say to thee!
25. ["Let thy anger be pacified"], may he say to thee!
[Thy heart like the heart of a mother who has brought forth], may if
rejoice!
[Like a father who has begotten a child], may it be glad!
• Translated from Haupt's Akkadiscke und Sumerische Keilsckriftlexte, p. 122, f.
400 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
3. Comparison of These Prayers with the Psalter.
The writers of these lamentations, like the Hebrew Psahnist
(see Psa. 17 : 1 ; 18 : 6) , cried unto a deity for help. They were both
in great distress, and naturally inferred that their deity was angry,
as do Psahns 85 : 5; 90 : 7. There is, however, no great conscious-
ness of sin in these Babylonian complaints. They simply express
distress. Unlike the Biblical Psalms these are polytheistic and their
authors call upon other deities to intercede for them with the god-
dess, to whom the prayer is addressed and whom, for the time being,
they regard as supreme. The author of this last penitential psahn
asks "How long?" as does Psa. 6:3; 74 : 10; 90 : 13. The idea
seems to be that the suffering of the penitent will either atone for
sin or touch the heart of the deity so that the suffering shall be
abated.
4. A Babylonian Hymn to Sin, the Moon-god.^
O brilliant barque of the heavens, ruler in thy own right,
Father Nannar, lord of Ur,
Father Nannar, lord of Ekishshirgal,
Father Nannar, lord of the brilliant rising,
5. O lord, Nannar, firstborn son of Bel,
Thou standest, thou standest
Before thy father Bel. Thou art ruler,
Father Nannar; thou art ruler, thou art guide.
O barque, when standing in the midst of heaven, thou art ruler.
10. Father Nannar, thou thyself ridest to the brilliant temple.
Father Nannar, when, like a ship, thou goest in the midst of the deep,
Thou goest, thou goest, thou goest.
Thou goest, thou shinest anew, thou goest,
Thou shinest anew, thou livest again, thou goest.
15. Father Nannar, the herd thou restorest.
When thy father looketh on thee wath joy, he commandeth thy wa.\ing,
Then with the glory of a king brilHantly thou risest.
Bel a scepter for distant days for thy hands has completed.
In Ur as the brilliant barque thou ridest,
20. As the lord, Nudunmud, thou art established;
In Ur as the brilliant boat thou ridest.
Reverse
The river of Bel (?) [Nannar] fills with water.
The brilliant (?) river (Nannar] fills with water.
The river Tigris [Nannar] fills with water.
5. The brilliance of the Euphrates [Nannar] fills with water.
The canal with its gate Lukhe, [Nannar] fills with water.
The great marsh and the little marsh Nannar fills with water.
> Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &-c., in the British Museum, Part
XV. pp. 16, 17.
PSALMS FROM BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 401
The preceding hymn is made up of a description of the movements
and changes of the moon, together with the expression of a super-
stition, which is still widely prevalent, that the moon's changes
control the ramfall. It is a fair example of a Babylonian nature-
psalm. It lacks the inspired and inspiring power of such Hebrew
nature-psahns as Psahns 8, 19, 146, 147, and 148.
5. A Babylonian Hymn to Bel.^
O lord of wisdom ruler in thy own right,
O Bel, lord of wisdom ruler in thy own right,
O father Bel, lord of the lands,
O father Bel, lord of truthful speech,
5. O father Bel, shepherd of the black-headed ones,^
O father Bel, who thyself openest the eyes,
O father Bel, the warrior, prince among soldiers,
O father Bel, supreme power of the land,
Bull of the corral, warrior who leadest captive all the land.
10. O Bel, proprietor of the broad land.
Lord of creation, thou art chief of the land.
The lord whose shining oil is food for an extensive offspring,
The lord whose edicts bind together the city.
The edict of whose dwelling place strikes down the great prince
15. From the land of the rising to the land of the setting sun.
O mountain, lord of life, thou art indeed lord!
O Bel of the lands, lord of life, thou thyself art lord of life.
O mighty one, terrible one of heaven, thou art guardian indeed!
O Bel, thou art lord of the gods indeed!
20. Thou art father, Bel, who causest the plants of the gardens to grow!
O Bel, thy great glory may they fear!
The birds of heaven and the fish of the deep are filled with fear [of thee].
O father Bel, in great strength thou goest, prince of life, shepherd of the
stars!
O lord, the secret of production thou openest, the feast of fatness estab-
lishest, to work thou callest!
25. Father Bel, faithful prince, mighty prince, thou Greatest the strength of
life!
A line at the end states that the hymn consisted of 25 lines.
It is a hymn to Bel of Nippur, whose Sumerian name was Enlil.
It reveals an exalted conception of Bel as supreme ruler, as a god
who gives life, as a god of justice whose rule holds society together,
but it lacks both the poetical sublimity and the religious depth and
fire of the Hebrew psalms.
1 Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &"€. in the British Museum,
XV, 10.
2 An epithet of the inhabitants of Babylonia.
402 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
6. An Egyptian Hymn to the Sun-god (about 1400 B. C.)-^
Hail to thee, beautiful god of every day!
Rising in the morning without ceasing,
[Not] wearied in labor.
When thy rays are visible,
5. Gold is not considered,
It is not like thy brilhance.
Thou art a craftsman shaping thy own limbs;
Fashioner without being fashioned;
Unique in his qualities, traversing eternity;
10. Over ways with millions under his guidance.
Thy brilliance is Uke the brilliance of the sky.
Thy colors gleam more than the hues of it.
When thou sailest across the sky all men behold thee,
(Though) thy going is hidden from their sight.
15. When thou showest thyself at morning every day,
under thy majesty, though the day be brief,
Thou traversest a journey of leagues,
Even millions and hundred-thousands of time.
Every day is under thee.
20. When thy setting comes.
The hours of the night hearken to thee likewise.
When thou hast traversed it
There comes no ending to thy labors.
All men — they see by means of thee.
25. Nor do they finish when thy majesty sets,
For thou wakest to rise in the morning.
And thy radiance, it opens the eyes (again).
When thou settest in iVIanu,^
Then they sleep like the dead.
30. Hail to thee! O disc of day.
Creator of all and giver of their sustenance.
Great Falcon, brilliantly plumaged.
Brought forth to raise himself on high of hunself,
Self-generator, without bemg bom.
35. Firstborn Falcon in the midst of the sky.
To whom jubilation is made at the rising and the setting likewise.
Fashioner of the produce of the soil.
Taking possession of the Two Lands (Egyi^t), from great to small—
40. A mother profitable to gods and men,
A craftsman of experience,
Valiant herdsman who drives cattle,
Their refuge and the giver of their sustenance.
Who passes by, running the course of the sun-god,
45. Who determines his own birth.
Exalting his beauty in the body of Nut,
Illuminating the Two Lands (Eg>i-)t) with his disc.
The primordial being, who himself made himself;
Who beholds that which he has made,
1 Taken from Breasted's Religion ami Tlwughl in Ancient Egypt, p. 315, f.
« A fabulous mountain beyond the western horizon, over which the sun was believed to pass at
PSALMS FROM BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 403
50. Sole lord taking captive all lands every day,
As one beholding them that walk therein;
Shining in the sky a being as the sun.
He makes the seasons by the months,
Heat when he desires,
55. Cold when he desires.
He makes the limbs to languish
When he enfolds them,
Every land is in rejoicing
At his rising every day, in order to praise him.
This hymn is, so far as its expressions go, monotheistic. One
would not dream from it that there was any god but the sun-god.
Nevertheless, other gods were worshiped. The monotheism here
expressed was not of the intolerant kind which prevailed in Israel,
and which ultimately put down the worship of all rival deities. .
Such an intolerant monotheism was introduced into Egypt by
Amenophis IV (see Part I, p. 29), who took an old name for the
sun disc, Aton, as the name of the one god, and who tried to sup-
press the worship of all other gods. The movement failed, but
while it lasted it produced the following beautiful hymn.
7. An Egyptian Hymn in Praise of Aton.^
Thy dawning is beautiful in the horizon of the sky,
O loving Aton, Beginning of life!
When thou risest in the eastern horizon,
Thou iillest every land with thy beauty.
5. Thou art beautiful, great, glittering, high above every land,
Thy rays, they encompass the lands, even all that thou hast made,
Thou art Re,^ and thou carriest them all away captive;
Thou bindest them by thy love.
Though thou art far away, thy rays are upon the earth;
10. Though thou art on high, thy footprints are the day.
When thou settest in the western horizon of the sky,
The earth is in darkness like the dead;
They sleep in their chambers.
Their heads are wrapped up,
15. Their nostrils are stopped.
And none secth the other,
While all their things are stolen
Which are under their heads.
And they know it not.
20. Every lion cometh forth from his den,
All serpents, they sting.
Darkness
The world is in silence;
He that made them resteth in his horizon.
' Taken from Breasted's Development nf Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 324, f.
2 There is a pun on the word Re; it is the same as "ail." Such puns are frequent in the Hebrew
of the Old Testament prophets.
404 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
25. Bright is the earth when thou risest in the horizon.
When thou shinest as Aton by day
Thou drivest away the darkness.
When thou sendest forth thy rays,
The Two Lands (Egypt) are in daily festivity,
30. Awake and standing upon their feet
When thou hast raised them up.
Their limbs bathed, they take their clothing, _
Their arms uplifted in adoration to thy dawning.
(Then) in all the world they do their work.
35. All cattle rest upon their pasturage,
The trees and the plants flourish.
The birds flutter in their marshes.
Their wings uplifted in adoration to thee.
All the sheep dance upon their feet,
40. All winged things fly,
They live when thou hast shone upon them.
The barques sail upstream and downstream alike.
Every highway is open because thou dawnest.
45. The fish in the river leap up before thee.
The rays are in the midst of the great green sea.
Creator of the germ in woman.
Maker of seed in man,
Giving life to the son in the body of his mother,
50. Soothing him that he may not weep.
Nurse (even) in the womb.
Giver of breath to animate every one that he maketh!
When he cometh forth from the body on the day of his birth,
Thou openest his mouth in speech,
55. Thou supplies! his necessities.
When the fledgling in the egg chirps in the shell,
Thou givest him breath therein to preserve hun alive.
When thou hast brought hun together.
To (the point of) bursting it in the egg,
60. He cometh forth from the egg
To chirp with all his might.
He goeth about on his two feet
When he hath come forth therefrom.
How manifold are thy works !^
65. They are hidden from before (us),
O sole God, whose powers no other possesseth.
Thou didst create the earth according to thy heart
While thou wast alone:
Men, all cattle large and small,
70. All that are upon the earth,
That go about upon their feet;
[All] that are on high,
That fly with their wings. _
The foreign countries, Syria and Kush,
> Compare Psa. 104 : 24.
PSALMS FROM BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 405
75. The land of Egypt;
Thou settest every man into his place,
Thou suppliest their necessities.
Every one has his possessions,
And his days are reckoned.
80. The tongues are divers in speech,
Their forms likewise and their skins are distinguished.
(For) thou makest different the strangers.
Thou makest the Nile in the Nether World,
Thou bringest it as thou desirest,
85. To preserve alive the people.
For thou hast made them for thyself,
The lord of them all, resting among them;
Thou lord of every land, who risest for them,
Thou Sun of day, great in majesty.
90. All the distant countries,
Thou makest (also) their life,
Thou hast set a Nile in the sky;
When it falleth for them,
95. It maketh waves upon the mountains,
Like the great green sea,
Watering their fields in their towns.
How excellent are thy designs, O lord of eternity!
There is a Nile in the sky for the strangers
100. And for the cattle of every country that go upon their feet.
(But) the Nile, it cometh from the Nether World for Egypt.
Thy rays nourish every garden;
When thou risest they live.
They grow by thee.
105. Thou makest the seasons
In order to create all thy work:
Winter to bring them coolness.
And heat that they may taste thee.
Thou didst make the distant sky to rise therein,
110. In order to behold all that thou hast made,
Thou alone, shining in thy form as living Aton,
Dawning, glittering, going afar and returning.
Thou makest millions of forms
Through thyself alone;
115. Cities, towns, and tribes, highways and rivers.
All eyes see before them.
For thou art Aton of the day over the earth.
Thou art in my heart,
120. There is no other that knoweth thee
Save thy son Ikhnaton.^
Thou hast made him wise
In thy designs and in thy might.
The world is in thy hand,
• Ikhnaton is. the name adopted hy Amenophis IV in connection with his reform. It means
"Aton's man." His old name meant "Amon is gracious" and had heathen associations. On the
sentiment of lines 120, 121, compare Matt. 11 : 27.
406 ARCH.^OLOGY AND THE BIBLE
125. Even as thou hast made them.
When thou hast risen they live,
When thou settest they die;
For thou art length of life of thyself,
Men live through thee,
130. While (their) cj'es are upon thy beauty
Until thou settest.
All labor is put away
When thou settest in the west.
135. Thou didst establish the world.
And raise them, up for thy son.
Who came forth from thy limbs,
The king of Upper and Lower Egj'pt,
Living in Truth, Lord of the Two Lands,
140. Nefer-khepru-Re, Wan-Re (Ikhnaton),
Son of Re, living in Truth, lord of diadems,
Ikhnaton, whose life is long;
And for the chief royal wife, his beloved,
ISIistress of the Two Lands, Nefer-nefru-Aton, Nofretete,
145. Living and flourishing for ever and ever.
8. Comparison with the Psalter.
This long hymn contains many beautiful passages, and, in addi-
tion to the line "How manifold are thy works!" often reminds one of
Psa. 104, though in religious feeling it falls well below that psalm.
Ikhnaton speaks of himself toward the end of his hymn as the one
"whose life is long," but the poor fellow died before he was thirty
years old.^ His mummy was found a few years ago, and it is that
of a young man. Vain were his hopes, unless his words refer to
the immortal life.
These Eg}'ptian hymns, like the Bab>'lonian, exhibit a high
degree of poetic and intellectual power, and much deep religious
feeling, but the men who wrote them somehow lacked that deep
religious insight and simple power of emotional expression that were
given to the Hebrews. Their compositions but set in clearer relief
the beauty, depth, and inspirational power of the Hebrew Psalms.
' See Weigall, The Treasury of Ancient Egypt, London, 1911, p. 206.
CHAPTER XXII
PARALLELS TO PROVERBS AND ECCLESIASTES
The Nature of the Book of Proverbs and the Parallels. Babylondvn Prov-
erbs FROM the Library of Ashurbanipal. Precepts from the Library of Ashur-
bantpal. Comparison with the Bible. Egyptian Precepts of Pt.ahhotep.
Comparison with the Bible. Parallel to Eccleslastes from the Gilgamesh Epic.
' Both Egypt and Babylon furnish parallels to the book of Prov-
erbs. The Biblical book of Proverbs contains a long connected
discourse of advice (Prov. 1-9) and various collections of discon-
nected proverbs (Prov. 10-29). Parallels to both are found in
Egypt and in Babylonia. The library of Ashurbanipal contained
a collection of proverbs in two languages, arranged as reading
lessons for students. A few examples are here given.
1. Some Babylonian Proverbs from the Library of Ashurbanipal.^
1. A hostile act thou shalt not perform, that fear of vengeance (?) shall not
consume thee.
2. Thou shalt not do evil, that life (?) eternal thou mayest obtain.
3. Does a woman conceive when a virgin, or grow great without eating?
4. If I put anything down it is snatched away; if I do more than is expected,
who will repay me?
5. He has dug a well where no water is; he has raised a husk without kernel.
6. Does a marsh receive the price of its reeds, or fields the price of their
vegetation?
7. The strong live by their own wages; the weak by the wages of their
children.
8. He is altogether good, but he is clothed with darkness.
9. The face of a toiling ox thou shalt not strike with a goad.
10. My knees go, my feet are unwearied; but a fool has cut into my course.
IL His ass I am; I am harnessed to a mule; a wagon I draw; to seek reeds and
fodder I go forth.
12. The life of day before yesterday has departed today.
13. If the husk is not right, the kernel is not right; it will not produce seed.
14. The tall grain thrives, but what do we understand of it? The meager
grain thrives, but what do we understand of it?
15. The city whose weapons are not strong — the enemy before its gates shall
not be thrust through.
1 The first twenty are culled from a tablet in the British Museum,.published by Langdon in the
American Journal of Semitic, Languages, Vol. XXVIII, 217-243, under the title "Babylonian Prov-
erbs." For convenience those quoted are numbered consecutively without reference to the parts
omitted.
407
408 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
16. If thou goest and takest the field of an enemy, the enemy will come and
take thy field.
17. Upon a glad heart oil is poured out of which no one knows.
18. Friendship is for the day of trouble; posterity for the future.
19. An ass in another city becomes its head.
The idea is similar to Matt. 13 : 57: "A prophet is not without
honor, save in his own country, and in his own house."
20. Writing is the mother of eloquence and the father of artists.
21. Be gentle to thy enemy as to an old oven.^
22. The gift of the king is the nobility of the exalted; the gift of the king is
the favor of governors.
23. Friendship in days of prosperity is servitude forever.
24. There is strife where servants are; slander where anomters anoint.
25. When thou seest the gain of the fear of god, exalt god and bless the king.^
2. Precepts from the Library of Ashurbanipal.^
Thou shalt not slander, (but) speak kindly;
Thou shalt not speak evil, (but) show mercy.
Him who slanders (and) speaks evil.
With its recompense will Shamash'* visit (?) his head.
Thou shalt not make large thy mouth, but guard thy lip;
In the time of anger thou shalt not speak at once.
If thou speakest quickly, thou wilt repent (?) afterward,
And in silence wilt thou sadden thy mind.
Daily present to thy god
Offering and prayer, appropriate to incense.
Before thy god mayest thou have a pure heart,
For that is appropriate to deity.
Prayer, petition, and prostration
Early in the morning shalt thou render him; he will judge thy burdens (?),
And with the help of God thou wilt be abundantly prosperous.
In thy wisdom learn of the tablet;
The fear (of God) begets favor,
Offering enriches life.
And prayer brings forgiveness of sins.
(The text of the rest is too broken for connected translation.)
3. Comparison with the Bible.
None of the sentiments expressed in these proverbs is identical
with any in the Bible. No. 2 1 is on the same subject as Prov. 24 : 17;
No. 22 reminds one slightly of the first clause of Prov. 14 : 35 ; No. 23
* Translated from Delitzsch's Assyrische Lesesliicke, 4th ed., p. 118, f.
' Translated from Meissner's Beitrtige zum AUhabylonisdten Privalrecht, p. 108.
* Taken from Macmillan's translation, Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, V, 557, S.
* The sun-god, the god of justice.
PARALLELS TO PROVERBS AND ECCLESIASTES 409
has the same sentiment as Prov. 18 : 24: "He that maketh many
friends doeth it to his own destruction"; while No. 6 is somewhat
similar to Prov. 24 : 2L
Among the "precepts," that on guarding the lips recalls to one's
mind Prov. 10 : 19; 13 : 3; 14 : 3; 17 : 28. Reference is made to the
"gain of the fear of God" and it is declared to "beget favor." Job
28 : 28 declares "the fear of the Lord, that is wisdom."
4. The Precepts of Ptahhotep.
These precepts are attributed to a man who lived in the time
of the fifth Egyptian dynasty, about 2650 b. c, and are at least as
old as 2000 b. c. The text is very difficult. The examples given
below are taken from Breasted's^ condensation of the moral precepts
which the treatise contains.
1. If thou findest a wise man in his time, a leader of understanding more
excellent than thou, bend thy arms and bow thy back.
2. If thou findest a wise man in his time, thy equal, be not silent
when he speaks evil. Great is the approval by those who hear, and thy name will
be good in the knowledge of the princes.
3. If thou findest a wise man in his time, a poor man and not thy equal, be
not overbearing against him when he is unfortunate.
4. If thou art a leader (or administrator) issuing ordinances for the multitude,
seek for thee very excellent matter, that thy ordinance may endure without evil
therein. Great is righteousness (truth, right, justice), enduring ; it
has not been disturbed since the time of Osiris.
5. Put no fear (of thee?) among the people What the god com-
mands is that which happens. Therefore live in the midst of quiet. What
they (the gods?) give comes of itself.
6. If thou art a man of those who sit by the seat of a man greater than thou,
take what (food) he gives, look at what is before thee, and bombard him
not with many glances (don't stare at him) Speak not to him until he
calls. One knows not what is unpleasant to (his) heart. Speak thou when he
greets thee, and what thou sayest will be agreeable to (his) heart.
7. If thou art a man of those who enter, whom (one) prince sends to (an-
other) prince, execute for him the commission according as he saith.
Beware of altering a word which (one) prince speaks to (another) prince, by
displaying the truth with the like of it.
8. If thou plowest and there is growth in the field, the god gives it (as)
increase in thy hand. Satisfy not thy own mouth beside thy kin.
9. If thou art insignificant, follow an able man and all thy proceedings shall
be good before the god.
] 0. Follow thy desire as long as thou livest. Do not more than is told (thee).
Shorten not the time of following desire. It is an abomination to encroach upon
the time thereof. Take no care daily beyond the maintenance of thy house.
When possessions come, follow desire, (for) possessions are not complete when he
(the owner) is harassed.
[Compare with this precept Eccles. 11:9 and 7 : 15-17.]
> Development of Religion and Thought in A ndent Egypt, p. 231, f. Breasted 's references to the
sections of the original text are here omitted.
410 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
11. If thou art an able man, (give attention to the conduct of thy son).
16. If tliou art a leader (or administrator), hear quietly the speech of the
petitioner. He who is suCfering wrong desires that his heart be cheered to do
that on account of which he hath come It is an ornament of the heart to
hear kindly.
17. If thou desirest to establish friendship in a house, into which thou enter-
est as lord, as brother, or as friend, wheresoever thou enterest in, beware of
approaching the women A thousand men are undone for the enjoyment of
a brief moment like a dream. Men gain (only) death for knowing them.
[Compare Prov. 5 : 3, f.]
18. If thou desirest that thy procedure be good, withhold thee from all evil,
beware of occasion of avarice He who enters therein does not get on. It
corrupts fathers, mothers, and mothers' brothers. It divides wife and man;
it is plunder (made up) of everything evil; it is a bundle of everj'thing base.
Established is the man whose standard is righteousness, who walks in its way.
He is used to make his fortune thereby, (but) the avaricious is houseless.
19. Be not avaricious in dividing Be not avaricious towards thy kin.
Greater is the fame of the gentle than (that of) the harsh.
20. If thou art successful, establish thy house. Love thy wife in husbandly
embrace, fill her body, clothe her back. The recipe for her limbs is ointment.
Gladden her heart as long as thou livest. She is a profitable field for h£r lord.
[Compare Eccles. 9:9.]
21. Satisfy those who enter to thee (come into thy office) with that which
thou hast.
22. Repeat not a word of hearsay.
23. If thou art an able man who sits in the council of his lord, summon thy
understanding to excellent things. Be silent.
24. If thou art a strong man, establish the respect of thee by wisdom and by
quietness of speech.
25. Approach not a prince in his time. [Apparently an idiom for some par-
ticular mood.]
26. Instruct a prince (or official) in that which is profitable for him.
27. If thou art the son of a man of the council, commissioned to content the
multitude, be not partial. Beware lest he (the man of the multitude?)
say, "His plan is that of the princes. He utters the words in partiality."
29. If thou becomest great after thou wert little, and gettest possessions after
thou wert formerly poor in the city, be not proud-hearted because of thy
wealth. It has come to thee as a gift of the god.
30. Bend thy back to thy superior, thy overseer of the king's house, and thy
house shall endure because of his (or its) possessions and thy reward shall be in
the place thereof. It is evil to show disobedience to a superior. One hves as
long as he is gentle.
31. Do not practise corruption of children.
32. If thou searchest the character of a friend, transact the matter with
him when he is alone.
33. Let thy face be bright as long as thou livest. As for what goes out of the
storehouse, it comes not in again; and as for loaves (already) distributed, he who
is concerned therefor has still an empty stomach. ["There is no use in crying
over spilt milk."]
34. Know thy merchants when thy fortunes are evil.
37. If thou hearkenest to these things which I have said to thee, all thy plans
will progress. As for the matter of the righteousness thereof, it is their worth.
PARALLELS TO PROVERBS AND ECCLESLVSTES 411
The memory thereof shall circulate iivthe mouths of men, because of the beauty
of their utterances. Every word will be carried on and not perish in this land
forever He who understands discretion is prohtable in establishing that
through which he succeeds on earth. A wise man is satisfied by reason of that
which he knows. As for a prince of good qualities, they arc in his heart and
tongue. His lips are right when he speaks, his eyes see, and his ears together
hear what is profitable for his son. Do right (righteousness, justice, truth) , free
from lying.
38. Profitable is hearkening for a son that hearkens How good is it
when a son receives that which his father says. He shall reach advanced age
thereby. A hearkener is one whom the god loves. Who hearkens not is one
whom the god hates. It is the heart ( = understanding) which makes its pos-
sessor a hearkener or one not hearkening. The life, health, and prosperity of a
man is his heart. The hearkener is one who hears and speaks. He who does
what is said is one who loves to hearken. How good it is when a son hearkens
to his father! How happy is he to whom these things are said! His mem-
ory is in the mouth of the living who are on the earth and those who shall be.
39. If the son of a man receives what his father says, none of his plans will
miscarry. Instruct as thy son one who hearkens, who shall be successful in the
judgment of the princes, who directs his mouth according to that which is said
to him How many mishaps befall him who hearkens not! The wise man
rises early to establish himself, while the fool is scourged.
[With the first of this section compare Exod. 20 : 12; Deut. 5 : 16. With
the end of it, Prov. 6 : 9-11; 10 : 26; 13 : 4.]
40. As for the fool who hearkens not, he accomplishes nothing. He regards
wisdom as ignorance, and what is profitable as diseased His life is death
thereby, he dies, living every day. Men pass by (avoid?) his qualities,
because of the multitude of evils upon him every day.
4 1 . A son who hearkens is a follower of Horus. He prospers after he hearkens.
He reaches old age, he attains reverence. He speaks likewise to his (own)
children, renewing the instruction of his father. Every man who instructs is
like his sire. He speaks with his children; then they speak to their children.
Attain character, make righteousness to flourish and thy children shall
live.
42 Let thy attention be steadfast as long as thou speakest,
whither thou directest thy speech. May the princes who shall hear say, "How
good is that which comes out of his mouth!"
43. So do that thy lord shall say to thee, "How good is the instruction of his
father from whose limbs he came forth! He has spoken to him; it is in (his)
body throughout. Greater is that which he hath done than that which was said
to him." Behold, a good son, whom the god gives, renders more than his lord
says to him. He does right (righteousness, etc.), his heart acts according to his
way. According as thou attainest me ("what I have attained"), thy limbs shall
be healthy, the king shall be satisfied with all that occurs, and thou shalt attain
years of life not less than I have passed on the earth. I have attained one
hundred and ten years of life [compare Gen. 50 : 26], while the king gave to me
praise above (that of) the ancestors (in the vizierial office) because I did right-
eousness for the king even imto the place of reverence (the grave).
5. Comparison with the Bible.
These precepts, which were written before 1800 b. c, like most
of those in the book of Proverbs, embody much worldly wisdom.
They are based on experience, and while, like Proverbs, they
412 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
sometimes urge a religious motive as a reason for right conduct,
they frankly advocate it, as Proverbs often does, on the ground
of expediency. The points where the text is closely parallel to that
of Proverbs are few, and these have been sufficiently pointed
out. Some of the passages, as already noted, are closely parallel
to parts of the book of Ecclesiastes. The religious appeal of the
precepts is to Egv'ptian polytheism, while that of Proverbs is to
Hebrew monotheism.
6. A Parallel to Ecclesiastes.
The following striking parallel to a passage in Ecclesiastes is
taken from a tablet of the Gilgamesh Epic,^ written in the script of
the time of Hammurapi, about 2000 b. c.
Since the gods created man ,2
Death they ordained for man,
Life in their hands they hold.
Thou, O Gilgamesh, fill indeed thy belly,
Day and night be thou joyful.
Daily ordain gladness,
Day and night rage and make merry,
Let thy garments be bright,
Thy head purify, wash with water,
Desire thy children which thy hand possesses,
A wife enjoy in thy bosom,
Peaceably thy work (?)
This is not only in sentiment strikingly like Eccles. 9 : 6-9, but
in part closely approaches its language.
1 The Gilgamesh Epic is an early Babylonian poem in twelve tablets or cantos. It is a
collection of early legends and myths. The Babylonian account of the flood, translated in
Chapter VI (Part II), forms the eleventh canto of it.
» Translated from the Milteilungen der vordcrasialischcn Gesellscliafi, 1902, Heft 1, p. 8,
CHAPTER XXIII
EGYPTIAN PARALLELS TO THE SONG OF SONGS
Nature of the Song of Songs. Translation of Some Egyptian Love-Poems.
Comparison with Biblical Passages.
For many centuries the Song of Songs has been interpreted al-
legorically, but even those who give it an allegorical meaning must
admit that its sentiments are couched in the terms of earthly love.
Love poems, which sometimes express sentiments that remind us
of the Song of Songs, have been discovered on some Egyptian papyri
and ostraca. The documents in which they are written range in
their dates from 2000 b. c. to about 1100 b. c. Selections from
these follow:^
Thy love has penetrated all within me
Like [honey?] plunged into water,
Like an odor which penetrates spices,
As when one mixes juice in
[Nevertheless] thou runnest to seek thy sister,
Like the steed upon the battlefield,
As [the warrior rolls along] on the spokes of his wheels.
For heaven makes thy love
Like the advance of [flames in straw],
And its [longing] like the downward swoop of a hawk.
IV
Disturbed is the condition (?) of [my] pool.
[The mouth] of my sister is a rosebud.
Her breast is a perfume.
Her arm [is a bough?]
[Which offers] a delusive seat.
Her forehead is a snare of meryu-wood.
I am a wild goose, a hunted one (?) ,
My gaze is at thy hair,
At a bait under the trap
That is to catch (?) me.
'These are translated from the German rendering in W. Max Miiller's Liebpoesie der alien
Agypter, Leipzig, 1899.
» From MuUer, p. 15. ' Ibid., p. 16.
413
414 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
"Brother" and "sister" are terms frequently applied to lovers
in these poems. Perhaps it arose from an ancient custom of mar-
riages between brothers and sisters, which was perpetuated in the
royal families of Egypt down to Roman times.
The description of the physical attractions of the loved one
reminds one of Cant. 4 : 1-7.
ml
Is my heart not softened by thy love-longing for me?
My dogfoot-(fruit) which excites thy passion, —
Not will I allow it
To depart from me.
Although cudgeled even to the "Guard of the overflow,"*
To Syria, with shcbod-rods and clubs,
To Ethiopia, with palm-rods.
To the highlands, with switches.
To the lowlands, with twigs,
Never will I listen to their counsel,
To abandon longing.
IV3
The voice of the wild goose cries,
(Where) she has seized their bait,
(But) thy love holds me back,
I am unable to liberate her.
I must, then, take home my net!
What shall I say to my mother,
To whom formerly I came each day
Loaded down with fowls?
I shall not set the snares today
For thy love has caught me.
This is a vivid description of the power of the tender passion.
V4
The wild goose flies up and soars,
She sinks down upon the net.
The birds cry in flocks.
But I hasten [homeward],
Since I care for thy love alone.
My heart yearns for thy breast,
I cannot sunder myself from thy attractions.
From Miiller, ibid., p. 17.
« Perhaps the name of a Nilcomcter station in the vicinity of Memphis.
• Miiller, ibid., p. 22.
* MQller, ibid., p. 22.
EGYPTIAN PARALLELS TO SONG OF SONGS 415
This is a continuation of the preceding.
VII
Thou beautiful one! My heart's desire is
To procure for thee thy food as thy husband,
My arm resting upon thy arm.^
Thou hast changed me by thy love.
Thus say I in my heart,
In my soul, at my prayers:
"I lack my commander tonight,
I am as one dwelling in a tomb."
Be thou but in health and strength,'
Then the nearness of thy countenance
Sheds delight, by reason of thy well-being,
Over a heart, which seeks thee (with longing).
This poem expresses on the part of the man a longing similar to
that expressed by the woman in Cant. 8 : 1-3.
Vll^
The voice of the dove calls,
It says: "The earth is bright."
What have I to do outside?
Stop, thou birdling! Thou chidest me!
I have found my brother in his bed.
My heart is glad beyond all measure.
We each say:
"I will not tear myself away."
My hand is in his hand.
I wander together with him
To every beautiful place.
He makes me the first of maidens,
Nor does he grieve my heart.
In this poem the loved woman speaks, as in Cant. 8 : 1-3.
VIII5
5fl'aJM-plants are in it,
In the presence of which one feels oneself uplifted!
I am thy darling sister,
I am to thee like a bit of land,
With each shrub of grateful fragrance.
1 Muller, ibid., p. 23.
' Married couples are usually so represented in Egyptian pictures.
» The Egyptian is here followed, rather than the German.
« Muller, p. 24.
''Ibid., p. 27. It describes a walk in a garden.
416 ARCHAEOLOGY .AND THE BIBLE
Lovely is the water-conduit in it,
Which thy hand has dug.
While the north wind cooled us.
A beautiful place to wander,
Thy hand in my hand.
My soul inspired,
My heart in bHss,
Because we go together.
New wine it is, to hear thy voice;
I live for hearing it.
To see thee with each look,
Is better than eating and drinking.
The figure of the garden, with which this poem begins, is also
used in Cant. 5 : 1 and 6 : 2, 3.
Ta-'a-ZZ-plants are in it!
I take thy garlands away,
When thou comest home drunken,
And when thou art l>"ing in thy bed
When I touch thy feet,
(And) children are (?) in thy
[I rise up] rejoicing in the morning
Thy nearness [means to me] health and strength.
In ancient as in modern times wives loved fondly, while husbands
gave way to drunkenness.
The poems as a whole make it clear that in Egypt love, which
lies at the basis of all home life, and is in the New Testament made a
figure of the relation of Christ to the Church (see John 3 : 29; Rev.
21 : 2, 9), was as warmly felt as in Israel, and was likewise poetically
and passionately expressed.
> The garden again.
CHAPTER XXIV
ILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE PROPHETS
Uniqueness of the Prophetic Books. An Assyrian Prophetic Vision. Com-
parison WITH the Bible. The Egyptian Social Conscience. Tale of the Elo-
quent Peasant. Comparison with the Bible. An Ideal King; Extract from
the Admonitions of Ipuwer. Comparison with Messianic Expectations. Sheol.
Isht.ar's Descent to the Under-world. Comparison with Prophetic Passages.
A Lamentation for Tammuz.
There is no other body of literature which closely corresponds
to the books of the Hebrew prophets. The depth of their social
passion and the power of their moral and religious insight form a
unique combination. Nevertheless, texts which have come from
Babylonia and Egypt do show that certain phases of prophetic
thought were not without parallels elsewhere. At times they also
illustrate for us thoughts and practices which the prophets abhorred.
A few such texts are here translated.
1. A Prophetic Vision.
The following statement is taken from the annals of Ashurbanipal,
King of Assyria, 668-626 b. c. It is the conclusion of a passage
in which the king is relating his strenuous struggle with Tiuman,
King of Elam. Ashurbanipal tells how he poured out a libation to
Ishtar of Arbela and offered to her a long prayer against the Elamite
king. The narrative then continues:^
In an hour of that night when I prayed to her, a seer lay down; he saw a
prophetic dream. Ishtar caused him to see a vision of the night, and he an-
nounced it to me, saying: "Ishtar who dwells at Arbela entered, and on her right
and left she was behung with quivers, she was holding a bow in her left hand, she
brandished a heavy sword to make war. Thou wast sitting before her. She,
like the mother who bore thee, was speaking to thee and talking to thee. Ishtar,
the exalted one of the gods, was appointing thee a message: 'Thou shalt expect
to accomplish that^ at the place which is situated before thee. I am coming.'
Thou wast answering her, saying: 'Where thou goest I will go with thee, O lady
of ladies.' She repeated to thee, saying: 'Thou indeed dwellest in the
place of Nebo. Eat food, drink wine, appoint rejoicing, exalt my divinity
until I go and accomplish this undertaking I will cause thee to accomplish
the wish of thy heart. Thy face he shall not harm, thy feet he shall not resist;
> Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 32, 16, f.
2 /. e., the thing thou hast prayed for.
417
418 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
thy cr>' shall not come to nought.' In the midst of battle she arms thee vnth
the desolation of her goodness. She will protect thy whole body. Before her a
fire is blown to capture thy foes."
The night vision of this seer reminds one a little of Isaiah's
vision of Jehovah in the temple (Isa. 6) and of Zechariah's vision
of Joshua and Satan (Zech. 3 : 1). The Hebrew prophets as late
as the time of Jeremiah often received their divine messages in
dreams. (See Jer. 23 : 27.) Assyria had something of the same
ideas as Israel as to the revelations of deity to a prophet, but she
lacked Israel's ethical deity.
2. The Egyptian Social Conscience.
A remarkable appreciation of the rights of the common people
is revealed in an Eg^-ptian story called the "Tale of the Eloquent
Peasant," — a story which has come down to us in copies made be-
fore 1800 B. c. It has been claimed that this tale mdicates the
existence of a social conscience m Egypt analogous to that of the
Hebrew prophets. The prmcipal part of the story is, accordingly,
given here.
The Eloquent Peasant^
There was a man, Hunanup by name, a peasant of Sechet-hemat, and he had
a wife, by name. Then said this peasant to his wife: "Behold. I am
going down to Egypt to bring back bread for my children. Go in and measure
the corn that we still have in our storehouse bushel." Then he
measured for her 8 (?) bushels of com. Then this peasant said to his wife:
"Behold, 2 bushels of com shall be left for bread for thee and the children.
But make for me the 6 bushels into bread and beer for each of the days [that
I shall be on the road]." Then this peasant went down to Eg>'pt after he had
loaded his asses with all the good products^ of Sechet-hemat.
This peasant set out and journeyed southward to Ehnas. He came to a point
opposite Per-fefi, north of IVIedenit. and found there a man standing on the bank,
Dehuti-necht by name, who was the son of a man named Iseri, who was one of
the serfs of the chief steward, Meruitensi.
Then said this Dehuti-necht, when he saw the asses of this peasant which
appealed to his covetousness: "Oh that some good god would help me to rob
this peasant of his goods!"
The house of Dehuti-necht stood close to the side of the path, which was
narrow, not wide. It was about the width of a -cloth, and upon one side
of it was the water and upon the other side was growing grain. Then said
Dehitu-necht to his servant: "Hasten and bring me a shawl from the house!'
And it was brought at once. Then he spread this shawl upon the middle of the
road, and it extended, one edge to the water, and the other to the com.
The peasant came along the path which was the common highway. ^^ Then
said Dehuti-necht: "Look out, peasant, do not trample on my clothes!" The
peasant answered: "I will do as thou wishest; I will go in the right way!" As he
1 Translated from the German of Vogelsang und Gardiner, Klagen des Bauern. LeipziR, 1908.
* The original contains a list of plants, stones, birds, etc., the modem equivalents of which are
not known.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE TROPHETS 419
was turning to the upper side, Dehuti-necht said: "Does my corn serve you as a
road?" Then said the peasant: "I am going in the right way. The bank is
steep and the path hes near the corn and 3'ou have stopped up the road ahead
with your clothes. Will you, then, not let me go by?"
Upon that one of the asses took a mouthful of corn. Then said Dehuti-necht:
"See, I will take away thy ass because it has eaten my corn "
Then the peasant said: "I am going in the right way. As one side was made
impassable I have led my ass along the other, and will you seize it because it has
taken a mouthful of corn? But I know the lord of this property; it belongs to
the chief steward, Meruitensi. It is he who punishes every robber in this whole
land. Shall I, then, be robbed in his domain?"
Then said Dehuti-necht: "Is it not a proverb which the people employ: 'The
name of the poor is only known on account of his lord?' It is I who speak to you,
but the chief steward of whom you think. "' Then he took a rod from a green
tamarisk and beat all his limbs with it, and seized his asses and drove them into
his compound.
Thereupon the peasant wept loudly on account of the pain of what had been
done to him. Dehuti-necht said to him: "Don't cry so loud, peasant, or thou
shalt go to the city of the Silence-maker" (a name of the god of the underworld).
The peasant said: "Thou beatest me and stealest my goods, and wilt thou also
take the wail away from my mouth? O Silence-maker! give me my goods
again! May I never cease to cry out, if thou fearest!"
The peasant consumed four days, during which he besought Dehuti-necht, but
he did not grant him his rights. Then this peasant went to the south, to Ehnas,
to implore the chief steward, Meruitensi. He met him as he was coming out of
the canal-door of his compound to embark in his boat. Thereupon the peasant
said: "Oh let me lay before thee this affair. Permit one of thy trusted servants
to come to me, that I may send him to thee concerning it." Then the steward,
Meruitensi, sent one of his servants to him, and he sent back by him an account
of the whole affair. Then the chief steward, Meruitensi, laid the case of Dehuti-
necht before his attendant officials, and they said to him: "Lord, it is presumably
a case of one of your peasants who has gone against another peasant near him.
Behold, it is customary with peasants to so conduct themselves toward others
who are near them. Shall we beat Dehuti-necht for a little natron and a little
salt? Command him to restore it and he will restore it."
The chief steward, Meruitensi, remained silent; he answered neither the
officials nor the peasant. The peasant then came to entreat the chief steward,
Meruitensi, for the first time, and said:
"Chief steward, my lord, thou art greatest of the great, thou art guide of all
that which is not and which is. When thou embarkest on the sea of truth, that
thou mayest go sailing upon it, then shall not the strip away thy sail,
then thy ship shall not remain fast, then shall no misfortune happen to thy mast,
then shall thy spars (?) not be broken, then shalt thou not be stranded; if thou
runnest fast aground, the waves shall not break upon thee, then thou shalt not
taste the impurities of the river, then thou shalt not behold the face of fear; the
shyest (?) fish shall come to thee, and thou shalt capture the fat birds. For
thou art the father of the orphan, the husband of the widow, the brother of the
desolate, the garment of the motherless. Let me place thy name in this land
higher than all good laws: thou guide without avarice, thou great one free from
meanness, who destroyest deceit, who createst truthfulness. Throw the evil to
the ground. I will speak; hear me. Do justice, O thou praised one, whom the
praised ones praise. Remove my oppression: behold, I have a heavy to
carry; behold, I am troubled of soul; examine me, I am in sorrow."
• See Gardiner in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology, XXXV, 269.
420 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
The reference in this address to the orphan and the widow
touches a chord which runs through much of the Old Testament and
is especially prominent in the prophets, as the following references
will indicate: Isa. 1 : 17, 23; 9 : 17; 10 : 2; 47 : 8; Jer. 7 : 6; 15 : 8;
18 : 21; 22 : 3; 49 : 11; Ezek. 22 : 7, 25; Zech. 7 : 10; Mai. 3 : 5;
Deut. 10 : 18; 14 : 29; Job 29 : 13, and Psa. 68 : 5.
In the Egyptian story Meruitensi was so pleased with the elo-
quence of the peasant that he passed him on to another officer and
he to still another until he came before the king. Altogether the
peasant made nine addresses. For lack of space we can reproduce
but one more. For this purpose we select his eighth address.
This peasant came to implore him for the eighth time, and said:
"Chief steward, my lord, man falls on account of Greed is absent from a
good merchant. His good commerce is
"Thy heart is greedy; it does not become thee. Thou despoilest: this is not
praiseworthy for thee Thy daily rations are in thy house; thy body is well
filled The officers, who are set as a protection against injustice, — a curse to
the shameless are these officers, who are set as a bulwark against Hes.
"Fear of thee has not deterred me from supplicating thee; (if thou thinkest so),
thou hast not known my heart. The silent one, who turns to report to thee his
difficulties, is not afraid to present them to thee Thy real estate is in the
country; thy bread is on thy estate; thy food is in the storehouse. Thy officials
give to thee and thou takest it. Art thou, then, not a robber? They drag for
thee for thee to the plots of arable land. Do the truth for the sake of the
lord of truth Thou reed of a scribe, thou roll of a book, thou palette, thou
god Thoth, thou oughtest to keep thyself far removed from injustice. Thou
virtuous one, thou shouldst be virtuous; thou virtuous one, thou shouldst be
really virtuous. Further, truth is true to eternity. She goes with those who
perform her to the region of the dead. He will be laid in the coffin and com-
mitted to the earth; his name will not perish from the earth, but men will re-
member him on account of his property: so runs the right interpretation of the
divine word.
"Does it then happen that the scales stand aslant? Or is it thinkable that
the scales incline to one side?
"Behold, if I come not, if another comes, then thou hast opportunity to speak
as one who answers, as one who addresses the silent, as one who responds to
him who has not spoken to thee. Thou hast not been ; thou hast not been
sick. Thou hast not fled; thou hast not departed. But thou hast not yet
granted me any reply to this beautiful word which comes from the mouth of the
sun-god himself: '.Speak the truth; do the truth: for it is great, it is mighty, it is
everlasting. It will obtain for thee merit, and will lead thee to veneration.'
"For does the scale stand aslant? It is their scale-pans that bear the objects,
and in just scales there is no wanting."
The beauty of the sentiments about truth is obvious. The
references to scales are to those that were supposed to weigh the
deeds of the dead in the under-world.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE PROPHETS 421
After a ninth speech on the part of the peasant, the tale con-
cludes as follows:
Then the chief steward, Meruitensi, sent two servants to bring him back.
Thereupon the peasant feared that he would suffer thirst, as a punishment
imposed upon him for what he had said. Then the peasant said (The
Egyptian of this address contains difficulties which have never been solved.)
Then said the chief steward, Meruitensi: "Fear not, peasant! See, thou shalt
remain with me." Then said the peasant: "I live because I eat of thy bread and
drink thy beer forever."
Then said the chief steward, Meruitensi: "Come out here " Then
he caused them to bring, written on a new roll, all the addresses of these days.
The chief steward sent them to his majesty, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Neb-kau-re, the blessed, and they were more agreeable to the heart of his
majesty than all that was in his land. His majesty said, "Pass sentence thyself,
my beloved son!" Then the chief steward, Meruitensi, caused two servants to
go and bring a list of the household (of Dehuti-necht) from the government
office, and his possessions were six persons, with a selection from his , from
his barley, from his spelt, from his asses, from his swine, from his
From this point on only a few words of the tale can be made out,
but it appears from these that the goods selected from the estate of
Dehuti-necht were given to the peasant and he was sent home
rejoicing.
3. An Ideal King.
In the wisdom literature of Egypt appear the admonitions of an
Egyptian sage called Ipuwer. In these admonitions a time of dire
distress is pictured, in view of which the sage longs for the presence
of an ideal king. Some scholars have compared the description of
this ideal king with the prophetic conception of the Messiah.
It is unnecessary to quote the whole work, which is fragmentary
and difficult of translation. A few passages will answer our
purpose.
From the Admonitions of Ipuwer^
The door-keepers say: Let us go and plunder. The confectioners
The washerman refuses to carry his load The bird-catch-
ers have drawn up in line of battle The inhabitants of the Marshes
carry shields. The brewers sad. A man looks upon his son as his
enemy;
Noble ladies suffer like slave girls. Musicians are in the chambers within the
halls. What they sing to the goddess Mert is dirges Forsooth, all
female slaves are free with their tongues. When the mistress speaks it is irksome
to the servants. Forsooth, princes are hungry and in distress. Servants are
served by reason of mourning. Forsooth, the hot-headed (?) man
says: "If I knew where God is, then would I make offerings unto him." For-
1 Taken from A. H. Gardiner's Admonitions nj an Egyptian Sage, Leipzig, 1909, pp. 19 and 39,
f., pp. 69 and 78.
422 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBI,E
sooth, right is throughout the land in this its name. WTiat men do in appealing
to it is wrong. Forsooth, all animals, their hearts weep. Cattle moan because
of the state of the land Forsooth, the ways are
The roads are guarded. Men sit over the bushes until the benighted traveler
comes, in order to plunder his burden. What is upon him is taken away. He is
belabored with blows of the stick and slain wrongfully.
Forsooth, that has perished which yesterday was seen (?). The land is left
over to its weariness (?) like the cutting of flax. Poor men are in affliction
Would that there might be an end of men, no conception, no birth!
O that the earth would cease from noise, and tumult be no more!
Forsooth, grain has perished on every side. People are stripped of clothes,
spices (?J and oil. Everybody says there is none. The storehouse is ruined.
Its keeper is stretched on the ground. It is no happy thing for my heart (?)
Would that I had made my voice heard at that moment, that it
might save me from the pain in which I am (?) Behold, the powerful
of the land, the condition of the people is not reported to them. All is ruin!
Behold, no craftsmen work. The enemies of the land have spoilt its crafts.
Similar descriptions of the disorganized state of society might be
quoted at much greater length. The passage m which Ipuwer
mentions the ideal king is as follows:
lack of people Re; command (?)
the West to diminish (?) by the [gods?]. Behold ye, wherefore does
he [seek] to fashion [mankind], without distmguishmg the timid man
from him whose nature is violent. He bringeth coolness upon that which is hot.
It is said: he is the herdsman of mankind. No evil is in his heart. When his
herds are few, he passes the day to gather them together, their hearts being on
fire. Would that he had perceived their nature in the first generation of men;
then would he have repressed ex-ils, he would have stretched forth his arm
against it, he would have destroyed their seed and their inheritance
Where is he today? Is he sleeping? Behold, his might is not seen.
Vogelsang held this to be a picture of a kind of ideal kmg, com-
parable m some respects to the prophetic conception of the Messiah
m such passages as Isa. 9 : 1-6; 11 : 1-8. To this view Gardiner
has objected that the parallelism is not real, in that there seems to
have been in the mind of the Eg\Ttian sage no expectation that
such a king would actually rise, but rather the belief that, he once
existed as the god Re and has now vanished from earth. To this
Breasted and Gressmann reply that the kingly figure is a purely
ideal one, and that Ipuwer feels strongly that, if he were on earth
I all wrongs would be set right, and that in some degree the picture
' is parallel to the conceptions of the Messiah.
The description of disorganized society which is here reflected
is patterned on conditions which existed in Egj^^t before 2000 B. C,
and the conception of the ideal king is equally old.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE PROPHETS 423
4. Sheol.
In Isa. 14 : 9-11 and Ezek. 32 : 21-31 we find descriptions of
Sheol or the under-world. These descriptions are closely parallel
to the following Babylonian poem.
Ishtar's Descent to the Under-world'
Unto the land of No-return, the land of darkness,
Ishtar, the daughter of Sin, determined to go.
The daughter of Sin determined to go,
Unto the house of darkness, the dwelling of Irkalla,
5. Unto the house whose enterer never comes out,
Along the way whose going has no return,
Unto the house whose enterer is deprived of light,
Where dust is their food, their sustenance, clay,
Light they do not see, in darkness they dwell;
10. They are clothed, like birds, with a covering of wings.
Over door and bolt the dust is spread.
Ishtar, when she arrived at the gate of the land of No-return
To the keeper of the gate addressed a word:
"Keeper of the waters, open thy gate!
15. Open thy gate! Let me enter!
If thou dost not open thy gate, that I may enter,
I will shatter the door, I will break the bolt,
I will shiver the threshold, break down the doors;
I will bring up the dead to devour the living!"
20. The keeper opened his mouth and spake.
He said to Ishtar, the great:
"Stay, my lady, do not destroy it.
Let me go, let me announce thy name to Queen Allat."
The keeper went in, he spake [to Allat]:
25. "This water thy sister, Ishtar, [has crossed]
As a servant of great powers [she comes]."
When Allat heard this.
Like the cutting of the tamarisk [was her laugh],
30. Like the crackling of reeds. [She cried] :
"What has turned her mind to me?
These waters I with
For food I will eat clay, for drink I will drink . . . _.
I will weep for men who have abandoned their wives,
35. I will weep for maidens torn from their husbands' bosoms,
I will weep for children snatched away before their time.
Go, keeper, open thy gate to her;
Do to her according to the ancient custom."
The keeper went and opened to her his gate:
40. "Enter, my lady; the under-world is glad, ^ ^^
The palace of the land of No-return rejoices at thy commg.
He brought her through the first gate, made it wide, he took the great
crown from her head.
"Why, O keeper, hast thou taken the great crown from my head?
"Enter, my lady, such are the commands of Allat."
1 Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. IV, p. 31.
424 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
45. He brought her through the second gate, he made it wide, he took the
ornaments from her ears.
"Why, O keeper, hast thou taken the ornaments from my ears?"
"Enter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat."
He brought her through the third gate, he made it wide, he took the
necklace from her neck.
"Why, O keeper, hast thou taken the necklace from my neck?"
50. "Enter, O lady, for such are the commands of Allat."
He brought her through the fourth gate, he made it wide, he took the
ornaments from her breasts.
"Why, O keeper, hast thou taken the ornaments from my breast?"
"Enter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat."
He brought her through the fifth gate, he made it wide, he took the
girdle with birth-stones from her waist.
55. "Wh}', O keeper, hast thou taken the girdle with birth-stones from my
waist?"
"Enter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat."
He brought her through the sixth gate, he made it mde, he took the
bracelets from her hands and feet.
"Why, O keeper, hast thou taken the bracelets from my hands and
feet?"
"Enter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat."
60. He brought her through the seventh gate, he made it wide, he took the
breech-cloth from her body.
"Why, O keeper, hast thou taken the breech-cloth from my body?"
"Enter, my lady, for such are the commands of Allat."
When Ishtar had gone down to the land of No-return,
Allat saw her and became enraged at her.
65. Ishtar took no heed; she sat down above her.
Allat opened her mouth and spake.
To Namtar, her messenger, she addressed a word:
"Go, Namtar, lock [her in my palace].
Bring out against her skty diseases Ishtar,
70. Disease of the eyes against her [ej^es],
Disease of the side against her [sides].
Disease of the feet against her [feet].
Disease of the heart against [her heart].
Disease of the head against [her head],
75. Against her altogether "
After Ishtar, the lady, [went down to the land of No-return]
The bull with the cow did not unite, nor the ass approach the she-ass;
The man in the street no more approached the maid;
The man slept in his chamber,
80. The maid slept by her oven.
Papsukal, messenger of the great gods, was sad of countenance before
[Shamash],
Clad in mourning, wearing foul garments.
Then went Shamash into the presence of Sin, his father; he wept.
Before Ea, the king, his tears flowed:
85. "Ishtar has gone down into the earth; she has not come up.
Since Ishtar went down to the land of No-return,
The bull with the cow does not unite, nor the ass approach the she-
ass;
The man no more approaches the maid in the street;
The man sleeps in his chamber,
ILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE PROPHETS 425
90. The maid sleeps by her oven.
Then Ea in the wisdom of his heart created a man,
He created Asushunamir, the priest.
"Go, Asushunamir, to the gate of the land without return set thy tace.
The seven gates of the land without return shall be opened before thee,
95. Allat shall behold thee, and shall rejoice in thy presence.
When her heart has been appeased, and her soul revived,
Conjure her also by the name of the great gods.
Turn thy thoughts to the skin which pours forth life:
'O lady, give me the skin which pours forth life, that I may drmk water
from it.' "
100. When Allat heard this.
She beat upon her thigh, she bit her finger:
"Thou hast uttered a wish not to be wished.
Go, Asushunamir; I curse thee with a great curse.
The sewage of the gutters of the city shall be thy food,
105. The cesspools of the city shall be thy drink,
The shadow of the walls shall be thy dwelling.
The thresholds shall be thy habitation, ^^
Confinement and privation shall shatter thy strength.
Allat opened her mouth and spoke,
110. To Nam tar, her messenger, she addressedthe word:
"Go, Namtar, knock at the palace of justice.
Tap at the thresholds of gleaming (?) stones.
Bring out the Annunaki,' seat them on golden thrones.
Sprinkle Ishtar with the water of life and bnng her before me.
115 Namtar went, he knocked at the palace of justice.
He tapped at the thresholds of gleaming (?) stones.
He brought forth the Annunaki, he seated them on golden thrones,
He sprinkled Ishtar with the water of life, he brought her forth.
He brought her out of the first gate, he restored to her the breech-cloth
120. He^br^ougK'r through the second gate, he restored to her the bracelets
of her hands and feet; , , , . ,, -^u
He brought her through the third gate, he restored to her the girdle with
birth-stones for her waist; , , , ^u ^r.*.
He brought her through the fourth gate, he restored to her the ornaments
He° brought "her 'through the fifth gate, he restored to her the necklace
He^brot[ght her through the sixth gate, he restored to her the ornaments
125. He^broug'iiTher through the seventh gate, he restored to her the crown
of her head.
(End of legend. The priest begins:)
"If she does not grant to thee her release, turn to her again;
To Tammuz, the beloved of her youth.
Pour out water, offer good oil, ^ . r i • i i;
With red clothing clothe him, let him play a flute of lapis lazuli.
130. Let the joyful maidens turn,
When Belili has established her ntual.
With precious stones her bosom is filled." _
The wailing for her brother she heard; Bclili interrupted the ritual ot . . . .
With precious stones she filled the front of -
1 The spirits of earth.
426 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
(Voice from the dead.)
135. "My only brother, harm me not;
On the day of Tammuz, play for me the lapis lazuli flute, play the Sanlu-
flute with it.
When the wailing men and women play with it,
Let the dead return, let them smell incense."
The description of the darkness of the under-world and the sad
conditions of life with which this poem begins, shows that the Baby-
lonians shared the gloomy views of Sheol which Isa. 14 : 9-11 and
Ezek. 32 : 21-31 express.
The middle of the poem expresses the view of the ancient Semites,
that the goddess of love once went down to the under-world, and
that as a result all propagation of life ceased on the earth. The
end of it alludes to the later belief that the goddess went down every
year for her beloved Tammuz who had died, and the wailing alluded
to is that spoken of by Ezekiel in Ezek. 8 : 14, where the prophet
says he saw women wailing for Tammuz. The kind of sentiment
uttered in this wailing the next extract will illustrate.
5. A Lamentation for Tammuz.^
The lord of destiny (?) lives no more, the lord of destiny (?) lives no more.
[Tammuz the ] lives no more, lives no more.
The bewailed one (?) lives no more, the lord of destiny (?) lives no more.
I am queen, my husband lives no more.
5. My son lives no more.
Dagalushumgalanna lives no more.
The lord of Arallu lives no more.
The lord of Durgurgurru lives no more.
The shepherd, the lord Tammuz lives no more.
10. The lord, the shepherd of the folds lives no more.
The consort of the queen of heaven lives no more.
The lord of the folds lives no more.
The brother of the mother of ^^dne lives no more.
[He who creates] the fruit of the land lives no more.
15. The powerful lord of the land lives no more.
When he slumbers the sheep and lambs slumber also.
When he slumbers the goats and kids slumber also.
As for me, to the abode of the deep will I turn my thoughts,
To the abode of the great ones I turn my thoughts.
20. "O hero, my lord, ah me," I will say,
"Food I eat not," I will say,
"Water I drink not," I will say,
"My good maiden," I will say,
"My good husbandman," I will say,
25. "Thy lord, the exalted one, to the nether world has taken his way.
Thy lord, the exalted one, to the nether world has taken his way."
'Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, (re, in the British Museum, ViTt
XV, 18.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF PASSAGES IN THE PROPHETS 427
On account of the exalted one of the nether world, him of the radiant face,
yea, radiant.
On account of the exalted one of the nether world, him of the dovelike
voice, yea, dovelike.
On account of the exalted one, the lord, on account of the lord,
30. Food I eat not on account of the lord.
Water I drink not, on account of the lord.
"My good maiden, because of the lord,
My good husbandman, on account of the lord.
The hero, your lord has been destroyed,
35. The god of grain, the child, your lord, has been destroyed."
His kindly look gives peace no more.
His kindly voice imparts cheer (?) no more;
in his place, like a dog he sleeps;
My lord in his slumbers like a raven
40. Alone is he, himself.
My lord, for whom the wail is raised.
(Forty-one lines — a psalm on the flute to Tammuz.)
This poem illustrates what Ezekiel may have heard in vision,
when in spirit he was brought to the northern gate of the temple, and
heard women wailing for Tammuz (Ezek. 8 : 14).
CHAPTER XXV
REPUTED SAYINGS OF JESUS FOUND IN EGYPT
Early Collections of the Words of Jesus. Tr..\nslation of Sayings Found
IN 1897. Comments. Translation of a Leaf Found in 1904. Comments. Opin-
ions AS TO THESE SaYINGS.
The Gospel of Luke begins with the words: " Forasmuch as many
have taken in hand to draw up a narrative concerning those matters
which have been fulfilled among us," — words which imply that there
were in the early Church many attempts at Gospel writing. Some
of these attempts apparently took the form of collecting the sayings
of Jesus. At Oxyrhynchus in Egypt two different leaves of papyrus
have been found on which such sayings are written. The first of
these was found by Grenfell and 'Hunt in 1897; (Fig. 301). It
begins in the middle of a sentence, but it is a sentence the begin-
ning of which can be supplied from Matt. 7:5. When complete
the sentence runs thus:^
[Jesus saith, Cast out first the beam from thine own eye], and
then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote that is in thy broth-
er's eye.
On this saying compare INIatt. 7:5; Luke 6 : 42.
The second one runs:
Jesus saith, Except ye fast to the world, ye shall in no wise find
the kingdom of God; and except ye keep the sabbath, ye shall not
see the Father.
This saying does not occur in the Gospels, and has given rise to
wide discussion among scholars.
The third is as follows:
• These sayings are translated from Grenfell and Hunt's Sayings of Our Lord, 1897, with a com-
parison of Lock and Sanday's Two Lectures on the Sayings of Jesus Recently Discovered at Oxyrhyn-
chus, 1897.
428
REPUTED SAYINGS OF JESUS FOUND IN EGYPT 429
Jesus saith, I stood in the midst of the world, and in the flesh
was I seen of them, and I found all men drunken, and none found
I athirst among them, and my soul grieveth over the sons of men,
because they are blind in their heart [and see not], poor, and know
not their poverty.
This saying also is not found in the Gospels. It is difficult to
tell whether it was thought to have been spoken by Jesus before or
after the resurrection.
The fourth saying is difficult of translation and interpretation,
since the text is not at all clear. As emended by Harnack and
Swete, it would run:
Jesus saith, Wherever there are two they are not without God,
and if one is alone anywhere, I say I am with him. Raise the
stone, there thou shalt find me ; cleave the wood, and there I am.
This saying has given rise to much discussion and to a large
literature, but reference can here be. made only to Henry van
Dyke's poem Felix. With the last part of the saying Matt. 18 : 20
should be compared.
The fifth saying is as follows:
Jesus saith, A prophet is not acceptable in his own country,
neither doth a physician work cures upon them that know him.
The first part of this is akin to Luke 4 : 24; Mark 6:4; Matt.
13 : 57, and John 4 : 44. The last part of it is not in the Gospels.
The sixth one reads:
Jesus saith, A city built on the top of a high hill and firmly
established can neither fall nor be hid.
In this saying the thought of Matt. 5 : 14 is combined with that of
Matt. 7 ; 24, 25, but there is no necessary literary dependence upon
Matthew.
The seventh and last saying on this leaf is:
[Jesus saith,] Thou hearest with one ear, but the other thou
hast closed.
430 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
This, too, is not found in our Gospels.
In 1904 another leaf of sayings of Jesus was found at the same
place. It begins with a general introduction, thus:^
These are the [wonderful?]- words which Jesus the living Lord
spake [to the disciples] and to Thomas, and he said to them:
Every one that hearkens to these words shall never taste of death.
These words formed the general introduction to a collection of
sayings of Jesus, similar to that from which the sayings already
quoted were taken. The leaf also contained a few of the saymgs
which stood in the collection. They are as follows:
Jesus saith, Let not him who seeks cease until he finds,
and when he finds he shall be astonished; astonished he shall
reach the kingdom, and having reached the kingdom he shall rest.
The Gospels contain parallels to parts of this saying. (See Matt.
6 :33; 7 :7; 13 : 44; Luke 5 : 9.
The second of these sayings is longer:
Jesus saith, [Ye ask (?) who are those] that draw us [to the king-
dom, if] the kingdom is in heaven? the fowls of the air, and
all the beasts that are under the earth or upon the earth, and the
fishes of the sea, [these are they which draw] you, and the kingdom
of heaven is within you; and whosoever shall know himself shall
find it. [Strive therefore (?)] to know yourselves, and ye shall be
aware that ye are the sons of the [Almighty (?)] Father; [and (?)]
ye shall know that ye are in [the city of God (?)] and ye are [the
city (?)].
>
The first part of this saying" attributes to Christ a saying evi-
dently based on the thought of Job 12 : 7, 8. Other parts of the
saying recall Luke 17:21 and Luke 20 : 36, though the phrases
which remind us of these passages form but a small part of the say-
ing and appear here in quite a different connection.
The third saying runs:
• Translated from Crenfbll and Hunt's New Sayings of Jesus and Fragment of a Lost Gospel from
Oxyrhynchus, 1904.
» Compare John 21 : 24, 25.
REPUTED SAYINGS OF JESUS FOUND IN EGYPT 431
Jesus saith, A man shall not hesitate to ask concern-
ing his place [in the kingdom. Ye shall know] that many that are
first shall be last and the last first and [they shall have eternal
life (?)].
A part of this saying follows Mark 10 : 31 and Matt. 19 : 30*;
cf. also Luke 13 : 30. The last clause is conjectural, but, if cor-
rect, is similar to John 3 : 16, 36; 5 : 24.
The fourth:
Jesus saith, Everything that is not before thy face and that which
is hidden from thee shall be revealed to thee. For there is nothing
hidden which shall not be made manifest, nor buried which shall
not be raised.
The last part of this saying is parallel to Matt. 10 : 26; Luke
12 : 2; see also Mark 4 : 22.
The fifth:
His disciples question him and say, How shall we fast and how
shall we [pray (?)] and what [commandment] shall we keep?
Jesus saith, do not of truth blessed is
he
The papyrus is so broken that we cannot hope to recover this
saying in its entirety, but it is clear that it differed from the others
in having an introductory clause which gave the occasion when it
was uttered.
Judgmeiits have differed as to whether all these sayings are really
sayings of Jesus. That there were sayings of his known in ancient
tunes that are not recorded in our Gospels is shown by Acts 20 : 35.
Some, at least, of these sayings are so like those of Jesus that it is not
difficult to believe them his. But whether they are his or not, these
papyri make clear to us what Luke meant when he said "many
have taken in hand to draw up a narrative."
CHAPTER XXVI
ARCHAEOLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE ENROLMENT OF
QUIRINIUS
Translation of a Papyrus Showing that in the Second Century Enrolment was
MADE Every Fourteen Years. Comments. Tr.\nslation Referring to an Enrol-
ment in the Reign of Nero. Fragment from the Reign of Tiberius. Enrolments
Probably Inaugurated by Augustus. Document Showing that People Went
to their Own Towns for Enrolment. Inscription Supposed to Refer to Quirin-
lus. Inscription from Asia Minor Referring to Quirinius. Discussion. Con-
clusions.
Arch^ological research has recently thrown much light upon
the census of Quirinius mentioned in Luke 2 : 1-5. The evidence
has come in part from ancient records on papyri which have been
dug up in Egypt, some of which are herewith translated.
The following extract from a large papyrus establishes the fact
that a census or an assessment-list was made in the Roman empire
every fourteen years.
1. Papyrus Showing Enrolment Every Fourteen Years.^
After the death of my wife Aphrodite, or, as she was called by some, Aphrodi-
toute, having departed from the district of Herakles and Sabinos, I enrolled the
other children who dwell with Mysthes who is called Ninnos, who was 3:i years
old, and after the others, the wife of my son Mysthes who is called Ninnos, \-iz.:
— Zozime, freed-woman of Ptolemaios Ammoniarios, daughter of Marion
Geomytha, and was 22 years old, (who was living with her mistress, in the enrol-
ment of the 9th year; at the time of the enrolment she [Zozime] was living in the
(ireek quarter, but has now moved into the neighboring quarter of Apolloneios
Hierax) and the children of these two, Ammonios, aged 5, and Didymos, aged
4, and Aut , were not otherwise enrolled in the enrohnent in the first
year of the Emperor Cffisar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus and the Em-
peror Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus, on the thirtieth of Payni [/. e.,
June 24, 161 a. d.]. To Potomon, governor of the Arsinoite district of Herakles,
and Asclepiades, the royal census-taker, and Agathos Daimon and Dioskoros,
census-takers of the metropolis, on behalf of Mysthes who is called Ninnos,
Mysthes, son of Philo, whose mother is Herais, daughter of Ammoniosone, of the
citizens of the metropolis, who are enrolled from the quarter of Apolloneios
Hierax: there belongs to me in the district of Ammonios -,'0 part of the place
called Neki)herotios, in which I enroll myself and my household for the current
enrolment of the 14th year according to the household enrolment, as also I en-
* Translated from Viereok's publication of the text in Philologus, Vol. LII, 234, {.
432
LIGHT ON THE ENROLMENT OF QUIRINIUS 433
rolled myself according to the household enrolment in the 23rd year of Antoninus
{i. e., 160-161 A. D.); I am also Mysthes who is also called Ninnos; the one
enrolled is 59 years old, and his wife, Zozime, the freed-woman of Ammoniarios,
daughter of Marion, who was enrolled in the household enrolment of the 23rd
year in the same quarter, is 38 years old, and the children of those two,
not enrolled in the enrolments, 11 years old, and likewise Dioskoros 10 (?) years
old, and likewise ,9 years old, and a daughter, Isidora, 8 years old: thus
I make my deposition. 15th year of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
Caesar, the lord. Intercalary Mesore: {i. e., the end of August, 175 A. d.).
This papyrus, dated iii the year 175 a. d., is very unport-
ant as it proves that the census came every fourteen years. The
enrohnent mentioned at the end of it was made in connection with
the census of 174-175 a. d., smce the document is dated in August
of the year 175. The enrohnent mentioned about the middle of the
document was the enrohnent of 160-161 A. d. That was dated in
the summer of 161. The one mentioned near the beginning of the
quotation as having been made in the 9th year must refer to the
census of the year 146-147, and the 9th year of Antoninus Pius,
which was the year 147. The proof that the census was taken every
fourteen years^ is of the greatest importance to our subject, as will
appear below.
This enrolment was made by one Mysthes Ninnos on behalf of
his son, who was also called Mysthes Ninnos, the wife of the son
who was a freed-woman, called Zozime, and their children, who
were the grandchildren of the man making the enrolment. Mys-
thes Ninnos, the grandfather, had been married twice. His first
wife was named Aphrodite; after her death he married Herais, the
mother of the son, Mysthes Ninnos.
2. Translation Referring to an Enrolment in the Reign of Nero.^
Copy of an enrolment of Ammonios and ios, the gyminasiarch and
librarian of the public library in the city of Arsinoe, in the presence of Pa
xineos Paesios, son of Myo, priest of those who are from Karanis of the
district of Heracles. According to the commands through the most excellent
governor, Lucius Julius Vestinus, I have enrolled today my goods which are free
from debt and mortgage and lien; in the neighboring village, a third part of my
father's house and courtyard, and places cleared of abodes, two lots of a half
acre each, which were bought from Mesoereus, son of Nekpheros, in the fifth
year of Nero Claudius Cassar Augustus Germanicus, Emperor, and a house in
the village, which was bought from Onnophreus, son of Peteorsepeus, in the sixth
year of Nero Claudius Cjesar Augustus Germanicus, Emperor. Whatever I
make from these or buy in addition I will first report as it shall occur.
1 These assessments, then, occurred in the following years: 174-5; 160-1; 146-7; 132-3; 118-9;
104-5; 90-1; 76-7; 62-3; 48-9; 34-5; 20-1; 6-7; 9-8 B. c.
» From Hermes, XXVIII, 1893, p. 233.
434 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
The date of this document, which is only a copy, is not given, but
as it refers to two transactions in real estate, which were dated
respectively in the 5th and 6th years of Nero, and as that monarch's
reign began in October of the year 54 a. d., it is probable that this
is a copy of an enrolment made in connection with the census of 62-
63 A. D. This proves that the system of taking the census once in
fourteen years was in operation as early as the reign of Nero.
3. Fragment from the Reign of Tiberius.^
To Eutychides and Theon, local census-takers and village census-takers, from
Horion and Petosiris, priest of Isis, the most great goddess, of the temple called
the Two Brothers in the city of Oxyrhynchus on the street Myrobalanos, near
the Serapeum. Those who live in the house which belongs to me and my wife
Tasis and to Taurius, son of Harbichis, and to Papontos, son of Nechthesorios,
and to Thajchemere, in the house which is near the aforesaid temple of the Two
Brothers are as follows:
The papyrus at this point becomes too mutilated for further
translation.
The importance of this document is revealed by an examination
of the names of the officers, Eutychides and Theon. Another
papyrus from the same place, which contains a notice of a removal,
is dated in the 6th year of the Emperor Tiberius.^ As these officers
were still in office when this census was taken, this must be the
census of the year 20-21 a. d.
4. Enrolments Probably Inaugurated by Augustus.
Another papyrus contains a list of people who were exempt from
poll-tax m the 41st year of the reign of Augustus.^ As the poll-tax
was intimately connected with the census, it is altogether probable
that the census was inaugurated by Augustus. As he became em-
peror m 27 B. C. and at once proceeded to organize his empire, the
census may have begun early in his reign. If there was one in 20
a. d. there would be one in 6 a. d., 9-8 b. c, and possibly in 23-22
B. c. If there was not one in 23-22, that in 9-8 b. c. would be the
first. This is the one to which reference is made in Luke 2:2. If
the birth of Jesus occurred at the time of this census, it must have
been earlier than we usually suppose. Ramsay thinks that the
1 Translated from Grenfell and Hunt's Oxyrhynchus Papyri, II, 1898, p. 214. Kenyon, Greek
Papyri in the' British Museum, IT, 19, thinks that this cannot refer to a census because the term by
which it is described is different, but, as Grenfell and Hunt remark, the simpler term in the papyri
earlier than the year 61 A. D., indicates that we are nearer the beginning of the institution of the
census.
« Ibid., p. 205; cf. p. 206.
> Ibid., p. 282.
LIGHT ON THE ENROLMENT OF QUIRINIUS 435
taking of the census in Judah may have been delayed till 7 or 6 b. c,
on account of Jewish prejudices.
5. Document Showing that People Went to Their Own Towns
for Enrolment.
In connection with the census of Quirinius it is stated in Luke
2:3: "All went to enroll themselves, every one to his own city."
This has been felt by many scholars to be an improbable statement,
and has been cited as an evidence of the unhistorical character of the
whole story of the census in Luke. In this connection part of a
papyrus discovered m Egypt, which is dated in the 7th year of the
Emperor Trajan, 103-104 a. d., is of great interest. This document
contains three letters. The third of the letters is the one which re-
lates to our subject. It is as follows:^
Gaius Vibius, chief prefect of Egypt. Because of the approaching census it is
necessary that all those residing for any cause away from their own nomes,
should at once prepare to return to their own governments, in order that they
may complete the family administration of the enrolment, and that the tilled
lands may retain those belonging to them. Knowing that your city has need of
provisions from the country, I wish (At this pomt the papyrus be-
comes too fragmentary for connected translation.)
It is perfectly clear that in Egypt the enrohnent was done on the
basis of kinship. The word rendered "family" above [<rui'>j»9ij] means
"kindred" in the larger sense. The phrase rendered "belonging
to" [them, i. e., the tilled lands] also means "kindred." It appears,
then, that in Egypt the enrohnent of each district was intended to
include all the kinsmen belonging to that district, and that, lest
those residing elsewhere should forget to return home for the census,
proclamations were issued directing them to do so. It is well known
that in many respects the customs of administration in Syria and
Egypt were similar. Luke's statement, that Joseph went up from
Nazareth to Bethlehem, because he was of the house and lineage of
David, to enroll himself with Mary (Luke 2 : 4, 5) , turns out to be in
exact accord with the governmental regulations as we now know
them from the papyri.
6. Inscription Supposed to Refer to Quirinius.
A fragmentary inscription found at Rome in 1828 is thought by
Mommsen and others to prove that Quirinius was governor of
Syria twice, and that the governorship to which Josephus refers
{Antiquities, XVII, i, 1), which was coincident with the deposition of
1 Translated from Kenyon and Bell's Greek Papyri in the British Museum, Vol. Ill, 1907, p. 125
436 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Archelaus in 6 a. d., was his second appointment. The inscription
as filled out by Mommsen and others reads :^
[P. Sulpicius Quirinius, consul ; as proconsul obtained Crete and
Cyrene as a province ; as legate of the divine Augustus, obtaining
Syria and Phoenicia he waged war with the tribe of Homonadenses who had killed
Amyntas the k]ing; when he returned into the domilnion ofthe Emperor Ca;sar]
Augustus and the Roman people, the senate [decreed] thanksgivings [to the
immortal gods] on account of the two success[ful accomplishments] and tri-
umphal ornaments to him; as proconsul he ob[tained] Asia as a province; as the
legate of the divine Augustus he [obtained] again Syria and Phoenicia.
If this inscription were intact its evidence would be decisive, but
unfortunately it is only a fragment, and the name of Quirinius is
just that which has to be supplied from other inscriptions. That so
eminent a scholar as Mommsen thought that this name was the one
which once began the inscription is of weight, but it does not com-
pensate for the loss of the name.
7. Inscription from Asia Minor Referring to Quirinius.^
The following inscription, discovered by Prof. Ramsay and Mr.
J. G. C. Anderson, of Oxford, is believed by Ramsay to prove that
Quirinius was governor of Syria between 10 and 7 b. c.
To Gaiue Caristanius
(son of Gaius of the Sergian tribe) Fronto
Caesianus Juli[us],
Chief of engineers, pontifex,
priest, prefect of P. Sulpicius Quirinius duumx-ir,
prefect of M. Ser\dlius.
To him first of all men
at public expense by decree of the decuriones,
a statue was erected.
This inscription was found at Antioch, a fortified colony in
southeastern Phrygia or southern Galatia, in the year 1912. The
name Caristanius connects its erection with the time of the Hamo-
nadian war, 10-7 b. c. That Quirinius received the honor of an
election to the office of honorary duumvir of the colony at this time,
is held by Ramsay to prove that he had been sent to Syria as gover-
nor, and had been military commander in the war against the
Hamonades. It was the benefits which accrued to the little colony
of Antioch from his victories in this war, w'hich led to the election
• Translated from the Corpus Inscriplionum Latinarum, XIV, No. 3613.
2 Translated after Ramsay, Expositor, scries 8, Vol. IV, 1912, p. 401. For Ramsay's opinions,
see the article of which the inscription forms a part.
LIGHT ON THE ENROLMENT OF QUIRINIUS 437
and the erection of this statue. Ramsay, accordingly, holds that
this mscription proves Quirinius to have been governor of Syria
about 11-7 B. c, and this confirms the statement of Luke 2 : 2, that
the census at the time when Jesus was born was the first enrol-
ment, when Quirinius was governor of Syria.
One objection to this theory is that from other sources (Josephus,
Antiquities, XVI, x, 8; xi, 3), it appears that Sentius Saturninus was
governor of Syria at this time, i. e., from 9-7 b. c, just at the time
when, according to the papyri, the census should occur. This is
supported by a statement of Tertullian, that Jesus was born when
Saturnmus was governor of Syria. To meet this objection, Ramsay
supposes either that the authority of Quirinius and of Saturninus
overlapped, the former being military commander and the latter
civil governor, or that Quirinius ruled until about July 1st of the
year 8, the census year, and Saturninus then took office. These
are, however, mere possibilities. We have not yet clear information
concerning these points.
Later, in 6 a. c, Quirinius was sent out to Syria again (see Tacitus,
Annates, III, 48), and took over as governor of Syria the kingdom of
Judah on the deposition of Archelaus, and conducted the census
there of 6-7 a. d. (See Josephus, Antiquities, XVIII, i.) Many
scholars have held that Luke confused this governorship with earlier
events and was accordingly in error as to his chronology by at least
ten years, but the archaeological facts here collected tend to cor-
roborate Luke's accuracy on this point. It should be added that
Luke knew that Quirinius had charge of the census in Palestine in
6 A. D., as Josephus states, for he says: "This was the first enrohnent
made when Quirinius was governor of Syria."
8. Conclusions.
It should in all candor be noted just what archseolog}^ has proved
concerning this matter, and what points are still, from the archae-
ological side, outstanding. It has proved that the census was a
periodic occurrence once m fourteen years, that this system was in
operation as early as 20 a. d., and that it was customary for people
to go to their ancestral abodes for enrolment. It has made it prob-
able that the census system was established by Augustus, and that
Quirinius was governor of Syria twice, though these last two points
are not yet fully established by archaeological evidence. So far as
the new material goes, however, it confirms the narrative of Luke.
CHAPTER XXVII
ARCH^OLOGICAL LIGHT ON THE ACTS AND EPISTLES
The Politarchs of Thessalonica. An Altar to Unknown Gods. An Inscrip-
tion FROM Delphi and the Date of Paul's Contact with Gallio. Some Epistles
from Egypt. Inscriptions Mentioning Aretas, King of Ar.\bia.
1. The Politarchs of Thessalonica.
In Acts 17:6 the rulers of Thessalonica are called in the Greek
"politarchs." It is a unique term, and its accuracy had been called
in question by some scholars. Within the past hundred years no
less than nineteen inscriptions have come to light which prove its
accuracy, by referring to the rulers of Thessalonica as "politarchs."
One of the most important of these is from an arch in Thessalonica.
It runs in part as follows, the beginning being illegible:^
In the time of the PoHtarchs, Sosipatros, son of Cleopatra, and Lucius Pontius
Secundus Publius Flavius Sabinus, Demetrius, son of Faustus, Demetrius of
Nicopolis, Zoilos, son of Parmenio, and Meniscus Gaius Agilleius Poteitus
Another fragmentary inscription shows that the rulers of the city
bore this title as early as the time of Augustus. It is in part:^
Bosa, proconsul, made a stone-quarry for the temple of Csesar, in the time of
the priest and judge, the Emperor Caesar, the divine son Augustus ,
the politarchs remaining faithful, viz. : — Diogenes, the son of Kleon, the . . . . , etc.
It is not clear from the inscriptions whether the number of poli-
tarchs was five or six.
2. An Altar to Unknown Gods.
In Acts 17 : 23 it is stated that Paul saw in Athens an altar with
this inscription: TO AN UNKNOWN GOD. In the year 1909 an
altar was discovered in the sacred precinct and temple of Demeter
at Pergamos in Asia Minor, the home of one of the seven churches of
the book of Revelation (Rev. 2 : 12, f.), which bore a mutilated in-
> Translated from Burton's publication in the Amerkan Journal of Theology, II, 600.
•Translated from ibid., p. 604.
438
LIGHT ON THE ACTS AND EPISTLES 439
scription; (see Fig. 299). This inscription in the judgment of
several impartial epigraphists should be restored as follows:^
To unknown gods,
Capito,
torch-bearer.
This is not only a confirmation of the statement of Acts 17 : 23,
but of Pausanias^ (second century a. d.) and Philostratus^ (third
century a. d.) that altars to unknown gods existed.
3. The Date of Paul's Contact with Gallic.
The chronology of the life of Paul cannot be fully determined
from the Bible itself. Such chronological data as the New Testa-
ment affords help us only to a relative chronology. Could the
year of one of the dates given by the New Testament be determined
by a date of the Roman empire, it would enable scholars to fix
with approximate certainty the other dates. Hitherto the endeavor
to do this has centered about the recall of FelLx from Palestine and
the coming of Festus (Acts 24 : 27), but there has been so much un-
certainty about the date of this recall, that systems of chronology,
differing from one another by from four to five years, have been con-
structed. A fragmentary inscription has come to light from Delphi,
which seems to give us the desired aid for our Pauline chronology
in that it fixes the date of the coming of Gallio to Corinth (Acts 18 :
12). This inscription, as its lacunae are supplied by Deissmann, is
as follows:
Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus, of
tribunican authority for the 12th time, imperator the 26th time, father of the
country, consul for the 5th time, honorable, greets the city of the Delphians.
Having long been well disposed to the city of the Delphians _. . .1 have
had success. I have observed the religious ceremonies of the Pythian Apollo
now it is said also of the citizens as
Lucius Junius Gallio, my friend, and the proconsul of Achaia, wrote
on this account I accede to you still to have the iirst*
At this point the inscription is too broken for translation, al-
though the beginnings of several lines can be made out. The im-
portance of the inscription lies (1) in the fact that it mentions
Gallio as proconsul of Achaia, and (2) in the reference to the 12th
tribunican year and the 26th imperatorship of Claudius. It can
'Taken from Deissmann's St. Paul, p. 261, f.
» Pausanias, i, 1 : 4, and v, 14 : 8.
• Philostratus, Vila Apollonii. vi, 3.
* Translated from Deissmann's St. Paul, pp. 246, 247.
440 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
be deduced from these, in comparison with other inscriptions of his,
that this letter was written between January and August of the year
52 A. D.^ If Gallio was then in office, and had been in office long
enough to give information to Claudius of material importance to
the purpose of the emperor's letter to the Delphians, Gallio must
have arrived in Corinth not later than the year 51. According to
Dio Cassius, Claudius had decreed that new officials should start for
their provinces not later than the new moon of the month of June.^
Gallio must, therefore, have arrived in Corinth not later than July.
Paul's stay in Corinth extended over eighteen months (Acts 18 :
11), and the narrative in Acts implies that a large part of it had
passed before Gallio went there. Paul must, then, have arrived in
Corinth not later than the end of the summer of the year 50. As
the journey described in Acts 16 must have occupied some months,
the council at Jerusalem, described in Acts 15, cannot have taken
place later than the year 49 A. d. In Gal. 2 : 1 Paul says that this
visit occurred fourteen years after the visit which followed his re-
turn from Damascus. As the Jews in counting time usually
reckoned the two extremes as a part of the number, even if a part of
them only should really have been included, the visit of Paul to
Jerusalem, mentioned in Gal. 1 : 18 must have occurred not later
than 36 a. d., nor earlier than 35 a. d. As this visit occurred "three"
years after his conversion, we find, if we make similar allowance for
the possibilities of Jewish reckoning, that his conversion occurred
not later than 34 a. d., and possibly as early as 31 A. D.^
4. The Epistles.
The Epistles of the New Testament, especially those of Paul, are
cast in the form of ancient letter-writing. This form in its more
stately aspects has long been known through the letters of Aristotle,
Epicurus, Cicero, Seneca, Pliny, etc., but the papyri discovered in
Egypt afford us many examples of the more familiar and affectionate
style of informal letter-writing, and frequently, at the beginning,
afford parallels to expressions which are found in the introductions
of Paul's Epistles. The following examples will illustrate this:
Isias to her brother, greeting: If you are well and other things happen as you
wish, it would be in accordance with my constant prayer to the gods. I too am
in good health, and so is the boy; and all at home make constant remembrance of
you. When I got the letter through Horus, in which you explain that you are \n
1 Sec Dcissmann's SI. Paul. p. 248, IT. ^ Dio Cassius, Ivii. 14, 5.
' The most reliable chronologies of the life of Christ now place his crucifixion not later than 30
A. D.
LIGHT ON THE ACTS AND EPISTLES 441
sanctuary at the Serapeum in Memphis, I straightway gave thanks to the gods
for your being in good health, but as for your not coming to us when the evils
that threatened you there have passed away, I am disconsolate because such a
long time I have been keeping myself and the child, and am come to the lowest
point on account of the price of bread, and I did think that now you were coming
1 should find a little relief, but you seem to have no idea of coming to us, nor to
have an eye to our circumstances, as you would if you were still here. We are in
need of everything, not only because such a long time and so many seasons have
passed since you were here, but because you have not sent us anything. And
besides that, Horus, who brought your letter, tells me further that you are re-
leased from sanctuary, and I am perfectly miserable. No, indeed! and your
mother, too, takes it very hard, and you will do well to come for her sake as well
as ours to the city, unless some more pressing need draws you elsewhere. Fare-
well, then, and have a care for your body so as to be in health. Good-bye.
Epephi 30th, of the 9th year.^
This letter was written in the year 172 b. c. "Brother" in it
probably means husband. The husband had gone on a religious
mission and has left the wife without support. He at last sent her
a letter, and this is her reply. She wishes to persuade him to re-
turn, and writes with great tact. Wliat she says about remembering
her husband in her prayers, and her thanks to the gods for his
health, reminds one of the language of Paul in 1 Thess. 1 : 2; 3 : 9;
2 Thess. 1 : 3, 11; 2 : 13; 1 Cor. 1 : 4; 2 Cor. 1 : 4-6; Phil. 1 : 3, 9;
Col. 1:3; Philemon 4.
Another letter which illustrates the same points is this:
Ammonios to his sister Tachnumi, much greeting: Before all things I pray that
you may be in health, and each day I make the act of worship for you. I salute
heartily my goodest little boy Leo. I am jolly and so is the horse and Melas.
Don't neglect my son. I salute Senchris, and I salute your mother. I likewise
salute Pachnumi and Pachnumi junior. I salute and Amenothis. Hurry
up about the boy until we go to my place. If I come to the place and see the
place, I will send for you and you shall come to Pelusium, and I will come to
you at Pelusium. I salute Steches, the son of Pancrates. I salute Psemmouthis
and Plato. If your brothers dispute with you, come to my house and stay there
until we see what to do. Don't neglect it. Write me of your own welfare and
of my boy's. Hurry up over the matter of the farm. I wrote this letter in
Themuis on the fifth of the month Phamenoth. We have two days more, and
then we will arrive at Pelusium. Melas greets you all by name. I salute
Psenchnumi, the son of Psentermout. I pray that you may be well and strong.*
The sentence of this letter which follows the greeting is couched in
almost the same language as 3 John 2, and the number of people
saluted in it and the manner of their salutation reminds one strongly
of Rom. 16 : 3-16.
• The original is in Berlin and the publication is not accessible to the writer. The above trans-
lation is taken from that of J. Rendel Harris in the Expositor, 5th series, Vol. VIII,.p. 164.
' Translated by J. Rendel Harris, ibid., p. 166.
442 ARCHEOLOGY AND THE BIBLE
Clearly the New Testament Epistles conform in their affection-
ate expressions to the forms that were often employed by other
letter-writers of that period of history.
5. Paul and Aretas, King of Arabia.
Paul says: "In Damascus the governor under Aretas the king
guarded the city of the Damascenes in order to take me."^ Aretas
is called by Josephus king of Arabia. He was Haretat IV, King of
the Nabathaean Arabs. These Nabathseans were found in Arabia
by the Assyrian King Ashurbanipal (668-626 b. c.) ; they conquered
Edom about 400 b. c, driving the Edomites over into southern
Judah; they helped one of the successors of Alexander the Great at
the battle of Gaza in 312 b. c, and founded a dynasty of kings that
lasted until overthrown by the Roman Emperor Trajan in 106 a. d.
Haretat IV belonged to this line. The following Aramaic inscrip-
tion, dated in his reign, affords monumental confirmation of his
existence:
This is the tomb which Halafu, son of Kosnatan, made for himself and for
Shaidu, his son, and his brothers, whatever males are born from this Halifu,
both their sons and descendants by right of inheritance forever. And those who
may be buried in this sepulcher and in this structure are this Shaidu and Man-
uath, Kenushath, and Ribamath, and Umaiyath and Shalimath, daughters
of this Halifu. Also no descendant of Shaidu has authority, and no man after
him of their sons or descendants, to sell this sepulcher, or to inscribe an epitaph
or an emblem for anyone, except for the wife of one of them, or for his daughters,
or kinsman, or relative by marriage he may inscribe the tomb. If any one shall
do contrary to this, then the fine of Dushara, the god, our lord, shall be imposed
upon him to the extent of five hundred silver shekels of Haretat, and in accord-
ance with this inscription shall be deposited in the temple of Kaisha. Month
Nisan, year fortieth of Haretat, King of the Nabathaeans, who loves his people.
Rauma and Abdobodat, stone-cutters.^
As Haretat ruled from 9 b. c. to 40 a. d., this inscription was
written in 31 a. d., just a few years before Paul escaped from the
officers of Haretat at Damascus. There are many other inscrip-
tions dated in the reign of this king.
Another reads as follows:
This is the sepulcher and two monuments over it, which Abdobodat, the
general, made for Aitebel, the general, his father, and for Aitebel, the commander
of the two camps which are in Luhitu and Abarta, the son of Abdobodat. This
is in the district of their command, which they exercised in the two places for
thirty-six years in thp reign of Haretat, King of the Nabathaeans, who loves his
people. The above-mentioned (monument) was constructed in the forty-sixth
year of his reign.'
12 Cor. 11 : 32.
2 Translated from the Corpus Inscriplionum Scmiticarum, Pars II, Tom. I, Fasc. ii, No. 209.
»Ibid., Pars II, Tom. I, Fasc. ii, No. 196.
LIGHT ON THE ACTS AND EPISTLES 443
The forty-sixth year of Haretat was the year 37 a. d. The
monument here translated was found at Medeba east of the
Jordan (see Num. 21 : 30; Josh. 13 : 9), and the two places men-
tioned in it are believed to be Nabathcean names for Medeba and
Rabbah Ammon (2 Sam. 11:1, etc.). It is evidence that Haretat
had held this territory for a long time. Paul's escape from Damas-
cus (2 Cor. 11 : 32) occurred between the date of the preceding in-
scription and this one.
APPENDIX
(Appearing first in Second Edition.)
I
Addition to Part I, Chapter III, §2, (3), p. 70.
The discoveries at Carchemish mcluded Hittite inscriptions,
one of which is said to be longer than any Hittite writing yet
discovered. A number of stone deities were also found, one of
which is a bearded god of the eighth century b. c. seated on a heavy
base supported by two lions. Three large gateways were found.
On the inside of the court of one of these were dadoes from five to
six feet high, "with sculptured slabs of alternating black diorite
and white limestone adorned with carved figures of bulls, horses,
and chariots." The acropoUs was surmounted by the ruins of a
palace of King Sargon of Assyria, who conquered Carchemish, and
by the ruins of a Roman palace. An avenue of broad steps, more
than a hundred feet long, led up to these.
II
Addition to Part I, Chapter III, §3, to be read after (7) on p. 74.
(8) Hrozny, a Hungarian scholar, published in the Mitteilungen
der deutschen Orienl-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 56 (December,
1915), a new study of the problem of Hittite decipherment. Owing
to the war the publication has not reached the writer. An ex-
cellent resume of it has, however, been published by Professor
J. H. Moulton in the Expository Times, xxviii, 106 ff. (December,
1916).
It appears that in April, 1914, Professor Hrozny and Doctor Fi-
gulla went to Constantinople and copied cuneiform inscriptions from
Boghaz Koi until the war recalled them. Hrozny's study is based
on this cuneiform material. He reaches the conclusion that Hittite
is not only an Indo-European language, but that it also belongs to
the western half of the Indo-European family. In other words, he
finds it more closely related to Greek, Latin, Keltic, and the
Teutonic tongues than to the Slavonic, Lithuanian, Armenian,
445
446 APPENDIX
and Persian languages, or to Sanscrit and its daughters. Accord-
ing to Hrozny, then, the Hittites came from western Europe, or
the center from which the western European peoples radiated.
He thinks they crossed into Asia by way of the Bosphorus. He
supports his contention by some most interesting philological
analogies. The Mitanni, on the other hand, belonged, he thinks,
to the eastern half of the Indo-European family. They were
closely related to the Slavs, Lithuanians, Armenians, Persians,
etc. The indications seem to be that they entered Asia by way
of the Caucasus. We await further evidence with great interest.
Ill
Addition to Part I, Chapter III, §9, p. 102.
Professor George L. Robinson, who was in Jerusalem in the
spring of 1914 as Directo of the American School, has published in
the American Journal of ArchcBology, Vol. XXI, p. 84 (January-
March, 1917), a brief statement of the discoveries on Ophel and
at Balata. He mentions the finding on Ophel of a tower with
rock-cut foundations, certain cave-tombs with oval roofs, a cis-
tern with Roman baths, an inn, a Greek inscription (which tells
of a synagogue) , and an underground, rock-cut aqueduct, running
parallel to and probably older than that of Hezekiah, which con-
ducts the water of Gihon to the Pool of Siloam.
At Balata the foundations of old Hebrew houses were discovered,
together with a portion of the Amorite city- wall, which was thick
and oblique. The ruins of a palace were also found and a great
triple gateway, the longest yet excavated in Palestine. This gate
was on the west of the city. Near the tell an Eg^-ptian sar-
cophagus was found, which some have thought might be the coffin
of Joseph.
IV
A NEW BABYLONIAN ACCOUNT OF THE CREATION
OF MAN
To supplement Part II, Chapter II, p. 257.
Since the first edition of this book went to press, the writer has
had the good fortune to discover among the tablets from Nippur
in the University Museum in Philadelphia a new Babylonian
account of the creation of man. The text is wratten in the Sumer-
APPENDIX 447
ian language, and the script is of the mixed cursive variety that
was employed during the time of the first dynasty of Babylon
and the Kassite dynasty. The text is accordingly older than
1200 B. c, and may have been written before 2000 b. c. It reads
as follows:
1. The mountain of heaven and earth
2. The assembly of heaven, the great gods, entered. Afterwards,
3. Because Ashnan had not come forth, they conversed together.
4. The land Tikku had not created;
5. For Tikku a temple-platform had not been filled in;
6. A lofty dwelling had not been built;
7. The arable land was without any seed;
8. A well and a canal (?) had not been dug;
9. Horses and cattle had not been brought forth,
10. So that Ashnan could shepherd herd and corral.
11. The Anunna, the great gods, had made no plan;
12. There was no 5e5-grain of thirty-fold;
13. There was no Je?-grain of fifty-fold;
14. Small grain, mountain-grain, and great 5a/-grain there were not;
15. A possession and houses there were not;
16. Tikku had neither entered a gate nor gone out;
17. Together with the lady Nintu the lord had not brought forth men.
18. The god Ug came; as leader he came to plan;
19. Mankind he planned; many men were brought forth.
20. Food and sleep he planned for them;
21. Clothing and dwellings he did not plan for them.
22. The people with rushes and rope came,
23. By making a dwelling a kindred was formed.
?^. To the gardens they gave drink.
?S. On that day their [gardens] sprouted (?)
26. Their lands covered (?)
Reverse
1.
0. Father Eniii '{j).''.V.V.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.''^^/^^'^.
3 standing grain
4. For mankind
5 creation of Entu
6. Father Enlil
7. Duazagga, the way of the gods
8. Duazagga, the brilliant, for my god I guard (?).
9. Entu and Enlil to Duazagga
10. A dwelling for Ashnan from out of Duazagga I will [make ?] for thee.
11. Two-thirds of the fold perished (?);
12. His plants for food he created for them;
13. Ashnan rained on the field for them;
14. The moist (?) wind and the fiery storm-cloud he created for them.
448 APPENDIX
15. Two-thirds of the fold stood.
16. For the shepherd of the fold joy was overthrown;
17. The house of rushes did not stand;
18. From Duazagga joy departed.
19. From his dwelling, a lofty height, his boat
20. Descended; from heaven he came
21. To the dwelling of Ashnan; the scepter he brought forth to them;
22. His brilliant city he raised up, he appointed for them;
23. The reed-countr}' he pianted, he appointed for them;
24. The falling rain the hollows caught for them;
25. A dwelling-place was their land; food made men multiply;
26. Prosperity entered the land; it caused them to become a multitude.
27. He brought to the hand of man the scepter of command.
28. The lord caused them to be, and they came into existence.
29. Companions calling them, a man with his wife he made them dwell.
30. At night as fitting companions they are together.
A colophon states that the tablet contained sixty Hnes. Only
five lines are entirely broken away.
Ashnan was a god of vegetation. Tikku, who had not created
the land, was a personified river-bank. The stor\' begins, there-
fore, before the beginning of vegetation and before the creation of
dykes in Babylonia. As in the text translated in Chapter VIII,
Part II, considerable space is occupied with the things that were
non-existent when the process of creation began. The last sen-
tence of this section asserts that the lord and Nintu had not
brought forth men. Nintu is the goddess who in the creation
story translated in Chapter VII, Part II, appears as the mother
of mankind (see p. 279). The new tablet then states that Ug,
the lion god, identified by a later text with Shamash, the sun
god, first came forth to plan. "Mankind he planned; many
men were brought forth." The word rendered "planned" has
also the meaning "know," as in Gen. 4:1, where Adam is said to
have known Eve. It seems probable, therefore, that the text
indicates that men were born from a natural union of Ug and Nintu,
just as it is said on p. 284, in another text from Nippur, that
irrigation resulted from a similar union of the sun-god and Nintu.
This shows that among the Sumerians there were different con-
ceptions of the way mankind was made. A Babylonian story of
the making of a man which is much more like the narrative of Gen.
2 than that contained in this new tablet is given on p. 256.
After telling how men were brought forth, and how they were
left to provide houses and clothing for themselves, the new tablet
tells how reed huts, similar to those still seen in the Babylonian
APPENDIX 449
marshes, were made. Clans were formed and irrigation begun.
Here the obverse becomes too broken for connected translation.
At the beginning of the reverse several lines are fragmentary.
From what can be made out, some god seems to be addressing
Enlil. Reference is made to Duazagga, the heavenly abyss,
which is described as "the way of the gods," probably an allusion
to the Milky Way. It is implied that the gods live along this
way. It seems that all was not going well with men on the earth,
so this deity proposed to make a dwelling for Ashnan, the god of
agriculture, outside of Duazagga, presumably on the earth.
Two-thirds of the fold perished; Ashnan accordingly created
plants as food for men. This reminds us of how plants and fruits
were given to man as food in Gen. 1 : 29. Ashnan also caused it
to rain in order to promote the growth of vegetation. This, how-
ever, created a new evil. The reed huts were washed away, to-
gether with a third of the fold. Some god, probably Enlil, accord-
ingly came down from heaven, and built a city. This gave to
human society the required stability. In this stable society the
god gave the scepter of command into man's hand just as in
Gen. 1 : 28 man is given dominion over all the lower orders of Ufe.
In this connection we find the statement:
"The lord caused them to be and they came into existence,"
the form of which reminds one of the statement in Gen. 1 : 3,
"God said, Let there be light: and there was light."
The next line: "Companions calling them, a man with his wife
he made them dwell," recalls Gen. 2 : 18 and 24. The last line of
the text is the Babylonian equivalent of the last clause of Gen.
2 :24.
This text as a whole describes the creation of man, sketches
the vicissitudes of pastoral life, and ends with a statement of the
greater security and prosperity of urban life. It attributes the
origin of everything to the gods.
Addition to Part II, Chapter XI, p. 309.
The entrance of Abraham and later of Jacob and his sons into
Egypt in time of famine (Gen. 12 : 10 and 47 : 5-12) is strikingly
illuminated by the following reports of officials stationed at for-
tresses on the Egyptian border.
The first of these texts was inscribed in the tomb of Harmhab,
450 APPENDIX
the founder of the nineteenth dynasty, though there is reason to
beUeve that it was written during the reign of Amenophis IV of
the eighteenth dynasty (1375-1357 b. c). Some of the lines are
broken. It reads as follows:
Asiatics ; others have been placed in their abode? they have
been destroyed, and their town laid waste, and fire has been thrown
[they have come to entreat] the Great in Strength to send his mighty sword
before Their countries are starving, they live like goats of the moun-
tain, [their] children saying: "A few of the Asiatics, who knew not how
they should live, have come jbeggjing [a home in the domain] of Pharaoh ,
after the manner of your fathers' fathers since the beginning under,
Now, the Pharaoh. . . .gives them into your hand, to protect their borders."'
The second text comes from the reign of Merneptah (1225-
1215 B. c). It reads as follows:
Another matter for the satisfaction of my lord's heart [to wit]: We have
finished passing the tribes of the Shasu of Edom through the fortress of Mernep-
tah-Hotephirma . . . in Theku, to the pools of Pithom, of Merneptah-Hote-
phirma in Theku, in order to sustain them and their herds in the domain of
Pharaoh . . . , the good sun of e\ery land I ha\e caused them to be
brought other names of days when the fortress of Merncptah-Hote-
phirma may be passed, . . . . ^
These texts make it evident that at different periods of Egyp-
tian history Asiatic tribes in time of famine and stress sought and
found refuge in Egypt as the Israelites are said to have done.
VI
ALLEGED TRACES OF THE "TEN TRIBES" IN EXILE
To supplement Part II, Chapter XVII, at the end of § 10,
p. 372.
In 2 Kings 15 : 29 it is said that Tiglath-pileser [IV] captured
certain cities in Galilee, and carried their inhabitants captive to
Assyria. In 2 Kings 17 : 6 it is said that when Samaria was de-
stroyed by the Assyrian king [Sargon, in 722 b. c], Israelites were
carried captive to Halah and Gozan, which were situated on the
Khabur River in Mesopotamia.
Two groups of cuneiform tablets, one in the museum at Berlin,
the other in the British Museum, are thought to confirm these
statements by the evidence they give that Hebrews who rever-
1 Taken from Breasted. Ancient Records, Egypt, III, p. 7.
« Taken from Breasted, ibid., p. 273.
APPENDIX 451
enced Jehovah were living in that region.^ The evidence con-
sists chiefly of a divine name A-u, employed as a component part
of proper names just as Jo- and Jeho-, abbreviations of the name of
Jehovah, are employed in Hebrew proper names in the Old Testa-
ment. Indeed, A-u is the form that Jo- or Jeho- would take, if
expressed in Assyrian characters.
The names in question occur in a series of documents which
record the transfer of slaves. If the men in question were Hebrews
they would seem to have been interested in the business of buy-
ing and selling slaves. The documents are much alike. It will
suffice to translate one of them:
1. Seal of Atarkhasis,
2. son of Aushezib,
3. the Kannuean,
4. owner of the slave-girl. A transfer
5. of Kabili, his slave-girl he
6. has made, and Nabushallimshunu
7. for the price of I5 manas of silver
8. has taken her. The money in full
9. is paid. That slave
10. is purchased and delivered. Whoever in the future
11. at any time shall rise up and
12. lay claim, whether Atarkhasis
13. or his sons, — whoever against
14. Nabushallimshunu or his sons
15. legal process
16. shall begin, 10 manas of silver
17. shall pay. Against an attack of rheumatism for 100 days
18. and legal claim for all time (he is guaranteed).
19. Month Airu, 17th day,
20. eponym of Ashurrimani, rabshekeh.
21. In the presence of Padi,
22. In the presence of Khani,
23. In the presence of Ashurnadinakhi,
24. In the presence of Tubusu,
25. In the presence of Belbelshaduni,
26. In the presence of Ilumia.
27. In the presence of Ashurikhtamusur
28. In the presence of Bariku,
29. In the presence of Kennusharruni.
The significant name here is Aushezib, meaning, "Au saves."
If ^4m is a translation of Jeho-, the name, in its entirety, would be a
translation of one of the Hebrew forms of the name Joshua.
1 See S. Schiffer, Keihchn'f/lirhe Spuren in der zweilen Hdlfle des Slen Jahrhunderh von den
Assyrern nach Mesopniamien deportierten Samarier, Berlin, 1907.
The text of the Berlin tablets was published by Ungnad in Vorderasiatiscke Schriftdenkmdler, I,
Leipzig, 1907, Nos. 84-94, 101, 104. Those in the British Museum, by Johns, in Assyrian Deeds
and Documents, I, Cambridge, 1898, Nos. 22, 69, 73, 74, 98, 153, 154, 170, 229, 234, 245, 312.
452 APPENDIX
Other names, into which the name of the god Au enters, appear
sometimes in the body of a contract and sometimes among the
witnesses. They are '^A-u-salim, "the god Au gives peace";
A-u-iddina, "Au gives," equivalent to the Hebrew Jonathan;
A-u-akhiddin, "Au has increased the brothers"; A-u-daninani,
"Au is our mighty-one"; A-ii-e-ballitani, "O Au, make us live";
'^ A-ti-ddn{?)-ilam, "Au is judge of the gods"; A-u-sabi, "Au
satisfies."^
The tablets were written at Kannu, the Canneh of Ezek.
27 : 23, which was near Haran in Mesopotamia. One text states
that if the seller of the slave ever brings legal action, he shall pay
ten silver manas and one gold mana "at the sanctuary of the god
A-n, who dwells in Kannu." If the god A-ic be really the Hebrew
Jehovah, the captives from Samaria and Galilee had built for him
a temple in Kannu, as the Jews at Elephantine afterward did on
the island in the Nile. (See p. 387, f.)
The documents in which these names occur appear to be dated
between 666 and 606 b. c. They are dated according to the
Assyrian method of dating, which shows that they were written
under the Assyrian monarchy, but the eponyms in which they are
dated are not found in the extant portions of the Assyrian Eponym-
list. They were therefore written after the year 666.- This fixes
the dates of these documents in the seventh century — the century
after Tiglath-pileser IV and Sargon transported to this region
parts of the ten "lost tribes," and, if A-ii really is a form of the
name Jehovah, these tablets afford us a little glimpse of some of
these Hebrews in exile.
' Vorderasiatische Sckriftdenkmaler, I, No. 88, IS.
2 See Rogers, Cutteijorm Parallels to the Old Testamenl. New York, 1912, p. 226.
INDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES
Genesis— page
1 247
1:7 248
1 : 24-26 266
2 256
3 260
3 : 18, 24 289
4: 1, 2, 16-23 269
5 264
5 :24 266
6, 7, 8, 9 277
9 :20 287, 289
10: 10 44,47,58
10: 11 43, 47, 60
10:23 116
11:2 58
11:9 42
11 :27 109
11:31 77
11 :31,ff 112
12 :4 77, 109
14: 1.58,294,295,297,298
14 :5 215
14 :6 106, 116
14:15 213
15 :2 213
16:5-7 329
16:7 95
19 : 1 129
21 Ill
21 : 9, 10 329
22 172
22 :2 168
22 : 6, 10 152
22 : 9 169
23 76
23:10 68
24 :22 161
24:30 156
25 : 15 307
25 :34 134
26:34 68
29 : 1 108
30: 1-13 328
34:20 129
36 : 20 106, 308
36: 20-22 109
36:21 106
36:24 308
36:29 106, 109
37:17 133
Genesis^
PAGE
Leviticus—
PAGE
40
11
136
5 : 13
343
41
30
305
6 :3-5
315
41
39
303
6: 18, 29
343
41
42
157
7 :8-10, 14, 34.
343
41
45
34
11 :35
149
41
47-57
306
18:6-18
329
41
54
305
19 :9
319
46
17
349
19 : 20-22
328
50
13
180
20: 10
328
50
26
303
,411
20: 11, 12, 19-21
329
22 :30
329
Exodus —
23
390
1 : 11
35
24 :20
340
2 :1-10
311
25 :5
137
3 :8, 17
139
,309
25 : 25-46
316
4:25
152
26:26
149
5:7-18
36
11 :5
135
Numbers—
12
390
5 :9, 10
343
12 :37
36
5 : 11-28
314
,328
13 :20
36
13:23
136
14 : 23-28
37
14 : 8
139
16:36
158
16 : 13, 14
139
18 : 13-26
315
21 : 13
365
20:8-11
258
21 :15, 16
116
20:12
411
21 : 21
116
,308
20:24
172
21 :30
443
20:24-26
198
26 :45
349
21 :2-6
316
, 323
27:8-11
332
21 :2-ll
324
31 :29,41
343
21 :6
340
31 :50...
157
21 : 12-14, 18-27
21 :16
95
316
32:34
112
,365
21 :17
332
32:38
365
21 :24
340
32 :42
215
21 : 28-35
337
33:5,6
36
22 : 1-4,9
315
36:2-12
332
22:5
319
,320
22 :5, 6
319
Deuteronomy—
22 :7-10
323
1 :4 ...111, 112
116
,308
22 : 10-13
339
2 : 12, 22
106
22 : 11, 25
320
2 :24
365
22 : 16, 17
328
2:26
307
22 :18
314
3 :9
116
22 : 26, 27
324
3 : 11
217
23:10, 11
319
5 : 12-15
258
29 :40
158
5 : 16
411
34 :20
172
6:3
I.'!'*
35:22
156
7 :5
91
38:26
161
10: 18
420
453
454
INDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES
Deuteronomy — page
11:10 84
12:3 91
14 :29 420
15, 16, 17 340
15 :7-18 323
15 : 12-18 316, 324
16:9 135
16: 18-20 315
18:10 314
19 : 4 334
19:5...; 152
19: 16-21 314
19 :21 340
21 : 1-9 316
21 : 15-21 332
22 : 6 139
22 : 13-21 325
22 : 22-29 328
22:30 329
23 : IS 316
23 : 17 323,326
23 : 17, 18 333
23:24 137
23 : 24, 25 319
24: 1-4 329
24:6 136
24: 10-13 324
24:19-22 319
25 : 4 135
26:2,4 153
28 : 5, 17 153
34 : 1 365
Joshua —
2:6 138
5 :2,3 152
6:20 125
9:17,20 Ill
10:3 89, 112
10: 33... 92, 112, 116, 117
11 :1.2 Ill
11:22 91
12 :4 Ill
12 :21 96,97
12 :22 133
13 : 9 443
13:16-19 365
13:25 217
15 : 10 94, 112
15 :37 114, 116
15 :41 HI, 116
15 :44 346
15:59 Ill
15:63 188
17 : 11. ..Ill, 114, 133, 214
18:24 Ill
19:6 110
19:18-20, 25, 28 Ill
19:35,37 Ill, 114
19:44 377
20:7 133
20 : 8 365
JOSffDA — PAGE
21 : 19 Ill
21 :23 377
Judges —
1 :5, 27-36 116
1 : 17 Ill
1 : 21 188
1 : 27 92, 111
1 : 29 117
4, 5, 6 133
4:2 HI
4 :21 153
5:19 97
5 :26 153
6:3 108,307
6:11 Ill, 193
6: 19 153
6:33 108
7 : 12 108,307
7 :22 Ill
8 : 10 108,307
9 :4, 46 351
9 :53 136
11 :3,5 Ill
13 :2 112
13 : 19 193
16:23-30 93, 176
18:7, 18 HI
18:29 133
19 : 10, 11 188
1 Samuel —
2 : 13, 14 151
4 : 1 Ill
5:8 91
9 : 12 169
10:5 155
10:26 133
11 :4 133
13 : 20, 21 161
17 : 1 Ill
17:4 91
17 :43 139
19 :24 356
23 : 1 112, 188
25 :2 188
28:41 Ill
31 :5 154
31 : 10 133
31 : 10, 12 214
2 Samuel —
1 : 10 156
2 : 16 154
3 :27 129
5 :6-8 188
5:9 189
5:25 92
7 :2 176
8:9,ff 81
11 : 1 217,443
12:27 130
2 Samuel — pagi
12 :31 152
15 : 2 190
16:9 139
17 :28 134
20: 14 Ill
21 : 12 214
23 : 11 134
24 190, 192
24: 16 193
24 : 16, 17 377
24 : 18, 22 135
1 Kings —
1 :33 101
1 :40 155
3:1 190
3:1, ff 30
3:2 169
4:7 317
4: 12 214
5 :6, 17 358
6:4 194, 195
6:29,32,35 194
6 :36 195
7 :2, 6 196
7 :8, 12,23-37,39... 195
7 :9 152
7 :49 194
9 : 15 112, 190
9:15-19 94
9:16 30
9 :24 189
10: 1 371
10: 1-13 381
10:5, 18-20 195
11 : 14-25 118
11 :27 190
11:40 30
12 : 12 359
14 :25 37, 118,360
14 : 25-28 30, 259
15 :20 Ill
16 : 23-29 365
16 :24 127
16:34 ...99, 100, 125, 128
16 :36 128
17 : 10 133
19 : 16, 17 124
19 : 19 134, 135
21 : 8 155
22 :39 100, 127
2 Kings —
2:19-22 98
3:4 364
3 :4-12 197
3 :5-27 365
4:8 Ill
4 :23 2.S9
5 : 12 214
6 :5 152
6: 13 133
INDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES
455
2 Kings— page
6 :2S 158
11, 12, 13, 14, IS 26S
11 : 12, 13 195
12:17 91
12 :20 189
13 : 20, 21 183
14 :7 173
14:8-14 94,95
14 : 13 196
14:19 89
14:21 367
14 :23 259
15 : 1-27 367
15 : 19 61,62
15 :29 370
15 : 2.9, 30 62,369
15 :37 367
16:5-9 367
16: 10 369
16: 10-16 198
16: 14 195
17 :3-5 369
17 :4 370
17:5 62, 123
17 :16 370
17 :24 124, 125.370
17 : 24-34 100, 118
18 374,375
18: 1-6,9 198
18:4 171
18:13 44
18:13-16 375
18 : 13—19 :8 376
18:14 89
18 : 14, ff 374
18: 17 375
18:32 139
19 374, 375
19 : 9 31,375
19 :9-36 376
19:35 374
19 :36 377
19 :37 44,64,378
20:12 63
20:20 198,377
20i21 378
21 378
21 :6 172
22 : 14 199
23 :5. 8 169
23 : 10 172, 199
23 :29 32, 96
23 :29, £F 379
23 :34 32, 379
24, 25 44,65,380
25 : 9, 10 200
25 :27 381
25:27-30 66
1 Chronicles—
1:30 307
1:38 109
1 Chronicles— page
1 :40 308
2 : 18 116
4 :8 116
7 : 31 349
8 : 12 Ill
18:9, ff 82
21 :23 135
23 : 4 315
24 117
29 : 7 163
2 Chronicles—
1 :5, 6 195
2 :8 358
3:1 168
5 :2 189
11:5-10 90
19 :5-7 315
33 64
Ezra —
1 386
2 :69 163
3 : 12 201
4 :2 378
4: 10 379
5 : 16 200
8 :27 163
Nehemiah—
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.... 118
1:1 47
1:3 200
2 : 10, 19 389
3,4,5,6 90
3 : 13, 28 202
4 : 1, ff 389
6 : l,f/ 389
7:2 390, 391
7 :37 Ill
7 : 70-72 163
11 :25 Ill
12 : 31-40 202
13 :28 389
Esther —
1:2 47
3 : 10, 12 157
JOB^
1 :3 108
3:8 253
9 : 13, 14 251
12 :7, 8 430
26: 12, 13 251, 252
28 :28 409
29 395
29 : 13 420
31 395
38 : 14 154
39 : 13 139
41 253
Job — PAGE
41 :24 136
42 :4-6 395
Psalms —
6:3 400
8 401
17 : 1 400
18 : 6 400
19 401
21 : 9 149
68 : 4 147
68:5 420
74 : 10 400
74 : 13, 14 282
74: 13, 14, 16, 17 252
85 : 5 400
87 : 4 254
89 : 10 253
90: 7, 13 400
104 406
104 : 24 404
137 200
146, 147, 148 401
Proverbs —
1:9 156
5:3 410
6 :9-ll 411
10: 19 409
10: 26 411
11 : 1 162
13 : 3 409
13 :4 411
14 : 3 409
14 :35 408
17 :28 409
18 :24 409
20:23 162
24 : 17 408
24 :21 409
31 : 13 138
31 :31 129
Ecclesiastes —
7 : 15-17 409
9 : 6-9 412
9 :9 410
11 :9 409
Canticles —
1 : 10 156
2 : 13 136
3:6 156
4: 1-7 414
5 : 1 416
6 :2, 3 416
8 : 1-3 415
Isaiah —
1 : 13 259
1: 17,23 420
3 : 18 157
456
INDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES
Isaiah — page
3: 19, 20 156
5:1-8 137
5:12 155
6 418
7 : 1 197
7:l,ff 62
7:3 198
7 :16 369
8:1 154
8:6 198
9 : 1-6 422
9: 17 420
10:2 420
10: 9.. 63, 81, 116,361,371
10: 14 139
10:28-32 372
11 : 1-8 422
11 : 6-9 284
14 :9-ll 180,422,426
15 : 1 116
15 : 2, 4, 5 365
19 389
19:13 27
19:19-22 38
20: 1 43,372
22:22 151
27 : 1 253
30:7 254
31 :5 64
36 44
36, 37 63,374
37:9 31
37 :38 378
39:1 377
40: 12 158
41 :15 135
44:28 383
45 : 1 383
47 : 8 420
51 :9 253
57 :3 172
66:23 259
Jereml\b —
2 : 10 293
2:16 27
7 :6 420
7 :31 172, 199
15 : 8 420
18:21 420
22 :3 420
23:27 418
23:29 153
32 :35 172
36 32
41 :4, 5 200
43:7,8 37
43:8 38
44:1 27,37
46 32, 65
46:2 361
46:2, ff 379
Jereml\h— page
46:14,19 27
48:22-24 365
49: 11 420
50:16 135
L.\MENTATIONS —
4 :3 139
5 :10 150
EZEKIEL —
1:1 65, 66
4:9 134
4 : 12-15 149
5 :1,2 152
8: 14 426,427
8:16 194
16:3 77,349
16: 11 156
16:45 349
22:7,25 420
23 :40 156
27 : 6 293
27:8,9 112
30:13,16 27
30:17 31
32 : 21-31 422,426
32 : 22-32 180
43 : 13-17. 198
45: 11, 14 158
46:3 259
D.AOTEL
• 3 :5, IS 155
4 :29 380
5 : 11, 18 382
5 :25 160
5:30,31 384
8:2 47
HOSEA —
2 :5, 9 138
2 : 11 259
7 :4, 6, 7 150
9:6 27
Joel —
3:13 135
Amos —
5:19 126
6:2 116
7:14 356
8 : 1, 2 153
8:5 162,259
9:7 116,357
MiCAH —
1 : 14 92, 140
6: 15 136
Nahum —
3 :8 31.64
ZEPHAhOAH — PAGE
1: 10, 11 199
Zechariah —
3 : 1 418
4 201
7 : 10 420
Malachi —
3:5 420
Ecclesiasticus —
50: 1-4 203
1 Maccabees—
1:21,22 201
1 :33 204
5:37 215
7 : 32, 33 204
9:52 124
13:48 128
14:34 94
14 :36 204
Matthew —
1:8 268
3 :12 135
4 :25 213, 218
5 :14 123,429
5 : 15 151
5 :26 165
5 :29 199
6:30 149
6 :33 430
7:5 428
7:7 430
7 : 24, 25 429
10:26 431
10 : 28 199
10:29 165
11 :27 405
12: 1 132
13 :4 132
13 :57 408, 429
14:3 165
16: 13 133
19:24 151
19 :30 431
22 : 19 165
23 :37 140
24:41 135, .136
25 : 1-12 148
26:34,74 140
26 :36 137
26:57 101
28:2 184
Mark —
2 : 23 132
4 :4 132
4:23 431
INDEX OF SCRIPTURE PASSAGES 457
[ark— page Luke— page 1 Corinthians— page
5:1 218 23:18,21 206 14:7 155
5:20 213,218 24:2 184 15:32 224
6:4 429
6:17 165 John— 2 Corinthians—
7:11...... 159 2:20 208 1:46 441
7:31 213,218 3:16,36 431 3:14 194
8:27 133 3:29 416 11:32 174,442,443
10: 12 329 4:5 133
10:25 151 4:9,20 119 Galatians—
10:31
431
4:44
429
12 : 15-17
165
5:4
187
12:41
209
5 :24
431
12 :42
165
13:38
140
13 : 35
140
18 : 1
211
13 :44
430
18 :24
101
14:26
211
18:27
140
14 :30, 68, 72..
140
20:1
184
14:32
. 137,211
16:3,4
184
Acts —
3:2
210
uke—
8 :27
39
2: 1-5
432
8 : 27-39
3i
2:2
, . 434, 437
9 : 11
214
2:3-5
435
9:32
Ill
3 :17
135
12 :23
377
165
15, 16
16: 14
440
4:24
429
226
4:26
133
17 :6
438
5:9
430
17 : 22-31
220
6: 1
132
17 :23
. 438, 439
6:42
428
17 :27
178
7:5
98
18:1
220
8 :5
132
18:4,7
221
9:51-54
119
18 : 11
. 220,440
11:47,48
183
18: 12
. 221, 439
12 :2
431
19:23-41
224
12:6
165
20: 15, 17
222
12 :28
149
20:35
431
13 :30
431
23:23,24
133
15:8
165
24 :27
439
15:22
157
26 : 14
135
17 :21
430
18:25
151
Romans—
20:36
430
16 :3-16
441
21 : 1
209
21 :2
165
1 Corinthians —
22:34,60
140
1:4
441
22:39
211
3:10-17
223
1 : 18 440
2 :1 , 440
Philippians —
1 :3, 9 441
COLOSSIANS —
1 :3 441
4:13 230
1 Thessalonians —
1 :2 441
3 :9 441
2 Thessalonians —
1 :3, 11 441
2 : 13 441
Philemon—
4 441
Hebrews —
13: 12 211
3 John —
2 441
Revelation —
2 : 10 230
2 : 12 438
2 :13 225
2 : 18-29 226
3 :l-6 227
3 :5 228
3 : 12 229
3: 15, 16 230
6 : 13 136
21 :2, 9 416
V
INDEX
Abana, 214
Abbi-Teshub, makes treaty with Mursil, 80
Abdi-Hepa, vassal of Amenophis IV, 76
Abi-Adda, 80
Abraham, sojourn in Egypt, 35; purchase of
the cave of Machpelah, 76; home in Meso-
potamia, 112; sacrifice of Isaac, 172
Abraham, Babylonian account of farmer of
this name, 108, 290
"Absalom's Pillar," 183
Abu Haba, Turkish exploration of, 46
Abu Shusheh (Gezer), 93
Abydos, chief town of This, 25
Acts, archaeological light on the book of, 438
Adab (Bismya), 47, 57
Adad-nirari III, King of Assyria, 53
Adad-nirari IV, inscription regarding Syria and
Palestine, 61, 365
Adam, Biblical account of, 289; Babylonian
forms of the name, 266
Adapa and the fall of man, legend of, 260
Adime, 266
"Admonitions of Ipuwer, The," 28
Adzes, 153
^lia Capitolina, 122, 212
Africanus, Julius Sextus, Chronigraphiai of, 21
Agade (Sippar), 54, 57, 266
Agricultural implements, 134; calendar, 138
Agriculture, 134
Ahab, in confederacy against Shalmaneser III,
61; palace of, 100; pays tribute to Tiglath-
pileser IV, 369
Ahaz, vassal to Tiglath-pileser IV, 62; altar of,
198
Ahmose I, siege of Sharuhen, 110
Ain es-Sultan (Elisha's Fountain), 98
Ain Kades, 95
Ain Shems (Beth-shemesh), 94
Ain Sitti Miriam, see Gihon.
Akkad, derivation of, 58
Akra, 203
Alaparos, 271
Alexander Jannaeus, 120, 201, 205
Alexander the Great, empire of, ii; conquests
of, 66; death of, 119
Alexandra, Asmona;an queen, 120
Alorus, 271
Altar of incense, 173
Amanus, source of cedar, 58, 358
Amelon, 271
Amelu, 267, 271
Amempsinos, 271
Amenemhet I, 76
Amenemhet III, 28
Amenophis I, 23, 110
Amenophis III, 60, 304
Amenophis III and IV, 29
American Exploration Society, 86
American Palestine Exploration Society, 86
American School of Oriental Research in
Palestine, 99
American School of Classical Studies at Athens,
221
Amil-Marduk (Evil-Merodach), 66; inscription
of, 381
Amman, 218
Ammenon, 271
Ammienshi, Amorite chieftain, 108, 109
Amrai-zadugga, reign of, 53
Amorites, conquests of the, 107
Amosis I, 29
Amosis II, 32
Anderson, H. J., explorations in Palestine, 86
Anderson, J. G. C, inscription discovered at
Antioch, 436
Andrae, W., exploration at Kalah-Sherghat, 47;
inscription of Tukulti-Ninib, 52
Animals, representative of Egyptian tribes, 24;
domestic, 138
Anklets, 157
Antigonus, 120, 205
Antiochus III, 130
Antiochus IV, 203
Antipas, 121
Antiquities, preservation of Egyptian, 19;
of Babylonian, 41
Antonia, fortress, 205
Anu, 260
Anubanini, King of Lulubi, 57
Apollophanes, tomb of, 183
Arad-Sin, King of Larsa, 58
Aramaeans, migration of, 1 13
Arandas, successor of Subbiluliuma, 79
Araunah the Jebusite, 168
Archxological Institute of America, 99
Archelaus, 121
Areopagus, 220
Aretas, see Haretat IV.
Arioch, identified with Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin,
58
Aripi, 266
Aristobulus I and II, 120
459
460
INDEX
Amuanta, successor of Dudkhalia, 81
Arpad, overthrow of, 371
Arrows, 153
Artatama I, King of the Mitanni, 77; alliance
with Thothmes IV, 77
Artatama II, King of the Harri, 78
Artaxerxes, inscriptions of, 48
Artaxerxes III, Jews rebel against, 66
Asarjik, Hittite remains at, 70
Asenath, wife of Joseph, ii
Asherim, at Tell es-Safi, 169
Ashmolean Museum, 19
Ashteroth-Karnaim, 215
Ashtoreth, figures of, at Taanach, 173
Ashur, 47, 60
Ashurbanipal, succeeds Esarhaddon, 64; his
account of his campaign against Tyre, 378;
proverbs from library of, 407
Ashur-dan, 52
Ashur-nasirpal II, records of, referred to, 60;
military exploits of, 61; advance toward
Hebrew territory, 360
Ashur-rim-nishishu, King of Assyria, 53, 60
Ashur-uballit, King of Assyria, 60
Asia, churches of, 221
Asmoncean coins, 164
Asmonaeans, 120
Assumptionist Fathers, excavations at Jeru-
salem, 101; collection of flint implements, 103
Assurbanipal, invasion of Egypt, 31
Assyria, wars with Egypt, 31; the land, 40;
explorations in, 47; relations to Babylonia,
59; early period of, 60; second period of, 61
Atbara, 18
Athenae Polias, temple of, 225
Athens, 219
Aton, Egyptian hymn in praise of, 403
Atys, worship of, 226
Augustus, temple to, at Samaria, 178
Awls, 152
Axes, 152
Azariah (Uzziah), 367
Azekah, excavation at, 90
Aziru, Amorite king, 79, 113, 304
Babylon, capture of, 383
Babylonia, the land. 40; exploration by Har-
per and Banks, 47; historical periods, 55;
early period, 59; Persian period, 66; psalms
from, 398; proverbs from, 407
Babylonian column, 50
Babylonian creation epic, 235, 247; account of
the flood, 273
Babylonian exile, 65; termination of, 118
Bacchides, Syrian general, 124
Bactria, secedes from the empire of the Seleu-
cid«, 67
Bagoses, general of Artaxerxes III, 66
Baking-trays, ISO
Balata, 102
Ball, C. J., decipherment of Hittite inscrip-
tions, 71
Banks, Edgar J., exploration in Babylonia, 47
Barada, 214
Bar Cbocaba, 121
Baris, castle of, 204
Barsalnunna, 267
Baskets, 153
Bath, 158
Beads, 156
Beautiful gate, 210
Bees, 139
Behistun inscription of Darius I, 50
Beit Jibrin, caves at, 106
Bel (Enlil), god of Nippur, 55; Babylonian
hymn to, 401
Belshazzar, son of Nabuna'id. 382
Ben-Hadad in league with Ahab, 61
Benjamin of Tudela, explorations of, 42
Beqa, 161
Bergama, 224
Berossos, list of Babylonian kings, 54; Baby-
lonian priest, 247; list of kings, 270
Bethesda, Pool of, 210
Beth-Xinib (Beth-shemesh), 95
Beth-shemesh. excavations at, 94; capture of,
117; walls of, 125; gates of, 129; burial caves
at, 180
Bezetha, hill, 212
Birds, 139
"Bishop Gobat's School." 191
Bismya (Adab), mound of, 47; Luguldaudu,
King of, 57
Blanche-Garde, fortress of the Crusaders. 91
Bliss. Frederick J., excavations at Lachish. 89
Boghaz Koi, excavations at. 69; Hittite king-
dom at, 77; the "Hittite City," 78
Bor (Tyan), 82
Bork, Ferdinand, studies in the Mitanni
language, 73
Botta, Paul Emil, exploration of Nineveh, 43
Bowls, 150
Bracelets, 156
Breasted, Henry James, accession of Mena, 23;
Ancient Records, Egypt, 76, 352
British Museum, trustees direct excavation at
Carchemish, 70
Bruce. James, 20
Brugsch, H.. History of Egypt, 76; inscrip-
tion at Elephantine, 305
Briinnow, R., studies in the Mitanni language,
71; explorations in Edom, 88
Bubastis, capital of Shishak dynasty, 31
Bulghar-Maden, Hittite remains at, 70
Burckhardt. J. L.. explorations in Palestine, 85
Burial customs. 180
Burnaburiash, 60
Bumouf, Eugene, 50
Butler, H. C, explorations in Syria, 102, note;
excavations at Sardis, 228
Cab, 158
Cain, list of descendants, 269
Cairo, 17, 19
Calah, made capital of Assyria, 60
Calendar, 138
INDEX
461
Calvary, site of, 211
Cambyses, son of Cyrus, 32; extends power of
Persia, 66
Canaanites, migration of the, lOQ
Capernaum, identification of, 98
Caphtor, home of the Philistines, 115, 116
Captivity, Babylonian, 65
Carchemish, excavations at, 70; alliance with
Assyria, 81
Carthaginian law regarding sacrifices, 342
Cataracts of the Nile, 18
Cave-dwellers, 142, 187
Caves of the stone age, 104
Chaldiean Empire, 65
ChampoUion, Jean Francois (Le Jeune), 21, 22
Chaplin, Thomas, description of weight from
Samaria, 160
Charles, B. B., explorations in Asia Minor, 70;
Travels and Studies in the Nearer East, 73
Chateaubriand, explorations in Palestine, 85
Chedorlaomer, 295
Cheops, 25
Child sacrifice, 172
Chisels, 152
Chosroes II, captures Jerusalem, 122
Christian Nubians, 39
Church of the Holy Sepulcher, 211
Churches of Asia, 221
Cistern burial, 180
Cities, topography of Palestinian, 123; situated
near springs, 186
City gates, 129
Clark, Herbert, 160
Clay, A. T., Babylonian Texts from the Yale
Collection, 384
Clermont-Ganneau, explorations in Palestine,
88, 89, 198; Moabite Stone, 363
Code of Hammurapi, 313
Coins, 162; Roman, 165
"Columbarium," 182
Combs, 156
Conder, Lieut.-Col. C. R., The nitliles and
Their Language, 72; survey of Palestine, 88
Constantine, interest in holy places, 84, 85, 122
Constantinople, tablets hoarded in, 48
Cor (Homer), 158
Corinth, 220
Corners, considered sacred, 128
Cossaeans, see Kassites.
Creation, epic of, 235; comparison with first
chapter of Genesis, 247; second account of,
found at Babylon, 255; compared with second
chapter of Genesis, 256
Creation and flood, account of, from Nippur,
278
Cremation, 179
Crcesus, temple of, 223; wealth of, 227; over-
thrown by Cyrus the Great, 163, 383
Cromlech (heap of stones), 104
Cros, Gaston, explorations of, 45
Crucifixion, site of the, 211
"Cuneiform" characters, origin of, 56
Curtis, Samuel Ives, discovery at Petra, 102
Cybele, worship of, 226; temple of, 228
Cyprus, seal of Sargon found m, 57
Cyrus the Great, founder of Persian empire, 32;
conquests of, 66; overthrows Croesus, 163,
383; captures Sardis, 227; inscription of,
385
Dalman, Gustaf H., explorations in Petra, 88
Damascus, 213, 248, 369
Danaoi, migration of, 115
Daniel, book of, 384
Daonos (Daos), 271
Daphne, 38
Darics, 163
Darius I, rule in Egypt, 32; inscriptions of, 48;
extends power of Persia, 66; coinage of, 163
Darius the Mede, 384
David, conquests of, 117, 118; captures Jebus,
188; Tower of, 206
Decapolis, description of, 213
Delitzsch, Friedrich, development of Hittite
grammar, 74
Deutscher Palaslina-Verein, 96
Dilmun, 283
Dion, 216
Domazewsky, Alfred von, explorations in
Edom, 88
Domestic animals, 138
Doorway tombs, 182
Dor, excavations at, 117
Drachma, 165
Drovetti. M., collection of, 22
Dudkhalia, successor of Hattusil II, 81
Dddu, 304
Dulcimer, 155
Dumuzi, 271
Dung Gate, 202
Dungi, Kujg of Babylonia, 58
Dushratta, a king of Mitanni, 69; two El-
Amarna letters from, 71; contemporary with
Amenophis IV, 77; death of, 78
"Dynastic tablets," 52
Ea, 260
Eannatum, King of Lagash, 56
Early Assyrian period, 60
Early Babylonian period, 59
Earth-graves, 181
Ebed-Ashera, Amorite king, 113
Ebed-Hepa, 187; letters of, 345; history of, 349
Ecbatana, visited by Rawlinson, 50
Ecclesiastes, parallel to, 412
Ecclesiasticus, 203
Eclipse at Nineveh, 51
Egypt, the land, 17; history of, 21, 23; division
of, 24; Roman period, 33; Hyksos invasion
of, 34; period of the Oppression and the
Exodus, 35; Jewish colony in, 387; psalms
from, 402; parallels to Song of Songs from,
413; social conscience in, 418; wisdom litera-
ture of, 421
Elam, invasion of, during reign of Kurigalzu,
59
462
INDEX
EI-Amama letters, 35, 60; from Dushratta, 60;
Palestinian cities mentioned in, 112; source
of information regarding Jerusalem, 187;
selections from, 303; from Rib-Add i of
Gebal, 344; from Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem,
345; reflecting conditions in Pjleslin ;, .\','i
Elamites, subjugated by Eannatum, 56; invade
Babylonia, 60
Elephantine, papyri discovered at, 37, 3S7
El-Gib, 130
Elisha's Fountain, 98
"Eloquent Peasant, The," 28, 418
El-Wad, 185
Eni-Teshub, King of Carchemish, 81
Enlil. 279; see also Be!.
Enmeduranki, King of Sippar, 266, 271
Enmeirgan, 267
Enmenunna, 267
Enoch, identified with Etana, 266
Enosh, 267
En-rogel, 186
Enrolment of Quirinius, 432
Entemena, successor of Eannatum, 57
Enu-ilu, King of Hamath, 82
Ephah, 158
Ephesus, 221
Ephraim, gate of, 202
Epic of creation, text of, 235
Epiphanius, on measures. 158, 159
Epistles, archaeological light on the, 440
"Eponym Canon," 359
"Eponym Lists," 51
Erech, exploration at, 44, 47; dynasties of, 54;
founding of, 55
Eridu, 55, 283
Esarhaddon, invasion of Egypt, 31; succeeds
Sennacherib, 64; money in reign of, 163;
kings conquered by, 378
Eski Hissar, 230
Etana, 266; identified with Abel, 270
Etruscans, relation to Lydians, 227
Euedorachos, 271
Eumenes I, 224
Euphrates river, 40
Eusebius, Chronkon of, 21; list of Palestinian
names, 85, 133
Evil-Merodach (Amil-Marduk), 66; inscription
of, 381
Exile, Babylonian, 65; termination of, 382
Eye-paint, 156
Eyuk, Hittite monuments at, 78
Ezekiel, 65
Fahl, 216
Famine, the seven years of, 305
Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit, 258
Feeding-bottles, 150
Fibute, 156
FUes, 153
Fish Gate, 199
Fish-hooks, 154
Flesh-hooks, 151
Flood, Babylonian account of, 273; comparison
with the Biblical account of, 277; second
Babylonian account of, 277
Forks, 151
Foundation sacrifices, 128
Fountain Gate, 202
Fraktin, Hittite remains at, 70
Fruits, 136
"Furnaces, Tower of the," 202
Gadara, 216
Gallio, 439
Galumum, 266
Gate, see descriptive name.
Gateways, 129
Gath (TeU es-Safi), 91; waUs of, 124
Gebal, excavations at, 117
Gebel Fureidis, 121, 131
Gennath, gate of, 211
Genouillac, H. de, exploration at Ukhaimir, 48
Gerasa, topography of, 123, 216
Gerizim, Mount, 119
Germer-Durand, P6re, 159
Gethsemane, Garden of, 137, 210
Gezer, excavations at, 92; caves at, 104; walls
of, 109, 124; besieged by Merneptah, 115;
captured by the Hebrews, 117; gates of, 129;
pottery at, 142, 145; weights found at, 160;
sanctuary at. 167; high place of, 169; temple
at, 175; tombs at, 179
Giaour- Kalesi, Hittite remains at, 70
Gibeon, water supply of, 130
Gihon, springs at, 87, 186; caves at, 101. 106
Gilgal (menhirs set in a circle), 104; burial in,
180
Gilgamesh, epic, 256
Glassware, 150
Gobryas, 384
Golgotha, site of, 211
Gordon, Gen. C. E., suggestion regarding
Golgotha, 211
Granaries, 134
Green, William Henry, 269
Grenfell, B. P.. and A. S. Hunt, discovery of
Oxyrhynchus papyri, 39, 428
Griffith, "F. L., 39
Grinding, 135
Grotefend, Georg Friedrich, interpretation of
inscriptions found at Persepolis. 49
Gudea, ruler at Lagash, 58; rebuilds Eninnu,
358
Guerin. H. V.. explorations in Palestine, 86
Gurun. Hittite remains at. 70
Guthe. H.. excavations in Jerusalem. 96
Gutium, dynasty of, 54; hordes from, overrun
Babylonia, 58
Gyges, dynasty of, 163
Habiri. 113, 188,349
Hadrian, restores Jerusalem under name of
/Rlia Capitolina, 212
Haggai, assists in rebuilding the temple, 1 18
INDEX
463
Hamadan (Ecbatana), visited by Rawlinson,
SO
Hamath, Hittite kingdom at, 81; overthrow of,
371
Hammeah, tower of, 202
Hammers, 153
Hammurapi, laws of, 47; King of Larsa, S3,
58; conqueror of Babylonia, 59; conquest of
the "west land," 108; identified with Am-
raphel, 294; code of, 313
Hananel, tower of, 202
' Hananiah, Passover letter of, 390
Haran, possibly a Hittite capital, 77
Haretat IV, Nabathaean king, 174; besieges
Jerusalem, 205; inscription regarding, 442
Harper, Robert, exploration in Babylonia, 47
Harps, 155
Harri, become part of Subbiluliuma's kingdom,
78
HasmonEans, see Asmonaans.
Hattusil I, King of Boghaz Koi, 78
Hattusil H, successor of Mutallu, 69, 80
Hawara, 28
Haynes, John H., Babylonian explorations of,
46
Head, B. V., date of ancient coins, 162
Hebrews, migration of, 116
Hebron, possessed by the Hittites, 76
Helena, mother of Constantine, 211
Helena of Adiabene, tomb of, 183
Heliopolis, 35
Hens, 139
Herod Agrippa I, 121
Herod the Great, rebuilds the Jewish temple,
121; capture of Rabbah Ammon, 130; coin-
age of, 165; building in Jerusalem, 205
Herodotus, on early navigation, 32; on wars
between Egypt and Assyria, 32; comparison
with 2 Kings, 376
Hezekiah, threatened by Sennacherib, 63, 374;
improvements made by, 198
High places, 167
Hill, G. F., on Palestinian coins, 164
Hilprecht, Herman V., Babylonian explora-
tions of, 46
Hin, 158
Hincks, Edward. 50
Hinnom, valley of, 185, 199
Hippacus, tower of, 206, 212
Hippos, 215
Hittites, invade Babylonia, 59; monuments of,
68; theories concerning, 68; ethnology of, 74;
history of, 75
Hoes, 134
Homer, The Odyssey, 79
Homer, a measure, 158
Hophra, lures Judah to destruction, 32; palace
of, at Memphis, 37
Horam, King of Gezer, 117
Horitcs, 106
Horse, domestication of the, 74
Horse Gate, 202
Hoshea, rebels against Assyria, 62, 369
Houses in ancient Palestine, 126
Howe, Fisher, suggestion regarding Golgotha,
211
Hull, Edward, geological survey of the valley
of the Dead Sea, 89
Human sacrifice, 172
Hunt, A. S., discovery of Oxyrhynchus papyri,
39, 428
Huntington, Ellsworth, 95
Hyksos, invasion of Egypt, 28, 34, 110; pos-
sibly Hittites, 75
Hystaspes, father of Darius, 49
Ilu-bidi (Yau-bidi), 82
Ilumailu, founder of the second dynasty of
Babylon, 59
Ilu-shumma, King of Assyria, 52
Ina-uzni-eresu, 267
Ipuwer, Egyptian sage, 421
Irad, 270
Irhulina, King of Hamath, 82
Ishmi-Dagan, 52 »
Ishtar, on coins, 163; Babylonian prayer to,
399
Israel, the northern kingdom, 118
Ivriz, Hittite remains at, 70
Jacob, historical study of the name, 299
Jacobel, 111, 112
Jars, 142
Jebus, 188
Jehoahaz, deposed by Necho, 32
Jehoash, breaks wall of Jerusalem, 196
Jehoiachin, imprisoned by Nebuchadrezzar,
66
Jehoiakim, rebellion of. 65
Jehu, pays tribute to Shalmaneser III, 61
Jensen, Peter, studies in the Hittite and the
Mitanni languages, 71
Jerabis, site of ancient Carchemish, Hamath,
etc., 71, 72
Jerash. temple at, 178; ruins at, 217
Jericho, excavations at, 98; walls of. 109;
capture of, 117; topography of, 123; area of,
125; remains of buildings, 127
Jeroboam, 30; name on seal, 359
Jerome, Onomasticon, 85, 133
Jerusalem, sieges and destruction of, 65; cap-
tured by Orodes I. 120; besieged by Pompey,
120; destroyed by Titus, 121; captured by
the Persians. 122; passes under Moham-
medan control. 122; area of, 126; water
suppy of. 130; rock altar at. 168; topography
of, 185; in the time of Solomon. 190; de-
struction of. by Nebuchadrezzar. 199;
walls of, rebuilt, 202; capture of. by Ptolemy
I, 203; during the Asmontean period, 204;
construction during reign of Agrippa I. 212
Jesus, in the Decapolis. 218; reputed sayings
of. found in Egypt, 428
Jewish colony in Egypt. 387
Joab, captures Rabbah, 217
Job, Babylonian parallel to, 392
464
INDEX
John Hyrc.inus, conquers Samaria and Edom,
100. 120; coinage of, 165; builds palace in
Jerusalem, 204; supplies Jerusalem with
water. 205
John Hyrcanus II, 120
Johns, C. H. W., 163
Jordan, Julius, exploration at Warka, 47
Joseph, texts bearing on story of, 3.?, 303;
historical study of the name, 300
Josephel, 111, 112
Josephus, story of Onias, 38; on measures, 158
Joshua, conquest of Palestine. 117
Jovanoff, Alexander, numismatist of Con-
stantinople, 70
Judah, the southern kingdom, 118
Judas Maccabffius, 119
Judges, period of. 352
Justus, house of, 221
Kadashman-turgu, 60
Kadesh, battle at, 80
Kadesh-Barnea, identification of, disputed, 95
Kalah-Sherghat, exploration at, 47
Kanatha, 215
Kara-Bel, Hittite remains at, 70
Karaburna, Hittite remains at, 70
Kara Dagh, Hittite remains at, 70
Karaindash, King of Babylon, 53, 60
Karanog, exploration of, 39
Kara Su, 69
Karnak, temple of. 37 •
Kassites. invade Babylonia, 59; migration of
the, 109
Kenan, 267
Keys, 151
Khafre, 26
Khartum, 18
Khattu land, name given to Hittite settlement
in Cappadocia, 75
Kheta. see Hilliles.
Khnum, 305
Khufu (Cheops), 25
Kidron, valley of, 185
King list of Karnak, etc., 22
Kings, books of, archaeological light on, 358
King's Gardens, 189
Kish, exploration at, 48; dynasty of, 54
Kitchener, H. H., Major and Lord, survey of
Palestine, 88; surveys in Arabia, 89
Kizil Dagh, Hittite remains at, 70
Klein, F. A., 363
Knives, 152
Knudtzon, J. A., Die El- A mama Ta/eln, 303
Kok (shaft), 182
Koldewey, Robert, Babylonian exploration,
46, 65
Kudur-Mabug, 295
Kugler, Franz Xaver, astronomical calculation
relating to Assyrian chronology, 53
Kukukumal, 297
Kummukh. Hittite kingdom. 82
Kurigalzu, invasion of Elam during reign of,
59
Labyrinth, 28
Lachish, excavations at, 89; walls of, 124
Lagash, 47; founding of, 55; colonists from,
found Ashur, 47, 60
Lamartine, A. M., explorations in Palestine, 85
Lamech, 267
Lamentation for Tammuz, 426
Lamp-stands, 151
Langdon, Stephen, Sumerian Epic of Paradise,
the Flood, and the Fall oj Man, 283
Laodicea, 230
Larsa, kings of, 53; divided power with Nisin,
58
Lassen, Christian, 50
Lawrence, T. E., explorations in the wilder-
ness of Zin, 95
Layard, Austen Henry, explorations of, 43;
discoveries at Nineveh, 64, 71
Lebanon, copper from, 58
Leontopolis, Jewish temple at, 38
Leplon, 165
Letters from Palestine, 344
Leviticus, alleged parallel to. 342
Library of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh, 64
Liverpool, University of, directs Hittite ex-
ploration, 70
Loftus, William Kennett, explorations of, 44
Log, 158
Lotan, 109
Lowenstem, Isidore, 50
Lugaldaudu, statue of, 48; King of Adab, 57
Lugalzaggisi, 54, 57
Lydia, origin of coinage in (?), 163; kingdom of,
226
Lynch, Lieut. W. F., explorations in Palestine,
86
Lyon, D. G., excavations at Samaria, 100
Lyres, 155
Macalister, Alexander, anatomist, 105
Macalister, R. A. Stewart, excavations at
Gezer, 92; conjecture regarding walls of
Gezer, 124
Maccabasan period, 203
Maccabees. 119
Maclver. R., exploration at Karanog, 39
Mackenzie, Duncan, excavations at Beth-
shemesh, 94
Magan. conquered by Naram-Sin, 57; quarries
at, 58
Magdol, 34
Mana, 160
Manasseh. vassal of Esarhaddon and Ashur-
banipal, 64
Manetho, Egyptian priest, 21
Manishtusu. King of Kish, 47
Manissia, Hittite sculptures and remains near,
77. 79
Marash. Hittite remains at. 70. 92
Marduk. central figure in Babylonian creation
epic. 247
Marduk and Zarpanit. fe.ist of. 258
Marduknadinakhi, King of Babylon, 51, 52
INDEX
465
Margolis, Max L., meaning of Pirn, 161
Mars' Hill, 220
Masterman, E. W. G., estimate of Parker's ex
cavations, 101
Mattiuaza, made king of the Mitanni, 78
"Maudsley's Scarp," 90, 191
Measures, 158
Medeba, taken by Omri, 365
Megalaros, 271
Megiddo, battle of, 32; excavations at, 96
wall of, 109; topography of, 123; area of, 126
remains of buildings, 128; gates of, 129
rock altar at, 168; temple at, 176; seal found
at, 359
Melamkish, 267
Memphis, capital of Egypt, 27
Mena, accession of, 23; reign of, 25
Menahem, 62
Menant, Joachim, decipherment of Hittite
inscriptions, 71
Menhir (stone columns), 104; burial in, 180
Menkaure, 26
Men-no/er, 27
Merneptah, successor of Ramses II, 30;
Pharaoh of the Exodus, 37; siege of Gezer,
114, 115; pillar of, 311
Merodachbaladan, takes the throne of Babylon,
63; relations with Hezekiah, 377
Meroe, 32, 39
Merrill, Selah, explorations in Palestine, 86
Meruitensi, 420
Mesclim, King of Kish, 56
Mesha, King of Moab, 170, 363
Meskingashir, 267
Mesopotamian Valley, 40
Messerschmidt, L., studies in the Mitanni
language, 72
Methuselah, 267
Meyer, Edward, accession of Mena, 23; origin
of the Philistines, 357
Meyer, Rudolph, map of Palestine, 86
Middle Kingdom, period of (Egypt), 27
Migdol, 34
Miletus, 222
Millo, 189, 190
Millstones, 136
Mina, 160
Mitanni, 69; kingdom of, 77
Mite, coin, 165
Moabite Stone, 363
Mohammedans, prevail in Palestine, 122
Money, 162
Monoliths, at Gezer, 170
Mordtmann, A. D., account of Hittite inscrip-
tions, 70
Moresheth-Gath (Marash), 70, 92
Morgaa, J. de, exploration at Susa, 47, 313
Moriah, Mount, 168; site of the temple, 192
Mortars, 136
Mosaic Code, not borrowed from the Baby-
lonians, 340
Mosque of Omar, 168
Moulton, W. J., 100
Mount, see descriptive name.
Mukes, 216
Miiller, W. Max, origin of the Hittites, 69
Mursil, successor of Arandas, 79; makes treaty
with the Amorites, 80; death of, 80
Mutallu, successor of Mursil, 80
Mutu-elu, 267
Mutu-sa-elu, 267
Mutu-salal-eqla, 267
Nabathaeans, 174
Nabopolassar, 65
Nabuna'id, King of Babylon, 54, 55; inscrip-
tions of, 382
Nails, 153
Names, Sumerian, with Semitic, Babylonian,
and Hebrew equivalents, 268
Napata, 31
Napoleon I, invasion of Egypt, 20
Naram-Sin, 54, 57
Naville, E., excavation of Pithom, 35
Nebuchadrezzar I, King of Babylon, 60
Nebuchadrezzar II, defeats Necho, 32, 65;
destroys Jerusalem, 199; inscriptions of, 379
Necho, 32, 65, 379
Necklaces, 156
Needles, 151
Nehemiah, rebuilds the walls of Jerusalem, 202
Nehushtan, 171
Neo-Babylonian period, 65
Neolithic implements, 103
Nicanor's gate, 210
Niebuhr, Carsten, inscriptions at Persepolis, 49
NUe, 17
Nineveh, explored by Botta, Place, and Layard,
43; by Rassam and Loftus, 44; by George
Smith, 45; eclipse at, 51; Ashurbanipal's
library at, 64
Ninkharsag, 279, 289
Nippur, exploration of, 46; founding of, 55;
account of creation and flood discovered at,
278; account of the origin of a city and the
beginning of agriculture, 283
Nisin, 53, 54, 58
Noah, 268, 287
Nomes. divisions of Egypt, 24
Noph, 27
Norden, F. L., 19
Nubians, Christian, 39
Nuffar, exploration of, 46
Odoric, 49
Odyssey, The, referred to, 79
Old Gate, 202
Olive-presses, 137
Olives, Mount of, 211
Olmstead, A. T., explorations in Asia Minor, 70
Omar, Mosque of, 168
Omer, 158
Omri, 100, 365, 366
On, 35; priest of, founder of fifth dynasty, 26
Onias, 38
Onomasticon, by Jerome, 85, 133
466
INDEX
Ophel, excavations on, 102; topography of, 12?
Opis, dynasty of, 54
Oppert, Jules, explorations of, 44, 50
Orienl-Gesellschafl. Babylonian exploration, 46
Ornaments, personal, 156
Oman, 168
Orodes I, King of Parthia, 120
Osorkon II, 30
Otiartes, 271
Ovens. 149
Oxyrhynchus, papyri from, 39, 428
Paine, John A., explorations in Palestine, 86
Palaces of ancient Palestine, 127
Palaeolithic implements, 103
"Palermo Stone," 22
Palestine, physical geography of, 83; Moham-
medans invade, 122
Palestine Exploration Fund, 87
Papyri, discovered at Elephantine, 37; at
Oxyrhynchus, 39, 428
Papyrus Ebers, 23
Parchment, origin of the word, 224
Parker, Capt., the Hon. Montague, excavations
in Jerusalem, 101
Parthia, secedes from the empire of the
Seleucida?, 67
Pashe dynasty, succeeds the Kassite dynasty,
60
Paton, L. B., excavations in Jerusalem, 100
Patriarchs before the flood, 264
Paul, scene of his missionary activity, 219
Payim, 161
Peiser, F. E.. decipherment of Hittitc inscrip-
tions, 71
Pekah, 62, 369
Pelcset (Philistines), 356
Pella, 114, 216
Pentateuch, Code of Hammurapi compared
with, 313; laws of, not borrowed from
Babylonia, 340
Perfume-boxes, 156
Pergamum, 222, 224
Persepolis, inscriptions at, 49
Persia, languages of ancient, 48
Persian period of Babylonia, 66
Persians, dominant in Palestine, 122
Pesibkhenno II, 30
Peters, John P., Babylonian explorations of, 45;
discovery at Beit Jibrin, 102
Petra, 173, 174
Petric. William Matthew Flinders, excavation
at Tell el-Yehudiyeh. 34, 38; discovery of
Raamses, 36; of Hophra's palace, 37; ex-
cavation at Tell Defenneh, 38; at Lachish,
89; Egyptian Tales. 302
Phsestos, disc discovered at, 115, 357
Pharaoh of the Exodus, 30, 311
Philadelphia, 123, 217, 228
Philadelphus, ii
PhiletKrus, King of Pergamum, 224
Philip, son of Herod the Great, 121
Philistia. 83
Philistines, migration of, 115; civilization of,
117; Ramses III, reference to, 356; Meyer's
opinion of origin, 357
Phoenicians, weight standards of, 160
Pilate, Pontius, 121
Pilikam, 267, 271
Pillar of Merneptah. 311
Pillars, at Tell es-Sali, 169; at Taanach, 173
Pirn, 161
Pinches, Theophilus G., tablets from Erecb,
384
"Pipe," musical instrument, 155
Pithom, 34, 35
PLice, Victor, explorations of, 43
Plows, 134
P(x:ocke, R., 19
Poebel, Arno, 54, 267, 271, 278
Politarchs, of Thessalonica, 438
Pompey, siege of Jerusalem, 120, 205
Poolof Bethesda, 210
Pools of Solomon, 131
Potiphar. 34
Pottery, 141
Pre-Babylonian period, 56
Prophets, character of the Hebrew, 417
Proverbs, parallels to book of, 407
Psalms, from Babylonia and Egypt, 398
Psammetik I. 31
Psammetik II, 387
Psephinus, tower of, 212
Ptahhotep, precepts of, 409
Ptolemaic period, 32
Ptolemy I, captures Jerusalem, 203
Ptolemy, Claudius, king list compiled by, 51
Ptolemy Lagi, ii, 119
Ptolemy Philadelphus, ii
Puchstein, Otto, discoveries at Boghaz Koi, 70
Pul, 61
Pumpelly, Raphael, explorations in Turkestan,
74
Put-akhi. Amorite king, 80
Pyramids, 25
Qarqar. 61
Quad raits, 165
Quirinius, archjeological light on enrolment of,
432
Raamses, built by the Israelites, 35
Rabbah Ammon. rebuilt and renamed by
Philadelphus, 3i; topography of, 123; site of
Philadelphia, 217
Ramsay, Sir William Mitchell, view of Quirin-
ius' enrolment. 434
Ramses II, 29, i5, 69; treaty with Hattusil. 69;
conquests in northern SyrLa, 80; Palestinian
rule of, 114
Ramses III, 30, 115
Ramses IV, IX, XII, 30
Raphana, 215
Rassam, Hormuzd, explorations of, 44, 45, 64
Rawlinson. Sir Henry C, explorations of, 44,
50, 51
INDEX
467
Rehoboam, 30; opposed by Shishak, 118
Reisner, G. A., excavations at Samaria, 100
Renan, Ernest, explorations in Palestine, 86
Rephaim, 104
Reservoirs, 130
Retenu (Lotan), 109
Rich, Claude James, explorations of, 42
Richardson, Rufus B., excavations at Corinth,
221
Rim-Sin, King of Larsa, 58
Rings, finger, 157; money, 162
Roads, 132
Robinson, Edward, explorations in Palestine,
85
Robinson, George L., discovery at Petra, 102
"Robinson's Arch," 87, 204
Rockefeller, John D., 47
Roman rule of Egypt, 33
"Rosetta Stone," 20
Sacrifices in foundations, 128; human, 172;
Carthaginian law concerning, 342
Sacy, Sylvestre de, interpretation of Sassanian
inscriptions, 49
Sakje-Geuze, excavations at, 75
Samal, kingdom of, 81
Samaria, siege of, 62; excavations at, 100;
topography of, 123; remains of palaces at,
127; temple at, 178
Samaritans, origin of, 118
Samsuiluna, King of Larsa, 53
Sarbut el-Khadem, 28
Sardis, 226, 228
Sargon of Agade, 54, 57; conquests of, 63, 107;
legend of. 310
Sargon of Assyria, besieges Samaria, 63, 369
Sarzec, Ernest de, explorations of, 45
Sassanian dynasty of Persia, 49, 67
Saturninus, Sentius, 437
Saul, reign of, 117
Saws, 152
Sayce, A. H., theories regarding Plittites, 68;
decipherment of Hittite inscriptions, 70, 73
"Scarp, Maudsley's," 191
Scheil, v., exploration of, 46, 54
Schick, Dr. Conrad, discoveries in Jerusalem,
207
Schmidt, Nathaniel, explorations in Palestine,
100
Schumacher, Gottlieb, explorations in Pales-
tine, 88; excavations at Megiddo, 96, 124
Scythians threaten Assyria, 64
Scythopolis, 214
Seah, 158
Seals, 154; found at Megiddo, 359
Sebaste, see Samaria.
Second Assyrian period, 61
Sela, 173
Seleucus, King of Babylonia, 67
Sellin, Ernst, excavations at Taanach, 97. 124;
excavations at Jericho, 98
Semites, first inhabitants of Mesopotamia, 55
Sendjirli, excavations at, 69
Scneferu, 25
Sennacherib, 31; discovery of seal at Babylon,
52; succeeds Sargon, 63; his account of his
campaigns, 372
Seplel, see Subbiluliuma.
Septuagint, translation of, 33
Sesostris, monarchs of Middle Kingdom, 27
Seth, 267; list of descendants, 269
Seti I, 29; campaigns against Palestine, 80;
conquests in Asia, 114
Shabatum, 259
Shaft tombs, 181
Shalmaneser I, 60
Shalmaneser III, campaigns of, 61; oppression
of Palestine, 360
Shalmaneser V, 62
Shamash-shumukin, 64
Shamshi-Adad, 52
Shamshi-.Adad IV, 61
Shamsu-ditana, King of Babylon, 75
Shamsu-iluna, successor of Hammurapi, 108
Shcba, 381
Shechem, captured by Sesostris III, 28; ex-
cavations at, 102
Sheep Gate, 202
Shema, seal of, 176
Sheol, 423
Shephelah, borderland between Judsea and
Philistia, 90, 94, 186
"Shepherd Kings," 28
Sheshonk, see Shishak.
"Shinar" (Sumir), 58
Shishak, 30; record of his campaign in Pales-
tine, 37, 118,359
Shithu-elu, 267
Shur, 95
Shushan, 47
Shutarna I, successor of Artatama I, 77
Siaraon, 30
Sicilians, migration of, 115
Sickles, 135
Siloah, 189
Siloara inscription, 377
Simon the Maccabee, coinage of. 164
Sin, the moon-god, Babylonian hymn to, 400
Sinuhe, adventures of, 108, 307
Sippar (Agade), temple at, 54
Smith, Eli, explorations in Palestine. 85
Smith, George, explorations of, 45
Smyrna, Hittite sculptures and remains near,
76, 79; general account of, 229
Solomon marries daughter of Pharaoh, 30;
empire of, 118; Pools of, 131, 205; buildings
of, 192
Song of Songs, Egyptian parallels to. 413
"Sothic Cycle," 22 _
Spatulae, for eye-paint, 156
Spears, 154
Sphinx, 26
Spinning "whorls." 151
Spoons, 150
Springs, favorite sites for cities, 186
"Stele of the vultures," 56
468
INDEX
Step Pyramid, 25
Stone age in Palestine, 103
Styli, 154
Subbiluliuma, extends power of the Hittites,
77; deposes Sutatarra, 78; Amorites con-
quered by, 113
Sumerian, early language of Babylonia, 51
Sumerian names, with Semitic, Babylonian,
and Hebrew equivalents, 268
Sumerians, ethnology of, 56
Sumir, derivation of, 58
Sun-god, Egyptian hymn to the, 402
Susa, exploration at, 47
Sutarna II, King of the Harri, 78
Sutatarra, successor of Dushratta, 78
Swords, 154
"Synagogue of the Hebrews" in Corinth, 221
Sypilus, Mount, 70
Taanach, excavations at, 97; walls of, 124;
buildings at, 127; pillars and altar of in-
cense at, 173; letter from, 350
Tabu-utul-Bel, 395
Tagtug, 288, 289
Tahpanhes, castle at, 37
Talbot, Fox, 50
Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, 418
Tale of Sinuhe, 307
Tale of the Two Brothers, 300
Tamerlane, 227
Tammuz, lamentation for, 426
Tanut-amon, 31
Tashji, Hittite remains at, 70
Taylor, J. E., explorations of, 44
Tell Defenneh, 38
TeU el-Hesy (Lachish), 89, 110
Tell el-Jazar. excavations at, 92
Tell fl-Judcidch, excavations at, 91
Tell cl-RLtabch, site of Raamses, 36
Tell el-Ychudiyeh, 38
Telles-Safi, 91, 110, 124, 169
Tell Hum (Capernaum), 98
"Tell of the Jewess," 38
TeU Sandahanna (Marash), 92; weight found
at, 162
Tell Taanek, see Taanach.
Tell Zakariya (Azekah), 90
Temple, Solomon's, site of, 168; description of,
193; building of the second, 200; Herod's, 207
Temple at Gezer. 175
Temple to Augustus at Samaria, 178
- Temple of Jewish colony in Egypt, 387
Thakut, 34
Thebes, nome of, 27
Thckel, migration of, 115, 116
Thenius, Otto, suggestion regarding Golgotha,
211
Thessalonica, politarchs of, 438
Thiersch, Hermann, discovery at Beit Jibrin,
102
This, nomc of, 25
Thompson, R. Campbell decipherment of
Hittite inscriptions, 73
Thothmcs I, raids through Palestine, 110
Thothmes HI, 29, 77, 111
Thothmes IV, alliance with Artatama I, 77
Threshing, 135
Thyatira, 226
Ti, tomb of, 26
Tidmat. 248, 251
Tiberius, coinage of, 165
Tiglath-pileser 1, 51, 60
Tiglath-pileser IV, conquests of, 61, 366
Tigris river, 40
Timur (Tamerlane), 227
Tirhakah, 31, 64
Titus, destroys Jerusalem, 121
Tiuman, King of Elam. 417
Tobler, Titus, explorations in Palestine, 86
Toi, King of Hamath, 81
Tombs, 181
"Tombs of the Judges," 182
"Tombs of the Kings," 183, 212
Topheth, 199
Tou, see Toi.
Towers, 202
Toys, 155
Trajan, 133; organizes province of Arabia, 174
Travel, between Babylonia and Palestine, 293
Trumbull, Henry Clay, identification of
Kadesh-Barnea, 95
Tukulti-Ninib I, 52, 60
"Turin Papyrus," 22
Two Brothers, Tale of the, 300
Tyana, Hittite capital, 82
Tyropa'on vaUey, 199
Ukhaimir. exploration at, 48
Umm Keis, 216
Ummanu, 267
Uni, officer of Pepi I, 107
University Museum, Philadelphia, 53, 54
Upper Retenu, 109
Ur, founding of, 55; kings of, 53, 54, 58
Urkagina, King of Lagash, 57
Ur-Nina founds dynasty at Lagash, 56
Utensils, 149
Uzziah, 196, 367
Valley Gate, 202
Van Dyke. Henry, reference to Felix, 429
\incent, Hughes, 99, 101
Vineyards, 137
Wady Maghara, turquoise mines in. 25
Walls of Palestinian cities. 109. 123, 125, 202
Ward, William Hayes, Babylonian cxplora
tions of, 45
Warka, exploration at. 47
Warren, Gen. Sir Charles, excavations at
Jerusalem, 87; at Gihon, 101
Water Gate, 202
Water supply in Palestine, 129
Weidner. Ernst, 74
Weights, 160
Weil, Captain, excavations on Ophel, 102
INDEX
469
Wenamon, rcprart of, 117, 352
Whetstones, 153
White WaU, 27
Wilderness of Zin, explorations in, 95
Winckler, Hugo, excavations at Boghaz Koi,
69, 79; first instalment of the El-Amarna
letters, 71
Winckler und Abel, Thoutajclnfunl von El-
Amarna, 303
Wine-vats, 137
Winnowing, 135
Wisdom of Jesus, the Son of Sirach, 203
Wood, J. T., discoveries in Ephesus, 223
Woolley, C. Leonard, 75, 95
Wrench, J. E., explorations in Asia Minor, 70
Wright, William, Tlie Empire oj the Hittites, 68
Xerxes, inscriptions of, 48
Xisouthros, 271
Xystus, 203
Yadi, kingdom of, 81
Yaiia, Hittite remains at, 70
Yakut, Arabian geographer, 217
Yau-bidi, King of Hamath, 82
Yaudi, identity of, 371
Year, divisions of, 138
Zamama, temple of, 48
Zaphenath-Paneah, 34
Zechariah, assists in rebuilding the temple,
118. 200
Zedekiah, rebellion against Babylon, 32,
65
Ziggurat of Zamama temple, 48
Zin, explorations in the wilderness of, 95
Zion, site of Jebus, 188
Ziugiddu, 280
Zoser, first king of third dynasty, 25, 305
Zugagib, 266
PLATES
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 1
xrv'
'^fntU:
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^1^, -.(;
3^
m
"sL »«
^^L
Fig. I. Syrian Traders i\- EwVpt. from a Toub at Bent Hasa
V
Fig. 2. Crown of Fig. 3. Crown of Fig. 4. Crown of
Lower Egypt. Upper Egypt. United Egypt.
Fig. 5. Sphin.k and Pyramid of Khafre.
ARCH.i;OLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 2
Fig. 6. Pyramids of Khufu and Khafre.
Fir.. 7. Step Pyramid of Zoser.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 3
Arch.bologv and the Bibll
Plate 4
Fi( 11 \\ u M \M) M
Arch.^ology and the Bible
Plate 5
Fig. 12. Plan of City and Temple of Leontopolis {after Pelrie).
Fig. 13. A Passover-Oven (after Petrie).
Archaeology ant) the Bible
Plate 6
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 7
Fig. 16. Mounds of Nuffar {after Clay).
Fir.. 17. E.xr.w ATION at Xuffar {afler Cla
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 8
Arch-eology and the Bible
Plate 9
f-.-^.^^}
Fig. 20. Inscribed Coluxix from
Peesepous.
Fig. 21. Silver Vase of Entemena
Fig. 22. Mount) oy Birs Ximrud (after Peters).
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 10
Fig. 2.^. Hittite G-^tes at Boouaz Koi [after Puchstein).
Monuments {after Garstang).
Archeology and the Bu
Plaie 11
Fig. 25. A Hittite King (after Puchslein).
Fig. 26. The Boss of Tarkondemos.
Fig. 27. The Seal of Shema, Ser-
vant OF Jeroboam.
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 12
Fig. 28. Tell el-Hesy after Exc.wation.
Fig. 29. The Site of the Old Testament Jericho.
Arch-eology and the Bible
Plate IJ
ATION OF CiEZER.
Fig. 31. Remains of a Colonnaded Street at Samaria.
Arch.eologv axd the Bible
Plate 14
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Arch-kology and the Bible
Plate 15
Fig. j4. Israelitish Jericho (after Sellin).
Fig. 35. Israelitish Houses at Jericho (after Sellin).
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 16
Fig. 36. Philistines from the Palace of Ramses III.
Fig. 37. Canaanitish Fortress at Jericho iajlcr ScUin
Arch/eology and the Bible
Plate 17
Fig. 38.— Inscribed Disc from Ph^stos ione-fourth actual size).
Fig. 39. Gebel Fureidis.
Arch.«ology and the Bible
Plate 18
Fig. 40. Bastion for the Protection of an Inserted Tower (afi:
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
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Fig. 41. Remai.ns of Walls of Megiddo {after Schumacher).
Akch^ology and the Bible
Plate 19
Fig. 42. Walls of Buildings at Samaria (.after Reisner).
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Fig. 43. Specimens of Stone-Work at
Gezer (after Maratisler).
Fig. 44. BmLDiNG-BRicKS from Gezer
(after Macalister).
By permission oj Palestine Exploration Funi. By permission of Palestine Exploration Funl.
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 20
Arcileologv and the Bible
Plate 21
Fig. 47. Israelitish Houses at Gezer.
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 48. Specimens of Mosaic Floors lafter Maratistcr).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 22
Fig. 49. A Doorway at Gezer {after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 50. Door-Sockets from Gezer iafler Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
A:iCH.EOLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 23
Fig. 52. Foun-dation of nn; I'm \i r. of Omri, Samaria (after Rcisi!er\
Fig. 53. Hebrew Palace at Megiddo {after Schumacher)
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 24
Fig. 54. Plan of the Maccab^an Castle at Gezer {after Macalislcr).
?y permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 55. Stone-Work of the IMaccab^an Castle {after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 56. A Foundation-Deposit, Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 25
Fig. 58. The South Gate at Gezer {after
Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Funi.
Fig. 59. The South Gate at Beth-
SHEMESH (after Mackenzie'^.
permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arch.^ology axd the Bible
Plate 26
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Fig. 60. Evi xv i i
By permission of Palestine Ex
ploration Fund.
Ai Ckzer (after Macalister).
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Fig. 61. — The North Gate at Gezer (afler Macalister).
permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
ASCELEOLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 27
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 28
1 . Cmuds longiludinale. Sur I axe. 'du tutvzeL fsecUon ■.^xterier-c:
Fig. 63. Plan of TJntjerground Tunnel at (Iibeon iafler Abel).
Fig. 64. One of Solomon's Pools.
Aech.^ology and the Bible
Plate 29
Fig. 65 Post of City Gate, Samaria (ajlcr Renner)
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Fig. 66. Pakt of City Wall and Gate. Samaria {after Reisn
Archaeology a\d the Bible
Plate 30
Fig. 69. Roman Road North of Amm.an.
Arch.^ology and the Bible
Plate 31
Fig. 70. A Gran.^ry at Gezer {after Macdister
B\> pen;:i<:sion of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 72 Plan of a Granary at Gezer {after
Macalister).
Fig. 71. Some Roman Mile-Stones. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arch.eology and thk Bible
Plate 32
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Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 33
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Archaeology axd the Bible
Plate 34
Fig. 82, A Rotary-Quern (after
Macalister).
Fig. ?:i. A Mortar and Pestle (after
Macalister).
Bv permission of Palestine Exploration Fun I. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 84. Ivvo Women Gkinuing at a Mil:, yajlci iiJiiundihc
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 35
Fig. 85 Ax Ancient Olive-Press (after Macalisler).
permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 86. A Modern Olive-Press (aj'ter Matalisler).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 36
Fig. 87. .-^ Wine Vat [after Macalister)
Bv permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
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Fig. 88. An Oltve-Prf.rs at Work {after Macalister).
permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Akch.^ology and the Bible
Plate 37
Fig. 89. Cows' Horns from Gezer (after Matalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 90. Animals' Heads from Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 91. A Horse's Bit from Gezer
(after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 92. Drawings of Horses from
Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arch-eologv and the Bible
Plate 38
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Fig. 93. A Clay Bird from Gezer iajler Macalister).
permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
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Fi(. 94 A ( ocK FROM M\Kis',A [ullei Pel
and llnersch)
By permission oj Palestine Exploration Fund.
iy permission oj Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arch-eology and the Bible
Plate 39
Fig 90 i-iLL-^t-mn^ }ARi {after Macalister). Fig. 97. PRE-SEiimc Pottery (after
Macahsler).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 98. Four Pitchers from the First Semitic Stratum (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 99. Three Pitchers from the First Fig. 100. A J.ar from the First Semitic
Semitic Stratum (after Macalister). Stratum (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fun-I.
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 40
Fig. 101. Jugs from the Secon-d Semitic Stratum {after Macalister)
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig 102. A Jug from the SEco>fD Semitic Str.\tum Fig. 10,^. A J.^r from the Sec-
(aiter Macalister). on:) Si.mitic Str-ATUM {ajler
Macalister \.
Py f-ermi-:sion of Palestine Exploration Fun I. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 41
Archaeology axd the IJible
Plate 42
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Archeology and the Bible
Plate 43
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iKCH^OLOGV AND THE BiBLE
Plate 44
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Archeology and the Bible
Plate 45
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Arch.^oloc.y axd Tin: Bible
Plate 46
Fig. 12,v Hellenistic Stra
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fun I.
Fig. 12+. Rom.an Pots from Gezer {after Macatister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 125. Hellenistic Jar from Gezer
(after Macnlister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fun I.
r
Fig. 126. .A Lamp of the First Semitic
Period. Megiddo (after Schumacher).
Arch.icology and the Bible
Plate 47
Fig. 127. Lamps from thf. Skconh
By permission oj Palestine Exploration Fund.
Lamps from the Israelitish PERtOD,
Gezer {after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 129. A Byzantine
Lamp from Jericho {after
Sellin).
<i>(ocxY<i»eNmciN
<}>U/(XYimeV(HMOY
eiOONAQSOoVI^H
Fig. 130. A Lamp bearing a Christian Legend {after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 48
Fio. \M. Hellenistic Lamps from Gezer lafler Macatisler).
permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 132. Hebrew Lamps from Jericho iajter Sellin).
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 49
Fig. 133. Ovexs found at Gezer (after Macatisler).
By permission of PalesHne Exploration Fund.
Fig. 135. Bronze Dishes from Gezer (after
Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 134. A B.\king-Tray FROii Gezer (aftei
Macalister).
Fig. 136. Shell Spoons from Gezer {after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine E.vploration Fund.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 50
Fig. 137. Silver Dishes from a Philistine Grave at Gezer
By permi^^inn of Pnle^ti'w Exploration Fun '.
Fk;. 138. Glass Ointme.vt Vessels from Gezer (ailer Macalisler).
By permission oj Palestine Exploration Fund.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 51
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 52
Fig. 143. Bone Needles from Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
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fe A^
Fig. 141 Modern Woman Spinni
By permission of Mrs. Grant Williams.
Fig. 14,i. Spindle Whorls from Gezer
[after Macalister).
y permission of Palestine E.xploraliun Fund.
Fig. 146. A Large Key from Gezer (after Macalister).
< permission of Palestine Exploration Fun I.
Fig. 147. A Smaller
Key from Gezer (after
Macalister).
By permission of Palestine
Exploration Funi.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 53
Fig. 148. Lamp Stantis from Megiddo {after Schumacher).
Fig. 149. Flint Knives from Jericho (after Sellin).
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 54
AKCH.i;OLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 55
Fio. 152. A Chisel from Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 153. A File from
CiEZER (after Macalister).
Bv permission of Palestine Exploration
Fund.
Fig. 154. A Cone of Flint for making K»nvES, Gezer
(after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 157. A Bone Awl-Handle from Gezer (after
Macalister).
Bv permission of Palestine Exploration Funi.
Fig. 155. A Bronze Hammer-
head, Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Explora-
tion Fund.
Fig. 156. A Fish-Hook, Gezer
(after Macalister).
By permi^^ion of Palestine Explora-
tion Fund.
Fig. 158. Wiu-rs
Fig. 159. Nails from Gezer (after
Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Explora-
tion Fund.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 56
ARCH.EOLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 57
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 58
Archeology and thk Bible
Plate 59
Fig. 168. A Pipe from Gezer (after Macalisler)
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 169. An Egyptian Harp (after Baupt).
Fig. 173. Jewish Harps on Coins of Bar Cocheba,
132-135 A. D. (after Madden).
Fig. 174. Assyrian DDirnrER
(after Ilaupt).
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 60
Fig. 175. Seals from Gezer
[after Mataltsler)
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 176. A Comb from Gezer (after
Macali-iter)
By permission of Palestine fLxploralion Fund.
Fig. 178. Styli from Gezer ((j//er J/aca/ii<er). Fig. 179. Children's Rattles from
Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund, By permission of Palestine Exploration Furtd.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 61
Fig. 180. A Perfume-Box, Gezer (afler Fig. 181. A Necklace from Gezer (after
Macalister). Maeahsler).
By permission oj Palestine Exploration Fund. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 182. Bracelets from Gezer iafte
Macalister).
Fig. 183. Spatula from Gezer (after
Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 184. Rings from Gezer (afler Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 62
Fig. 185. Supposed Hkbrrw Measukks h<om Jeklsalem (ajter Cenncr-Durand).
ARCH.i:OLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 63
Fig. 186. A Neseph Weight.
Fig. 187. A Payim Weight belonging
TO Haverford College.
Fig. 188. A Beqa Weight (after Torrey).
Fig. 189. A "Daric" of
Darius (after Benzinser).
Fig. 190. A Tetradrachma of Alexander the Great (after Benzinger).
Fig. 191. A Coin of Ptolemy Lagi (after Benzinger).
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 64
Fig. 192. Half-Shekel of Simon the Maccabee Fig. 193. A Coin of John Hyrcanus
(after Benzinger). (ajter Madden).
Fig. 194. Tetradrachma of I.ysimachus.
Fig. 195. A Coin of
Augustus.
Fig. 200. A Coin of Herod Agrippa I. Fio. 201. A Shekel of the Revolt of a. d. 70.
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 65
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Fig. 202. Cave-Dwellfrs' Place of Sacrifice. Gezer (afler Macalisler).
By permiss'on of Palestine Exploration Funi.
Fig ''0? Plan of Caves at Semitic High Fig. 204. "Pillars" of the High Place at
Place. Gezer {after Macalister). Gezer.
Bv permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arch.4:ologv and the Bible
Plate 66
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Fig. 205. Rock-Altar at MEcmDo (after Schumacher).
Fig. 206. The "Beth-el" of Gfzer (after Fig. 207. The Supposed Serpent-Pen at
Macalister). Gezer (after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund. By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 67
Fig. 208. The Rock-Alt.-vr .-vt Jerusalem Rafter Dalman).
Fio. 2()y TutLwtK
permissinn of Palesline Exploration t und
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 68
ARCHiEOLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 69
r^
Fig. 212. High Place .at Tell es-Sati (.after Bliss and Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration fund.
Fig. 213. Libation Bowl from Taanach
(alter Selliny
Fig. 214. An Astarte Plaque from
Gezer [after Macalister).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 70
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Fig. 215. Plan of the High Place at Petra (afler Briinnovi).
Fig. 216. Plan of Herod's Temple at Samaria (after Lyon).
Arch.eology and the Bible
Plate 71
d^
Fig. 217. The Altar at Pltra (ajler BiUnnow).
Fig. 219. Supposed "Pillars" at Petra {after Brunnnv).
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 72
ARCH.EOLOGY AND THE BiBLE
Plate 73
Fig. 222. "Pillars" of a Supposed Temple. Gezer {after Macaliskr)
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. Hi. Chapel of thf, 1
(alter Sfhiimailu'
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 74
Fig. 224. Voluted Capital (probably PhilistiiNe) from Megiddo (after Schumacher).
Fig. 225. Incense-Blrner from Megiddo {after Schumacher).
Arch,9;ology and the Bible
Plate 75
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Archeology a\d the Bible
Plate 76
Fig. 2il. Enikance to the Tomb of the Judges.
Arch.^-ology and the Bible
Plate 77
Fig. 232. A Sunken-Door 'I omb (cjter Mill. u. Xaih d Deiihih P,ihsli,w-Vereins).
Fig. 233. Kokim in the Tomb of the Judges.
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 78
Fig. 234. Plan of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa {ajter Peters and Thiersch).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
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Fig. 2.S5. A C
I OF THE Tomb of the Judges.
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 79
Tomb I-ThroiiE^ A D E*. looking
Fig. 236. Architectural Decoration of a Helleotstic Tomb at Marissa (after Peters and
Thiersch).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fiini.
Fig. 237. Plan of the U
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 80
Fig. 238. A Tomb wini .\ R
T Beit Jibrix {after Moulton).
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Fig. 239. Interior of a HELLEhnsTic Tomb at Marissa (after Peters and Thiersch).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arcileologv and the Bible
Plate 81
raonuiH JO AauBA
Arch.«ology and the Bible
Plate 82
Fig. 241. Undercrouito Jebusite Tunnel at GraON, Jerusalem iajter Vincent).
Fig. 2 42. Maudsley's Scarp, Jerusalem.
Arcil5;ology and the Bible
Plate 83
Fig. 244. PHffi.viciAN QuaRRV-Marks. Jercsale-m 'afler Warten).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 84
Fig. 245. Shaft at the Southeast Corner of the Temple Area (after Warren).
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Fig. 246. Examining Ancient Walls in an Underground Tunnel (after War
By permission of Palestine Exploration Fund.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 85
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ArchtEOLogy and the Bible
Plate 86
Fig. 249. Plan of Solomon's Temple [ajler Stade).
Fig. 250. The Seven-branched Lamp-Stand from the Arch of Titus.
Arceleology and the Bible
Plate 87
Fig. 251. The Brazen Laver of Solomon's Temple (after Stade).
Fig. 252. A Portable Laver of Solomon's Temple {after Stade).
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 89
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Fig. 255. RicsroR.'
It 'r\ROPii:oN \allev {after Ilaiia
Fig. 256. Front of "David's Tower" (Herod's Pal.ace) Today {after Breen).
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 90
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Flo 2S7. Reconstruction of Herod's Temple {after Caldecotl).
Fig. 258. "Solomon's Stables.'
ArchvEOLOgy and the Bible
Plate 91
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 92
iG. 262. "Gordon's Calvary," from the City Wall [after Breen).
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 93
Fii.. 263. OuTsroE OF "Gordon's Holy Sepulcher" (after Breen)
Fig. 264. Instoe of "Gordon's Holy Sepulcher" (after Breen).
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 94
Fig. 265. The Bar-^da (Abana), Damascus.
Fig. 266. The Street Called Straight, Damascus.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 95
Fig. 267. P.al,ace at Kanatha [after Brunnow).
Fig. 268. Circular Forum a!«) Colonnaded Street, Gerasa.
Arch-eology and the Bible
Plate 96
Fig. 269. Temple of the Sun, Gerasa.
Fig. 270. Site of Kabbah A\
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 97
Fig. 271. Theater at Amman (Palestinian Philadelphia).
Fig. 272. Roman Forim at Athens.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 98
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Fig. 27,^. Mars' Hill, Athens.
Fig. 274. Fountain in the Agora, Corinth.
Archaeology and the Bible
Tl-^ie 99
2wa]7Ct)7^ 'E;S/)[atW.
Fig. 275. Lintel of Jewish Synagogue. Corinth {after Richardson).
Lech^um Road, Corixth {after Richardson).
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 100
Fig. 277. Parthenon, Athf.ns, from the East.
Fig. 278. Main Street .\t Ephesus,
Arcbleology and the Bible
Plate 101
Fig. 279. Site of the Te.m
Ephesus. I.N 1902
Fig. 280. The The.^ter. Ephesus.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 102
Fig. 281. The Amphitheater, Ephesus.
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 103
Fio 28? PiR^,\\\\\i (iitler R.i»i^a\)
Fig. 284. The Acropolis and partly Excavated Templl;.
Aroleology and the Bible
Plate 104
Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 105
Fig. 286. A Christi.^n Church at Sardis [after Butler).
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Fio. 287. Smyrna uj'Vfr Rjk
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 106
Fig. 288. A Ruin at L.aodice.a (after Ramsay).
Fig. 289. A Bridge over the Jord.an on the Line of .\ Roman Road.
Archeology and the Bible
Plate 107
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Archaeology and the Bible
Plate 108
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Fig. 294. A Tablet from Nippur, Re- Fig. 295. Top of the Black Obelisk of
lATING THE BEGINNINGS OF IRRIGATION AND ShALMANESER.
Agriculture {afler Langdon).
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Fig. 29o. Jriu uk Israel Doing Homage to Sh.alm.\
Arcileology and the Bible
Plate 109
Fig. 297. The Siloam Inscription.
Fig. 298. Sennacherib Receiving Tribute at Lachish {ajter Ball).
Arch.^ology and thk Bible
Plate 110
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Arch.*:ology and the Bible
Plate 111
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Archeology axd the Bible
Plate 112
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Arch.eology and the Bible
Tlate 113
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Arch/eology and the Bible
Plate 114
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